Saturday, August 24, 2013

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Thousands of Farmers Left Destitute After Eviction From Dam Site

Posted: 24 Aug 2013 04:49 AM PDT

A villager walks her son to school at a barren relocation
site in the hills around the Paunglaung Valley, where thousands of
farmers were forced to resettle. Click on the box below to see more
photos. (Photo: Alec Scott / The Irrawaddy)

PAUNGLAUNG VALLEY, Shan State — Since January, approximately 8,000 residents in central Burma have been forcibly displaced from their homes and farmland to make way for the Upper Paunglaung Dam, a massive hydropower project being developed by a consortium of Chinese, British and Swiss firms in cooperation with the Burmese government.

The evicted villagers of the Paunglaung Valley, who mostly belong to ethnic minorities, have been forced by authorities to resettle on barren hillside sites above the valley. Many said they had received little compensation for their loss of land and homes.

"In the beginning [before displacement] we just asked the Hydropower Department to replace the land we've lost. But they have not. They should listen to the local people, the farmers. They should replace the land and houses that we have lost," said Teh Ley, a member of Htin Ba Gone village, now displaced in Meli.

At the Meli relocation site, evicted residents from six different villages have been thrust together, separated from their ancestral communities and farmland by the chaos of the resettlement process and a lack of available land.

Though the farmers, who are ethnic Karenni, Pa-Oh and Burman, are still able to access their riverside crops until the flood gates close, a date informally set for June 2014, the displacements have already had a drastic impact on local livelihoods and the social fabric of valley communities.

Kyaw Myint, the chairman of Kanhla, a Karenni village located in the middle of the dam's flood zone, expressed his frustration: "This compensation, which is supposed to cover moving our homes, the loss of our farmlands, our paddy fields and plants, this is not enough! Not enough to build a house, to cultivate farmland. This is very expensive farmland."

The Paunglaung Valley is a roughly 23-km (14-mile) stretch of fertile land cradled in the rugged, sparsely populated Pinlaung Hills of southwestern Shan State. The Paunglaung River flows through these hills as it winds west across the Shan Plateau before joining the Sittaung, one of Burma's major rivers, in the plains east of Pyinmana.

On the river's journey between the steep ravines of the plateau, the Paunglaung Valley cleaves open the mountainous landscape revealing a 5,000-acre (2,000-hectare) stretch of fertile riverside farmland that for centuries has been home to an ethnically diverse agricultural community now numbering roughly 8,000 people.

Construction of the Upper Paunglaung Dam on the river here has been ongoing since 2004, with power from its two 70-megawatt turbines scheduled for Burma's capital Naypiydaw, located some 50 kilometers away, by 2015.

The project is being constructed with the support of AF-Colenco, a Swiss engineering giant, and Malcolm Dunstan Co. Ltd, a UK consulting firm specializing in roller-compacted concrete dams. China's Yunnan Machinery and Export Company has agreed to provide machinery and equipment for dam.

Malcolm Dunstan has received heavy criticism in the past for its involvement in the highly controversial Ta Sang Dam and the Yeywa Dam in Shan State.

However, the firm continues to operate in the country, where a lack of environmental laws or sound institutional framework regarding investment projects means there are no safeguards to mitigate or prevent the heavy social and environmental impacts that hydropower projects often have.

Burma's National Commission on Environmental Affairs, the main body tasked with environmental protection, has only drafted two environmental laws in the space of two decades, both of which are still awaiting government approval.

Although many Western nations, including the 28 countries of the European Union, have opted to suspend sanctions in light of recent political changes in Burma, projects such as the Upper Paunglaung Dam indicate that Naypyidaw continues to implement large-scale investments without much regard for the heavy social impact on rural, ethnic populations.

The Upper Panglaung project has suffered numerous delays since its start in 2004 and is scheduled to come online seven years later than expected. Throughout this lengthy construction process, local residents have been excluded from decision-making and left devoid of consultations or information regarding the impacts of the dam.

Starting in October 2012, families from the 23 villages in the flood zone were told that they had to vacate their land and move to the hillsides above the valley. A few months later, in early 2013, the No. 1 Hydro Implementation Department began forcing villagers to sign away their land and relocate.

The speed at which villagers have since been forced to relocate, along with the lack of arable land and potable water at relocation sites and the absence of basic infrastructure and government facilities, is now threatening the survival of resettled communities.

The government's Department of Hydropower Implementation (DHPI), under Deputy Director General Thaung Han, is in charge of the Upper Paunglaung project as well as the relocation of valley residents.

According to the Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY), a Karenni community-based organization that has been following developments at the site, agreements were reached between the riparian communities and officials from DHPI who promised that six months' advance warning would be given to villagers before they had to relocate.

This agreement was reneged on early this year when government officials began applying increasing pressure on villagers to vacate their land.

KNGY Chairman Khun Bedu lamented the DHPI's inability to hold true to its agreement. "They said they would give them time to move, but they didn't. They said they would give them compensation before they moved, but they didn't," he said.

Thaung Han and other officials under Naypyidaw's No. 1 Ministry of Electric Power are alleged by villagers to have threatened those refusing to relocate with retaliation by the armed forces.

"We were warned that unless we moved to another place, we wouldn't receive any compensation and we would be moved by force, empty-handed," explained representatives of Kanhla village, who preferred not to be named in fear of retribution by authorities.

Bereft of consultation or meaningful participation in the hydro dam's construction, local communities of the Paunglaung Valley have been marginalized from the benefits of this multi-million dollar project and now face a potential food crisis.

"Food is more important than electricity. We cannot rely on electricity for our livelihoods. We can stand on our own two feet as farmers, but without farms we cannot," said Zaw Lin, secretary of the village of Kon Shinhi.

Officials from the Hydropower Department have made a host of promises to villagers regarding new infrastructure, such as roads and schools. Although conditions vary at the relocation sites, all are without adequate farmland and in the coming seasons many residents will face food insecurity.

In the village of Meli, authorities have built a new school but there are no teachers, and at other sites many are provided with small quantities of water unfit for consumption.

Only some winding dirt tracks connect the numerous resettlement sites scattered for miles across the hillside. After weeks of monsoon rains, many sections of road have eroded, leaving students cut off from schools, farmers without access to markets, and communities unable to communicate.

In January, Thaung Han told Burmese media that communities resettled from the Paunglaung Valley would benefit from "development" and "better living conditions" in the new mountainside villages.

Asked what he thought of the government's claims, Karenni villager Kyaw Myint replied, "The government said they are bringing us development life style, but how can we develop if we can't eat, if we don't have time to sow crops?"

Alec Scott is an intern who is conducting research for the Burma Campaign UK.

In Burma’s Peace Process, a Need for Trust

Posted: 24 Aug 2013 04:06 AM PDT

Even if things don't look perfect, the path toward peace and self-determination for all the peoples of Burma through a negotiation process is certainly preferable to an ongoing armed conflict.  Of course, those involved in the peace process are not expected to be angels or saint-like figures. But for the process to bear fruit, all parties must at least be trustworthy partners for peace in the long-term interests of the country.

When leaders of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) negotiated a ceasefire agreement 20 years ago with the then-military intelligence chief, Khin Nyunt, of the previous military government, they must have certainly believed they were making a strategic decision. But the military government was not a trustworthy partner. The result that followed, as we know, was irreversible, and the ethnic Kachin people are still suffering to this day, as clashes continue to break out in the northern state.

Regardless of how willing we are to negotiate, every time we cut a deal with a government that does not value trust, ethnic nationalities in particular stand to endure negative consequences for generations to come. Ethnic nationalities have already suffered through decades of ruthless subjugation by the Burmese military, whose dominant presence is still obvious in all ethnic regions today. In the current peace process, then, the nominally civilian government should bear the burden of proof—demonstrating that it is indeed trustworthy, even though ex-generals remain in power.

Trust is not a prerequisite to start the talks. However, given this historical experience, it is deceitful to downplay the need for trustworthy partners in Burma's peace negotiation process, and it is outright insidious to argue that those who insist on trustworthy partners are less strategic. In fact, ethnic nationalities should ask themselves the following questions: How can we create a trustworthy peace process if the leading participants do not value trust? What possible benefit might a negotiated political settlement hold if the government cannot be held accountable to keep its promise?

To sustain the current peace process, the government must ensure that it has support from the powerful military. People need to believe that the military will follow through on agreements made by the government as part of a political settlement. Any peace agreement signed without full backing from military will be difficult, if not impossible, to implement. Even during the ceasefire stage, the Burmese military needs to reduce its troops in ethnic regions to diminish the impression that ethnic people are considered their enemies. It seems that the government has thus far failed to prove that the military is on board with the peace process.

By the same token, the leaders of ethnic organizations need full support from their respective armed forces as they negotiate with the government. Local communities and soldiers need to sufficiently trust that their political leaders will negotiate in good faith with Naypyidaw. They need to believe that their leaders will not be duped or simply follow the wishes of the central government.

While we must recognize the importance of an effective relationship between negotiation teams, armed ethnic organizations can lose credibility and political effectiveness in their communities if they are perceived as cozying up to the government. In turn, leaders may lose trust in the very communities whose interests they claim to represent.

In every step of the negotiation process, trust is a sensitive issue and a necessary ingredient. If and only if participants trust that their counterparts are working collaboratively—and for the collective interests of their people and the country—will they be able to move forward and eventually achieve peace.

Saw Kapi directs the Salween Institute for Public Policy (www.salweeninstitute.org). He can be reached at sawkapi@gmail.com.

Remembering a Painter of Burmese Heroes

Posted: 23 Aug 2013 10:32 PM PDT

An untitled painting by Burmese artist Myeik Winn Htain is seen at Professional Art Gallery in Rangoon in August. Myeik Winn Htain, who passed away on Aug. 10, was known for painting soldiers from ancient Burmese battles. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Even though Myeik Winn Htain is best known for his beautiful and delicate sketches in graphic novels of the 1980s and 1990s, he could have just as well established a reputation more recently for his paintings that seemed to bring the fierce soldiers of legendary Burmese battles to life.

The 58-year old retired as a graphic novel artist in 2000 and turned his attention to painting. In 2006, his solo exhibition "Heroes of Burma" made a splash with paintings depicting the epic battles of ancient Burmese history. Last month, he and his wife, the artist Nang, launched a joint art exhibition in Rangoon at the Nawaday Alley Gallery, which is run by Burma's ex-spy chief Khin Nyunt, to show off 58 of their paintings from the past seven years.

"Of all his paintings, the ones from 'Heroes of Burma' are the most successful and very well received," Nang said. "International art collectors grabbed some of the paintings that depicted prominent women in our ancient history."

Aung Soe Min, the co-founder of Pansodan Gallery in Rangoon, said Myeik Winn Htain also sketched comic strips based on the epic battles.

"He taught young people, through his works, to value our history," the gallery founder said.

Myeik Winn Htain succumbed to a brain tumor in early August. In his final months he complained of frequent headaches but remained unaware of the cause of his pain. At the request of his family, his doctors did not reveal to him the serious nature of his tumor, saying it was benign.

"We didn't let him know about it," his wife told The Irrawaddy. "We didn't want to depress someone who was happy working on his paintings most of the day."

Still, he might have been aware of his approaching end. A few months before his death, the artist painted his friends, his teachers and his wife, as well as a self-portrait for himself. He told his wife that the exhibition last month at the ex-spy chief's gallery might be his last.

But he held on, managing to prepare for another show after that in Rangoon, where he asked to say a "last goodbye" to his friends, according to his wife, because he was unsure whether he would ever see them again.

He proved to be a true prophet. On the morning of Aug. 10, he died at his home in Phyu, a small town 115 miles north of Rangoon.

Burma Business Roundup (Aug. 24)

Posted: 23 Aug 2013 09:38 PM PDT

Burma Mobile Network Developer Telenor Names its Partners

One of the two winners of mobile network development licences in Burma, Telenor, has named three other foreign firms it will involve in its plans.

"Telenor confirmed that the company has signed memorandums of understanding with China's equipment maker Huawei, Ericsson of Sweden and India's Wipro," the industry news website Telecom Lead said.

"Formal agreements with these companies will be finalized when Telenor receives its operating licence. The [Burma] government has said that the licences will be issued by the end of September."

Huawei's mobile phone handsets are already on sale in Burma. Ericsson makes wireless network equipment and Wipro specializes in information technology.

"Telenor said that the company could not yet comment on what role the three companies will play in its network development plans," said Telecom Lead.

The other mobile network licence holder is Ooredoo of Qatar.

Thailand's PTTEP Finds More Gas in Burma's Gulf of Martaban

PTTEP of Thailand said it found "quantities of gas" in all four wells it has drilled in its offshore Block M3 in Burmese waters of the Gulf of Martaban.

The drillings "resulted in gas flow rates of approximately 34.5 million standard cubic feet per day (977,000 cubic meters) with associated condensate flow rates of approximately 195 barrels per day for the Aung Sinkha-3 well," PTTEP said in a Bangkok stock exchange statement.

The announcement gave no indication of the size of the discovery but said the firm would "conduct additional drilling of appraisal wells in 2014 for potential development and production."

Earlier this year PTTEP said it hoped to begin commercial production at M3 in 2016.

PTTEP acquired 100 percent operatorship of the M3 and M4 blocks in August 2004 and said then it would initially spend US$23 million on seismic surveys and drillings. It sold a 20 percent share to Mitsui Oil Exploration Company in March this year, but this is still waiting for approval from the Burmese government.

PTTEP holds a number of licences in the Gulf of Martaban, the biggest of which is the Zawtika field, where gas production is expected by the firm to begin at the end of this year.

News about the M3 gas discovery was made after PTTEP had to answer media reports in Burma about its acquisition of two other blocks in the Gulf of Martaban, the M7 and M8.

The Myanmar Times newspaper alleged that former Burma Minister of Energy Than Htay was removed from his job earlier this year over the M7 and M8 licences because of industry complaints that they had not been awarded fairly.

PTTEP said in a statement that its negotiations to acquire the two blocks began in 2010 and were correctly done and did not involve any form of bribery.

Garment Industry Exports Double in Value in First Quarter

Burma's garment makers exported a record volume in the first quarter of this year, almost double in value over the same period of 2012.

Exports for the January-March period were valued at more than US$300 million, said the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, as quoted by Eleven Media.

The biggest buyers were Japan and South Korea, although orders from the European Union are expected to rise following Burma's admission to the EU's trade preferences scheme.

The greatly improved textile industry figure coincides with Burma's overall foreign trade for January-March, growing above $7 billion, which is a 15 percent rise over the first quarter of 2012, according to Ministry of Commerce figures.

Much of the foreign trade volume in the quarter was due to a sharp rise in imports. The overall value for the whole of 2013 could be $5 billion, the ministry said.

Burma is to be helped by a World Trade Organization (WTO) program to gain more access to international trade.

The WTO will include Burma in its enhanced framework scheme, which gives guidance to least-developed countries on trade linked to economic growth.

The aim of the program is to make trade a driver for sustainable development, according to the Ministry of Commerce.

New Bridge Planned to Link Rangoon City with Thilawa Industrial Zone

One of the Japanese companies due to develop the Thilawa special economic zone on the edge of Rangoon has agreed to build a new bridge across the River Pegu to provide a direct link with the city, a report said.

The Itochu Corporation will build the bridge but the exact location across the river, also spelled Bago, has yet to be decided, said Eleven Media, quoting the Ministry of Construction.

Itochu is one of several Japanese firms linked with the Thilawa development. They include Marubeni Corporation, Mitsubishi Corporation and Sumitomo Corporation.

Thilawa, downstream from the old Rangoon port near the river estuary mouth, was originally planned to be 25 percent complete by 2015, but land access problems as well as electricity and water supply shortages have prevented progress.

Thilawa is intended to attract manufacturing and processing businesses and is supposed to provide up to 200,000 jobs.

Mya Hlaing, a spokesman for farmers in the development area, told The Irrawaddy this week that although the project is due to begin next month, the process of land compensation remains unclear.

Japanese Airline to Fly Daily to Rangoon to Meet Demand

Major Japanese airline All Nippon Airways (ANA) will begin operating daily flights between Tokyo and Rangoon from the end of September to meet rising demand from businesspeople and tourists, a business travel magazine said.

ANA at present operates direct flights between the two cities three times per week.

The airline will also introduce bigger aircraft in the route to more than triple the number of passengers per flight. From September, ANA will use Boeing 767s with 202 seats, reported Business Traveller magazine.

"ANA states that it expects strong economic growth from [Burma] in the coming years and, therefore, aims to capitalise on the projected increase in demand," the magazine said.

More than 20 foreign airlines now operate in and out of Burma, but it is mostly Asian airlines that offer direct flights.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Rohingyas continue to be persecuted despite Nasaka disbandment

Posted: 23 Aug 2013 07:55 PM PDT

Burma's ethnic Rohingya continue to face heavy persecution in northern Arakan state, despite the dissolution of a controversial border guard force which had been implicated in mass atrocities against the Muslim community.

According to an independent report seen by DVB on Friday, Rohingyas living in the Muslim-majority Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships near the Bangladeshi border have been "subject to a campaign of mass arrest and renewed restrictions" since a wave of clashes with Buddhists in Arakan state last year.

Although Rohingyas in northern Arakan suffered fewer casualties, less segregation and displacement in the violence compared to those in Buddhist-majority regions, abuses against them are of "significant concern" and a climate of harassment and insecurity persists.

Hundreds of Rohingyas, including children, the elderly and four humanitarian workers, continue to be detained since last year's riots which displaced over 140,000 people across the western state. The vast majority are being held in the notorious Buthidaung prison, where credible reports of "systematic torture" have emerged.

"They have not had access to fair judicial process and many had been tortured before or in jail custody," warned the report. "While some are still awaiting trial, many were convicted with harsh prison sentences."

Earlier this week, Buthidaung court sentenced 43 Rohingya detainees to jail terms ranging from six years to life for their alleged role in the violence. It is also alleged that "several truckloads" of Rohingya inmates, including children, were transferred out of the jail in the days preceding the visit of Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN special Rapporteur, to the area in mid-August. They were reportedly sent back after he left.

This account was confirmed by Shwe Maung, a Rohingya MP from Buthidaung township. "An eyewitness called me before the visit of Mr Quintana and said that about 200 prisoners were moved to Maungdaw and after the visit they were [moved] back," he told DVB on Friday.

Quintana, who wrapped up a 10-day visit to Burma this week, told DVB that concerns about torture in Buthidaung jail were legitimate.

"I can confirm last year during the violence that hundreds of Muslims in detention were subjected to systematic use of torture," he said in an exclusive interview. "These are crimes that the government is obliged to investigate and to hold accountable those who are responsible."

Meanwhile local sources say that the disbanding of the notorious Nasaka border guard force, which was set up in 1992 to patrol the Bangladeshi border, has only brought "modest improvements" and many Rohingyas view the move as simply "old wine in a new bottle".

The report notes that while police officers have reduced their reliance on forced labour and eased some local travel restrictions, the collection of arbitrary taxation has skyrocketed. Rickshaw drivers have reported being forced to pay 100 kyat (US$0.10) each time they pass through police checkpoints outside of Maungdaw.

Shwe Maung adds that Rohingyas are still unable to travel between townships, such as Buthidaung and Maungdaw, and workers without travel permits have been arrested at police checkpoints.

"Even though the Nasaka was disbanded, people are still not allowed to move freely, they cannot go freely to Maungdaw, they cannot go freely to Sittwe. So socio-economically, it is very bad," said Shwe Maung, who represents the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.

After a meeting with Quintana, the Arakan Chief of Police confirmed that anyone found in possession of a Bangladeshi mobile phone or SIM card would be arrested and prosecuted in accordance with existing laws. But he denied that Rohingyas were subject to a two-child limit, as previously affirmed by the Burmese government.

Describing it to a Nasaka "practice", he added that village administrators would now be in charge of issuing marriage permits, which Rohingya couples are required to obtain. Chris Lewa, head of the Arakan project, said that is too early to assess the long-term impact of the Nasaka's dissolution, especially relating to the two-child policy but that marriage restrictions were "unlikely" to change.

She added that the main perpetrator of human rights violations and arbitrary arrests was the army, which is exclusively made up of Buddhists. "Nearly all forced labour is now carried out by the military," said Lewa, who advocates for the rights of Rohingyas.

Locals say there has been a sharp increase in military troops in Maungdaw and Buthidaung, amid news reports that militant pro-Rohingya groups have been active along the border. But Shwe Maung dismissed the reports as "propaganda" intended to stir communal tensions.

President Thein Sein disbanded the Nasaka in mid-July amid heavy international criticisms of its treatment of the Rohingya, who are viewed as illegal Bengali immigrants by the government and denied citizenship in Burma.