Saturday, January 25, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


100-Year-Old Pilot Returns to Burma With War Stories and Sense of Humor

Posted: 24 Jan 2014 09:39 PM PST

Moon Chin, Burma, Myanmar, pilot, Jimmy Doolittle, Tokyo Raid, Doolittle Raid, Myitkyina, centenarian, travel, China, United States World War II

Moon Chin was a pilot for the China National Aviation Corporation (CNAC) in the 1940s. (Photo courtesy of China Exploration & Research Society)

"You have anything fragile?" asked the lady at the airport counter in Kunming. "Yes, right here," I said, pointing at my Chinese-American friend, Moon Chin, behind me. "He is 100 years old and traveling with me to Burma."

The last time Moon Chin was in Burma it was 1946, and at that time he was a pilot. He had visited the country earlier, in 1942, on a rather unusual mission: flying US Air Force Gen. Jimmy Doolittle to safety after the US air raid on Tokyo during World War II.

Indeed, Moon's finest hour was when he flew his C-53 plane, a converted cargo version of a DC-3, over the Hump, the nickname for a huge mountain range of the eastern Himalayas, with Doolittle as passenger. The Hump was a crucial route for the China National Aviation Corporation (CNAC) and the Allied Forces to bring war supplies and equipment into China during the war, but the route was often dangerous, with Japanese fighter planes, high mountain peaks and unpredictably bad weather.

After the surprise air raid on Tokyo, Doolittle crash-landed in China but was in need of a rescue. He was saved by the Chinese and put on the CNAC plane that Moon captained, for a trip from Chongqing to Kunming and over the Hump, with a last stop in India's Calcutta.

On the morning of the flight, the US Embassy informed Doolittle that Myitkyina in northern Burma would fall to the Japanese by 12 pm. When Moon reached northern Burma that afternoon, he was preparing to let down on the runway of the Kachin State capital when Doolittle passed him a note in the cockpit to warn him that the Japanese had taken the town. But as Moon approached he saw another C-47 plane taking off on the runway, on its way to India, so he ignored the general's warning and landed.

Many refugees were walking off the airfield, thinking they had just missed the final plane, when Moon and his crew came roaring in. They stampeded toward him, and when the plane door opened they scrambled inside. As soon as the door closed, Moon put his engines into full throttle and took off.

Doolittle turned to him with grave doubt and reportedly asked, "Do you know how many people you are carrying?" There were only 28 converted seats on board. Moon answered with confidence, "Don't worry, refugees don't weigh very much!" The plane barely lifted into the sky as they reached the end of the runway, but Moon managed to land safely in Calcutta, where immigration officials counted 70 passengers getting off­, more than twice the carrying capacity. When the luggage compartment opened, eight more refugees fell out of it.

Moon's pilot career began in China in 1933, and his list of accomplishments is long. In addition to his evacuation of Doolittle, he was the first to fly across the Karakoram mountain range from Xinjiang to India. He piloted flights for Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese head of state between 1928 and 1949, as well as Chiang Kai-shek's wife Soong Mei-ling, known in the West as Madame Chiang. He also founded two airlines after World War II, including one that still operates in Taiwan today.

Over the years Moon has longed to return to Burma, and as a centenarian he thought he would give it a go. He did not pack as light as he once did: We arrived in Burma with 13 pieces of luggage totaling 125 kilograms and a folding wheelchair, just in case. Also traveling with us was a Burmese doctor, again, just in case. Moon can still walk reasonably well, despite his age; at home he gets on a treadmill every morning for a 2.4 kilometer fast walk, and the cane he carries is more cosmetic than anything, as he often walks ahead of it. Just about all his teeth are original, and his mind is still sharp as a nail.

His memories from the war years have also stuck. While we traveled through Burma he repeated to me many times that Inle Lake was one long lake in the summer but became two lakes during the winter dry season. He should know, having seen it from high up in the air. Curious as he was, and still is, Moon once flew off course to get a look at the famous ruby mine of Mogok from above. The military radioed headquarters and instructions were passed down quickly: "Don't let that guy fly around here again." Moon must have used his plane to "buzz" the mining camp.

Looking at a map of Upper Burma, Moon pointed at the town of Lashio, in Shan State, which still has a sizable Chinese community. "You know, they used to have an airplane factory there, assembling the Loening plane," he told me. He is probably one of very few pilots alive today who has flown such an early airplane, a 1930s amphibian that could land on water, with an open cockpit above the plane and maybe passengers sitting below deck.

"The only time I have slept in a bathtub was in Lashio," Moon recalled with a chuckle. "We flew in with a family evacuating from the fighting, and the couple had a tiny baby with them. There was no hotel and we landed in the evening, as onward there was no landing light in Calcutta, so we were stuck. I had a room but decided to give it up to the family, and I myself ended up sleeping inside the bathroom tub." A very considerate captain, Moon was, indeed.

"In those days we pilots wore side arms—pistols, that is. Mine was given to me by Dai Li, the KMT intelligence chief," Moon said, referring to the man who led the Kuomintang secret service in China. Dai was known for singling out, tracking down and ordering the assassination of alleged traitors who collaborated with the Japanese. "When we went to restaurants or bars they would take away our guns at the entrance, just in case we had a drink too many and went a bit crazy," Moon qualified with a laugh.

During our travels through Burma, Moon was struck by similarities from his last visit. "Seventy years ago, it was just the same," he said, pointing at a bullock cart. A matted canopy of the cart was labeled "taxi." "Hey, it has a twin engine," he added with a smile. The cart was pulled by two oxen.

How Man Wong is president and founder of the China Exploration & Research Society (CERS). He is a journalist and explorer from Hong Kong with an interest in aviation history and contemporary war history of Asia.

The post 100-Year-Old Pilot Returns to Burma With War Stories and Sense of Humor appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Connect with Linkage

Posted: 24 Jan 2014 07:11 PM PST

Art is on display at Linkage in downtown Yangon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

YANGON — If you're looking for a place to satisfy your appetite, relax with friends and do the world some good, Linkage, in the heart of Yangon, is all of the above. Located on Mahabandoola Garden Street, it's not especially easy to find, but once you do, it could become your go-to downtown destination for lunch or dinner.

The food is a kind of nouveau fusion, with Myanmar, Thai, Chinese and European elements all in the mix, plus some more traditional offerings, over a dozen interesting salads, and a satisfying range of curries and seafood and pasta dishes. Of course, they have that mainstay of most local menus, chicken curry, but if you want something more "exotic" (by Myanmar standards) you can also get Thai tom yum, stew or fish and chips.

Among my many favorites are the vegetable soup with ginger and the grilled eggplant salad. The splendidly succulent red snapper with spinach made an excellent meal for two, and the marinated and grilled prawns also looked sensational.

Linkage's cozy, calm ambience is conducive to good conversation, and if you're lucky, you'll score the romantic table on the breezy balcony. Dynamic art exhibitions on the cheery yellow walls add to the fun, stimulating food for thought as well.

Open since August 2011, Linkage is consistently good and clean. Chef Ko Ye, 38, has 10 years' experience and has been with Linkage for a year. Both he and his keen assistant, Ko Than Htat, 19, come from Ayeyarwady Region.

Established by Forever, a Yangon-based NGO founded in 2010, Linkage is at heart a vocational training center, an income-generation project and a shelter for street children. It encourages youth empowerment through non-formal education and professional skills development. By providing opportunities for self-help, it aims to improve living standards and fight poverty.

So the catch is finding the place. Knowing the address is 221 Mahabandoola Garden Road, Upper Block, may not be enough. There's no sign, but look up for the SNA Art Gallery and you'll know you're close. Just head upstairs and you're there.

Tasty food, a relaxed, arty atmosphere and a solid social justice foundation—that's Linkage. Do yourself and this country a favor by dining there today. You'll savor the experience and more than likely become a dedicated link.

Linkage is open daily from 10 am to 10 pm. Group bookings welcome; outside catering also available. Tel: 09-430 52916, 09-49583618. Email: forever.hu.dev@gmail.com

The post Connect with Linkage appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Recalculating Myanmar and Thailand

Posted: 24 Jan 2014 06:27 PM PST

WASHINGTON — Thailand's future had long been considered both stable and optimistic. In spite of the numerous coups since the abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932 and the continuing unrest in the Muslim south, the social and hierarchical order of Thai society has until recently been maintained, and economic development has markedly progressed.

The profound current social and political upheaval that is now evident in that state, however—exemplified by the color-coded red and yellow factions and the military, coupled with the problems associated with the future of the palace—is now a cause for great concern. Whatever one's definition of democracy, the political prospects of the Thai state are in question. The gaps between the people and the middle and upper classes, together with the military establishment and the palace, have sporadically spilled into the streets for almost a decade.

Myanmar, in contrast to Thailand, has long been on the minus side of any political or economic equation. For half a century, economic autarky and decline, authoritarian rule directly or indirectly by the military, minority insurrections, arbitrary and ineffective leadership, and international isolation have sapped whatever strength that multicultural society had on independence. Any bets on the future of either state would have been heavily, indeed overwhelmingly, weighted in favor of Thailand; the odds against Myanmar would have been astronomical. And so they were—until recently. Developments in both states have altered the odds.

Events in Thailand and Myanmar should cause cautious recalibration of such assessments. Such reconsiderations are not simply based on the major and widespread reforms carried out since 2011 by the government of President U Thein Sein. Although these positive changes grow ever less fragile as they are continuously implemented, a number of fundamental issues still need attention. Massive problems with the minorities and virulent anti-Muslim prejudice persist, and conceptions of democracy are still as rudimentary as they are among segments of the Thai elite. Myanmar's democracy is still far from complete.

More basic are the social differences between the two states in spite of their shared Buddhist heritages. The majority Burman society is far more egalitarian. Observers may comment on the ubiquitous role of the military in Myanmar, compared to Thailand, and its past control over all avenues of social mobility in that society. This is a situation unique in the history of the region, and is reflected in cabinet appointments when both regimes were militarily controlled. In Myanmar about 95 percent of such positions were given to the military, whereas in Thailand only 25 percent went to military officers. But the essential difference between the two states lies in the social hierarchy. Thailand has been and remains essentially hierarchical and events of the past decade or so have illustrated that this structure has started to become politically undone.

Myanmar is quite different. The majority Burman areas of Myanmar had become perhaps the most mobile of societies in Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era. The reintroduction of the monarchy was never seriously considered on independence, and a hereditary royal elite was not perpetuated. Civilian and later military elites in Myanmar have sprung from the people, and social classes among Burmans became far more permeable and fluid than in Thailand. Since for some 50 years the private sector in Myanmar was abhorred under a socialist economy, keeping economic class distinctions in check was not until recently an issue, although it is likely to be exacerbated over time.

How Thailand will resolve its present crisis is unclear. And the future role of the monarchy is a matter of some question. Years ago it was possible to write that Myanmar would have been better off with a monarch who by his very presence and prestige could adjudicate political squabbling and rivalries—as when two disputatious Thai military leaders had to sit on the floor while His Majesty, in a chair, essentially told them to get their acts together. Those days are, perhaps, over in Thailand but that such a hierarchy has not existed in modern independent Myanmar may be a long-term advantage even if had been a shorter-term detriment to political stability. Although military-civilian mistrust in Myanmar is evident among Burmans, class cleavages are minimal in comparison with Thailand.

The reintegration of military and civilian strands of at least Burman society is far more likely over time and also more easily accomplished than the equivalent in Thailand. The Myanmar military was, so they say, once taught, "This uniform comes from the people. This gun comes from the people…" The present armed forces may have forgotten that dictum in their thrust for power, prestige, and privilege, resulting in their isolation from much of the populace, but they will be more easily be reconciled with the newly emerging civilian elite than in the more socially disparate Thailand, with its far more rigid class structure.

Myanmar must deal fairly and effectively with its minorities, integrating them into a nationhood without cultural assimilation. Then, the social future of Myanmar would indeed look bright. Observers would be wise to keep their minds open to the potentials of these two contiguous states. Too often we have taken the past as predicting the future.

David I Steinberg is Visiting Scholar at SAIS, Johns Hopkins University and Distinguished Professor of Asian Studies Emeritus, Georgetown University.

This article will also appear in the February 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy.

The post Recalculating Myanmar and Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 25, 2014)

Posted: 24 Jan 2014 06:10 PM PST

Burmese Workers in Thailand Win Landmark Rights Agreement

A group of Burmese workers at a major fish processing factory in Thailand have successfully negotiated pay and employment rights which could become a model for the huge migrant worker sector, said the International Labor Rights Forum (ILRF).

The Thai shrimp canning industry based around Samut Sakhorn, south of Bangkok, employs large numbers of Burmese, but many are facing wage cuts or being fired because of a disease which is decimating shrimping farms.

With the support of the ILRF and the Migrant Workers Rights Network, a worker group has negotiated with their employers in the first cooperation of its kind in the tough industry, said ILRF representative Abby Mills in a statement.

"Workers agreed to an additional day off and a monthly support payment that makes up for about 50% of the lost wages. No worker will be fired," Mills said.

"The most significant outcome, however, was that a labor committee would have official standing within the factory and be composed of representatives the workers select themselves.

"This is an outstanding model for the industry, and one that should be followed by others," Mills said.

The shrimp processing company which reached the agreement has not been named.

Fish Stock Shortages Trim $76M Off Export Earnings

Declining fish stocks in seas around Burma's coastline are blamed for a slump in the fishing industry's earnings from exports.

Export revenue fell by US$76 million to a total $414 million between April 2013 and this month, said the Ministry of Livestock, Fisheries and Rural Development.

The period saw a decline in export volume of almost 20,000 metric tons.

In the same period of the 2012-2013 financial year, fish exports totaled 270,000 metric tons, bringing in revenue of $490 million, ministry figures quoted by Eleven Media showed.

The overall value of fish exports for the full 2012-13 year reached $650 million and the industry had been targeting revenue for this year of $700 million.

The target for this year has now been revised down to $500 million.

Financial Framework Needs Expanding to help Economy, Says IMF

Burma needs to develop more independent financial institutions in order to main economic growth, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) said.

"I think the government's decision last year to establish an autonomous central bank is a very important one. [Burma] needs to build more institutions to manage its economy [and] the central bank is crucial to that," IMF spokesman Matt Davies was quoting by Eleven Media as saying this week.

The central bank needs full budgetary autonomy and a strengthened market framework to implement effective monetary policy, he said.

The bank became free of the direct influence of the Ministry of Finance in July last year and is scheduled to become fully autonomous in July this year.

Meanwhile, media reports said foreign banks are still on schedule to open and operate full service branches sometime this year.

"Drafting of regulations to govern such operations is underway with the help of World Bank and IMF," the Chinese news agency Xinhua said. "Meanwhile, private banks have been granted permission to run money changers for official trading of three foreign currencies, the U.S. dollar, Singapore dollar and euro."

More than 20 foreign banks have so far opened representative offices with limited activity in Rangoon, the financial capital.

China Border to Become New Tourist Crossing as Visits Top 2 Million

With the number of tourist visits to Burma officially topping 2 million in 2013 the government said it is planning to declare another border crossing as a visitor entry point.

Muse on the Shan State border with China will soon be upgraded as a tourism entry and exit point, Immigration Minister Khin Yi told an industry conference in Rangoon.
"Last year [Burma] fully opened four checkpoints on the Burma-Thai border, namely Tachileik-Mae Sai, Myawaddy-Mae Sot, Tiki-Sunarong and Kawthoung-Ranong," said regional travel trade magazine TTR Weekly.

"[Burma] has 16 border checkpoints with neighbouring countries, but most of them offer limited access."

The Minister of Hotels and Tourism, Htay Aung, told TTR Weekly on Jan. 21 that Burma received 2.04 million visitors in 2013, up from slightly more than 1 million in 2012. Data showed 900,000 visitors arrived by air and cruise ships and slightly more than 1.1 million overland from neighboring countries

Htay Aung predicted that Burma would have 3 million tourists in 2014.

2014 'Key Year' in Burma's Economic Regeneration, Says Study

As new laws governing key sectors of Burma's economy take shape, this year should see more growth in agriculture, telecoms, mining and manufacturing, said the Oxford Business Group.

"Prospects for economic growth are improving as modernisation, micro-finance and new laws take shape. Foreign direct investment in the mining sector has lagged due to red tape and transparency issues. However, government plans to implement the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, as well as a new mining law due to be passed in March 2014, mean that foreign participation is set to rise steadily," said the London-based investment analysis firm.

The government had done much to enhance transparency but Burma "still has a long road ahead in rooting out corruption," it said.

"Looking ahead, the government and the [central bank] will need to keep a watchful eye on various indicators, and with upcoming state elections nearing, 2014 promises to be a key year."

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 25, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


China’s CPI offers to meet Kachin NGO after Myitsone war of words

Posted: 25 Jan 2014 02:24 AM PST

China's state-owned Chinese Power Investment (CPI) has offered to discuss issues "face to face" with the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) after the NGO slammed the Chinese firm's recent Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) report related to the suspended seven-dam project on the Irrawaddy River.

The Chinese-backed project – the focal point of which is a 3,600MW mega-dam located at Myitsone, the source of the Irrawaddy River – was suspended in September 2011 by Burmese President Thein Sein after environmental groups and activists had protested across the country saying the dam would irrevocably damage the river and its surrounding landscape and would provide benefits only for China, not for the local population.

But the suspension of the project is only contingent with Thein Sein's tenure as president which is scheduled to end in 2015. CPI has never let go of the notion that the project will ultimately be restarted.

Responding to a DVB request for comment on KDNG's 8 January statement slamming the Chinese firm's business ethics, CPI took the opportunity to thank the Kachin NGO for their interest and "wonderful work", and said it hopes to engage in a "face to face communication" with KDNG, just as it has met with other groups.

KDNG is yet to confirm whether it would accept the invitation, which would appear as a David and Goliath confrontation between CPI, a state-run developer of power plants supplying 10 percent of China's electrical consumption, and the modest Kachin environmental group which promotes sustainable development in Kachin State while conducting grassroots surveys on local dams, mines and agriculture projects.

Indeed both sides present polarized versions of each and every issue raised in the CSR – from the social and environmental impacts to distribution of electricity to the logistics of preventing floods and droughts.

CPI maintains that resumption of the hydropower project would provide Burma with an estimated $US54 billion in tax, accounting for some 60 percent of total revenue from export of electricity, while investors would take home 40 percent. The company further says that the seven projects, including the Myitsone mega-dam, would generate some 110 billion kw.h of electricity, "which is 11 times that of total national power generation in Myanmar".

But although hydropower accounts for some 70 percent of domestic electricity, according to 2010 data, only about 16 percent of Burma's population is currently connected to the national grid.

KDNG has criticised the company's lack of transparency, saying the project "has been shrouded in secrecy from the beginning" when it was born out of negotiations with Burma's then ruling military junta.

Furthermore, the NGO said that local Kachin groups were never consulted about the project and that many villagers were forcibly relocated to make way for its construction.

CPI denies both these accounts. It said its subsidiary company, the Upstream Ayeyawady Confluence Basin Hydropower Co (ACHC), has "attached great importance to the stakeholders’ rights to know and to participate." It added that before the investment, CPI "consulted the elders from six Kachin tribes, learning that these elders all were in favor the Ayeyawady [Irrawaddy] River project."

CPI said that, in addition, "investigations have been carried out in the stages of preparation of EIA [environmental impact assessment], SIA [social impact assessment] and resettlement, which indicated that 80 percent of the surveyed people backed this project."

With regard to the alleged relocation of hundreds of Kachin villagers, CPI remarked: "The Company has never closed any school or relocated any inhabitant by force."

Polarised perspectives also emerged when talking about the cultural significance of the site of the Myitsone dam – the confluence of the Mali and N'mai rivers which carry water from the Himalayan glaciers and form the source of the Irrawaddy, Burma's greatest river which offers fishing, transportation and other livelihoods to millions of Burmese.

But while the NGO says the confluence is a historical Kachin landmark which will be submerged and destroyed, CPI counters that the construction of the project will "form a more attractive new landscape" which will help promote local tourism.

Perhaps the most prominent gap between the dam-builders and their opponents is the potential affects the hydropower plant will have on downstream communities and the regional environment.

CPI maintains that the Myitsone Project will adjust the runoff effectively during dry and rainy seasons, as well as stabilize river channels and slow down sedimentation.

However, KDNG is emphatic that, as a hydropower dam, water will be released according to the energy needs of the operator and the main customer – China.

"Judging from experience of downstream effects of Chinese hydro-dams on the Shweli as well as the Mekong River, Burma can expect even less water during the dry season, potentially worse flooding during the rainy season, and unexpected water surges at any time," the Kachin group said.

But in its reply to DVB, the Chinese firm counter-claimed: "No data ever suggests that the Chinese dams have reduced the water volume in the downstream of Mekong River and Shweli River during dry seasons. The perspective that construction of hydropower projects decreases downstream water volume in dry seasons and increase the floods in rainy seasons defies scientific and natural logic."

The seven-dam project is not the only Chinese investment in Burma to face problems – the Latpadaung copper mine project in Sagaing Division was halted for an inquiry due to protests which were put down violently in November 2012 by Burmese security forces.

A controversial 2,500-km trans-Burma pipeline has recently opened to carry natural gas from Burma's Bay of Bengal to Yunnan Province in China and beyond. A sister pipeline is due to pump oil along the same route and is due to become operational later this year.

All projects have drawn the scorn of local farmers who say their land has been seized to make way for the developments and claim that adequate compensation has not been forthcoming.

The ongoing conflict in Kachin State where both the pipelines and the Myitsone dam are located is another factor to be considered. It has not gone without notice that Beijing has taken on a larger role as mediator at peace talks between the Burmese government and the main Kachin rebel group, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), in the interim period while the meg-dam project is suspended.

If a genuine ceasefire is not negotiated, security would have to be of the utmost concern in any resumption of the dam projects. KDNG say that in fact, attempts to restart the dam "will further fuel the conflict, as the issue of natural resources is a key driver of the war."