Saturday, April 5, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma

Authorities accused of undermining efforts to resume Arakan aid

Posted: 05 Apr 2014 01:37 AM PDT

Efforts by the Myanmar Health Cluster partners to discuss restored humanitarian access across Arakan State have been subject to political pressures, sources close to the negotiations tell DVB, although cooperation between the Ministry of Health and NGOs over the past few days indicates that limited progress is occurring.

More than 170 staff members from international NGOs and UN agencies were evacuated from Sittwe following attacks on their offices and residences last week. Their departure follows the expulsion from Arakan State in late February of Médecins Sans Frontières Holland (MSF-H) whose programs provided frontline healthcare for an estimated 700,000 people, including some 200,000 residents of displaced persons camps and remote areas, mostly Rohingya Muslims.

Although the government pledged to fill in the gaps left by the “temporary suspension” of MSF’s activities, there is evidence to suggest elements within it are actively undermining efforts to re-establish humanitarian access.

"It’s a bit of a contradiction: on one hand they [Burmese authorities] are saying they want the UN and the INGOs back in, but at the same time they can’t get back in,” a foreign NGO official, who did not want to be named, told DVB.

Burma's Ministry of Health (MoH) dispatched teams to Arakan to pick up where MSF and other aid agencies were forced to leave off, but their capacity to provide services is limited.

"What they’re doing is miniscule. They’re not even doing that effectively," the international aid worker said. "There is basically no health cover in Rakhine [Arakan], and in the north – especially in Maungdaw – there’s a lot of intimidation, attacks on villages, people being beaten.

"It’s a humanitarian disaster, and there’s also a risk of a massacre."

The official claims that offers of assistance by the WHO Health Cluster for Myanmar – which coordinates policy among humanitarian organisations and UN agencies – have largely been ignored or refused outright.

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The official claims a proposal to establish a “rapid response team” for when crises arise – comprised of humanitarian workers from abroad or working in other parts of the country – was not immediately embraced by the MoH, even though the proposed composition of the team was intended to allay fears of bias.

Offers from MSF Holland and other NGOs to allow MoH relief teams to use their vehicles, as well as offers of financial support, were also allegedly rejected, although limited cooperation has begun over the past week. The Ministry has sent five relief teams, comprised of 18 healthcare professionals, which have joined forces with a contingent of 17 workers from the Myanmar Health Assistants’ Association already in Sittwe. However, the INGO official told DVB that the relief workers have just two ambulances at their disposal. This means their activities have been largely limited to camps around Sittwe, as they have no other means of accessing needy areas further north.

The Ministry’s relief efforts have been largely unable to service Rohingya populations, as relief staff are afraid to enter Rohingya camps for fear of reprisal. “They’re only going to Rakhine places anyways, not to the camps, because they feel unsafe there,” the official said.

Sources familiar with the negotiations between the WHO Health Cluster and the Ministry of Health claim that the health teams dispatched by Naypyidaw mean well, but have to contend with pressure from other branches of the government.

“The non-acceptance of offers does not constitute immediately the rejection of offers,” Dr. Liviu Vedrasco, the WHO Health Cluster coordinator for Myanmar, told DVB on Friday. “Offers of assistance have been accepted at the Sittwe level, and things are moving in that regard … if you want to look at all the ministries in the Myanmar government, I think the Ministry of Health has been the most responsive in this situation,” he said.

Another proposal – which would have MoH teams partner with international NGOs to operate mobile clinics – has been more successful. A joint effort by the MoH and Mercy Malaysia to deliver aid to a Rohingya camp near Sittwe was blocked by protests last week, but the blended team has been able to deliver some aid over the past few days using Mercy Malaysia’s vehicles, with more to come on the horizon.

The Arakan State Health Department will apparently allow joint MoH-INGO teams to expand their operations to Mrauk-U and Pauktaw townships next week.

“I am hoping this will only increase … and we will come back to the state of affairs that we had a few weeks ago in a short time,” Vedrasco said.

Despite these signs of progress, Vedrasco estimates that Arakan State has just 10 or 15 percent of the front-line medical relief workers that it did before the pullout.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) claims the humanitarian situation in Arakan is at a tipping point. “The immediate effects of the disruption of humanitarian services [are] already being felt in IDP camps and isolated villages in Rakhine State,” the agency said in a statement released on Wednesday.

More than 300 children with severe malnutrition in Sittwe are no longer receiving therapeutic treatment, while 1,300 metric tonnes of food needs to be distributed in Arakan to replenish dwindling stores, the statement said, a feat that will be difficult for the government to accomplish without the participation of NGOs.

A Reuters report on Wednesday quoted humanitarian workers stating that camps around Sittwe will run out of drinking water within ten days. “Water is a critical issue at this time of year. The camps we’re particularly concerned about are ones that depend on 'waterboating' – bringing water to them by boat,” said UNOCHA spokesman Pierre Peron. "That’s a particular problem in Pauktaw … there are a couple of camps there where … it’s a real concern, and they need water ASAP.”

The US State Department issued a statement on Wednesday condemning the Burmese government for its failure to provide “the travel authorisations necessary for the humanitarian aid workers to resume their life-saving services.”

NGOs and UN agencies apply for travel documents with the ministries closest to their mandate – medical NGOs would apply with the Ministry of Health, for example – but these are then processed by a higher office.

The NGO official claims that new travel authorisations will not be issued until after the Burmese New Year holidays, which end on 21 April. This was seemingly corroborated by Arakan State government spokesman Win Myaing on Thursday, who told the media that relief efforts in the state would resume “in the third week of April".

In the meantime, he said, state-level departments have aid distribution covered, and currently have enough food and medicine to supply those in need until 16 April.

"We have already distributed them [vulnerable communities and internally displaced persons] both food and medicine through state-level government departments to last until 16 April," he said. "We also have a store of rice – more than 3,000 sacks at a Sittwe warehouse and another 1,000 more at the Myanmar Port Authority warehouse.

"In fact, that is enough; we can do the math," he told DVB on Thursday. "In the past, aid from donor countries was distributed through organisations set up by state-level government departments – it did not always go through the UN and INGOs."

"What they [Burmese authorities] are doing is miniscule. They’re not even doing that effectively. There is basically no health cover in Rakhine [Arakan], and in the north – especially in Maungdaw – there’s a lot of intimidation, attacks on villages, people being beaten.”

Some INGOs hold previously approved travel authorisations that are still valid, but logistical challenges have prevented them from resuming operations.

The destruction wrought by the attacks has left humanitarian agencies without the living quarters, offices and warehouses they need to conduct their operations, posing a significant challenge to re-establishing operations in a timely manner.

“To provide this kind of assistance, you don’t just need doctors and nurses. You need the logistical backup … even if 50 doctors were to show up tomorrow, you can’t do much,” said Vedrasco.

An Emergency Coordination Centre (ECC), run cooperatively by the Union and Arakan State governments, has existed in a limited capacity for a while. It should – at least in theory – serve as a much-needed coordination mechanism for the government to prevent overlap and redundancies in aid distribution.

“They are trying to strengthen their activities and their presence, and all people within the government, INGOs, and the UN, are calling for a stronger ECC,” Vedrasco said.

On Wednesday, Win Myaing claimed the activities of humanitarian agencies that intend to return to Arakan would be subject to the approval of the ECC, raising fears that a strengthened ECC will function as a mechanism to further politicise and restrict aid delivery to Arakan’s hardest-hit populations.

Vedrasco dismissed the notion that the ECC will have veto power over the activities of humanitarian organisations, as existing memoranda of understanding between INGOs, UN agencies and various ministries determine what humanitarian organisations are allowed to do.

But a number of organisations operate in Burma with expired or lapsed memoranda of understanding, raising fears that re-negotiated terms will make them beholden to government-mandated missives to politicise their aid delivery. In February, the government cited MSF’s lapsed memorandum of understanding as partial justification for its order to suspend the organisation's medical and healthcare activities in Arakan.

The attacks against UN agencies and INGOs in Sittwe last week were prompted by the removal of a Buddhist flag from the offices of Malteser International by a foreign female staff member, which Arakanese nationalists have adopted as a symbol of protest against the controversial, UN-backed census currently underway around the country.

The effects of this protest are immediately significant; however it is the essentially the impoverished people of Arakan – Buddhist and Muslim alike – who will pay the highest price.

Thai police bust Burmese migrant smuggling ring

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 11:55 PM PDT

More than 100 illegal immigrants and three members of a human trafficking gang have been rounded up after a surveillance operation by Thailand's Tak immigration police.

The operation was launched at 8pm on Thursday and ended this morning after a tip-off that a gang would try to smuggle illegal immigrants from Burma to Bangkok via Tak province on two vans, Pol Col Pongnakhon Nakhonsantiparb, chief of Tak immigration police, said.

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Police set up overnight surveillance on the road and detected the vans loaded with immigrants heading to an abandoned hut in forest area in moo 4 village in Tambon Ban Tak of Ban Tak district early on Friday morning.

The team then followed the two vans to the Phahol Yothin Road, where they were stopped.

The first van, driven by Sompong Pliaharn, had 38 Burmese nationals on board, 22 males and 16 females. The second had 18 men and 20 women.

Police said the second van driver was Somchai Wongkaand and his navigator Noppon Maradit.

The team returned to the hut and discovered 28 more illegal immigrants hiding inside.  Some of the arrested Burmese who can speak Thai told police they each paid 13,000-15,000 baht (US$400- $500) to the gang to be smuggled into Thailand to find work, Pol Col Pongnakhon said.

This article was originally published in the Bangkok Post on 4 April 2014.

Ethnocentric Buddhism: A new theme in Burmese Buddhism

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 10:36 PM PDT

A new alliance is beginning to take shape in South and Southeast Asia with the news that the Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force) has invited Wirathu, leader of the 969 movement in Burma, to visit them in Sri Lanka.

There is clearly a new phenomenon emerging and a new term is needed to describe precisely what is happening on the ground with this collection of new Buddhist alliances. There has been much talk of "Buddhist terror", "extremist Buddhism" and most famously, "the face of Buddhist terror", however these headlines are sensationalist. A more subtle and nuanced description is needed, focusing upon key features of this new phenomenon in Buddhism taking shape in Burma and other parts of the world, notably Sri Lanka.

There have been those who have commented upon the supposed use of Buddhism by the National Religious Protection Group (NRPG), a group headed by Wirathu, a vanguard leader of ultra-nationalism in Burma. It has also been suggested that the ruling party in Burma, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) are manipulating notions of Burmese identity with those of Buddhist identity. However, there is no clear consideration of these elements from the historical perspective of Buddhist ideas.

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"Ethnocentric Buddhism" is a term I have begun to use to describe a particular phenomenon in the history of Buddhism, although I suspect it is not a recent one. The term points to the notion that Buddhist identity is intrinsically linked to national identity. It also denotes the idea that other factors will be apparent in creating Buddhist and national identity in different Buddhist cultures. For example, in Thailand there is the idea of "nation, religion and monarch" (chat-sasana-phramahakasat) and in Burma "nation, language and religion" (amyo-barthar-tharthanar). In both of these examples the idea of the Buddhist religion (sasana/tharthanar) is linked to other factors in the formation of national and cultural identity. Further, in both cases the defence of one's religion is linked to these other themes of national identity — to defend one is to defend the other.

There are a number of possible factors and ideas that could shape the formation of an ethnocentric type of Buddhism in a given country. Not all of these ideas are available in each cultural context. Some are available across Buddhist Asia, some confined to a particular area, or would have been used during different historical periods. There is the idea of the "true dharma" existing in one particular place and of that location preserving this true version of the Buddha's teachings. For example, in Sri Lanka after the transmission of Buddhism, some aspects of the Pali Canon would be considered to preserve the essential word of the Buddha. Later, national identity could be built around this idea together with other texts being used and composed together with Buddhist symbols, the tooth relic for example, creating the notion of a direct lineage to the Buddha.

This is clearly linked to the idea of a particular text containing the essential teaching of the Buddha. The so called "Lotus-sutra (Saddharma-Pundarika-sutra) is the best know example, but there are many others. The Abhidhamma could be said to serve a similar purpose in South and Southeast Asian Buddhism. The notion of the decline of the Dharma in its various manifestations (mappō, for example) is clear — the teachings last a set period of time and this lends itself to an urgency for a given people to preserve and defend the teachings of the Buddha. There is the idea that Buddhism is threatened and that there is a very real need to uphold Buddhism because of this threat. The teachings can be corrupted. The idea that the teachings can be corrupted is written into the Buddhist narrative DNA.

This in turn gives rise to a natural sense of  "Buddhist nationalism". What is essential to the tradition is emphasized and "Buddhist fundamentalism" comes to the fore when the "other" is polarised as a threat to the future of Buddhism. In turn Buddhism is linked to ethnicity — a particular ethnic group is under threat and have the need and the necessity to preserve the teachings of the Buddha. Other ethnic groups, unless they come under the control of the dominant Buddhist group are a threat. Movements like the so-called 969 movement in Burma and the Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force) in Sri Lanka exemplify some of these ideas.

A possible Islamophobic Buddhism and the Buddhist Defence League are other examples. Unlike in "protestant Buddhism", where the laity have enhanced importance, the monastics, with all of their symbolic importance are again at the top of the hierarchy of ethnocentric Buddhism. The traditional hierarchical nature of Buddhist culture is returned. The monastics cannot be questioned in their symbolic roles as the direct link between the layperson and the overcoming of dukkha. Once again the aspiration is to one day be reborn, when one can go from home to homelessness and renounce society. This will only be possible if the monastics of the present preserve the Dharma for that future rebirth.

Finally, linking many of these ideas is that of an emerging sense that blasphemy is being committed against Buddhism. Blasphemy is not usually an idea associated with Buddhism but it is coming to prominence in what I am terming ethnocentric Buddhism. It could increasingly be argued that it has indeed been a component, an often prominent one, in other historical periods and might be linked to textual ideas of the sanctity of the Buddha and his tradition.

All of these factors are giving rise to this new phenomenon in Buddhism. We should not term it "Buddhist terror" or "the face of Buddhist terror" but attempt to understand this phenomenon on its own terms in the history of Buddhist doctrine and Buddhist practice.

 

Dr Paul Fuller has taught Religious Studies at Universities in Southeast Asia, the University of Sydney in Australia and at Bath Spa University in the UK. His research interests include early Indian Buddhist philosophy and the Buddhist ideas of Aung San Suu Kyi. His book, The Notion of Ditthi in Theravada Buddhism: The Point of View (RoutledgeCurzon Critical Studies in Buddhism, 2004) explores the textual basis of discrimination and attachment in the Pali Canon.

 The views expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB policy.

 

Rangoon gets security-conscious for Thingyan

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 08:29 PM PDT

Rangoon Division police say they are implementing various security measures to ensure the safety of all revellers during the Thingyan water festival, the traditional Burmese New Year celebrations that will be held from 13 to 16 April.

CCTV cameras have been installed at pavilions while explosives teams will conduct inspections in case of bombs, following an incident in 2010 when festivities in Rangoon were rocked by a series of bomb blasts that killed 10 and injured 178.

And in efforts to curb offences common during the festive period, police said they intend to introduce breathalysers and open special courthouses to convict those caught drunk-driving, street-fighting, thieving and using drugs.

Police Lt-Col Myint Aye, the deputy commander of Eastern Rangoon District Police Force, said explosives teams will be deployed ahead of and during Thingyan to inspect pavilions three times a day to prevent acts of terror. He said it is now mandatory for pavilions to employ security personnel – 15 staff at large pavilions and 10 at medium or small sized venues.

"Rangoon Division Police are deploying EOD [explosive ordnance disposal] teams to inspect for bombs at pavilions ahead of Thingyan and three times a day during the water festival," he said, adding that all pavilion managers are to submit their security footage to the nearest supervisory office by 8pm during the New Year festival.

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The police chief said inspectors will also search for weapons to curb street brawls, and said those found possessing a weapon will be punished.

Gen Tin Win, Rangoon Division's Minister of Security and Border Affairs, said special courthouses will be opened in townships so that authorities can take action immediately against criminals and unruly revellers.

"As Thingyan is a long public holiday, we are looking to open special courthouses during the festival to take immediate action on those who commit crimes and offences," he said.
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The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Brawl Leads to Anti-Muslim Riot in Rangoon’s Outskirts

Posted: 05 Apr 2014 08:14 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, Rangoon, Yangon, Muslim, Buddhist, unrest, violence, communal violence, riots

Hundreds of police officers were deployed after an anti-Muslim riot broke out in Hlegu town, near Rangoon, on Friday night. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

HLEGU, Rangoon Division — A personal fight has sparked an anti-Muslim riot in the town of Hlegu on the outskirts of Rangoon. A Muslim man reportedly stabbed a Buddhist with a pair of scissors during an argument on Friday afternoon, after which an angry Buddhist mob pelted Muslim-owned properties with stones.

A mob of about 300 people destroyed a Muslim home and later attacked a mosque at about 6 pm on Friday, according to Ee Mang, a security guard at the mosque. He said local Buddhists were shouting profanity and calling for the death of Muslims as they shattered windows, broke into the building and stole money from the donation box.

"They threw stones and some of them got inside the mosque. But the police prevented them from doing further damage," he told The Irrawaddy on Saturday, adding that he was born in Hlegu and had never before experienced conflict with local Buddhists.

Hundreds of police officers were deployed to the town on Friday night, about 45 kilometers outside the major city of Rangoon, while local authorities declared Section 188 of the Penal Code, ordering the crowd to disperse and imposing a curfew to prevent further unrest.

The police and community leaders did not report any injuries of local residents during interviews with The Irrawaddy on Saturday.

A police officer standing guard near the mosque said two other officers had been wounded while attempting to stop the mob from entering the mosque. "They used slingshots to shoot at us," he told The Irrawaddy. "One police was shot in the head and the other in the leg."

The riot was sparked after a Muslim man allegedly stabbed a Buddhist man in the eye with scissors during a dispute in the public market at about 4:30 pm on Friday. Four Muslim men were reportedly involved in the fight and afterward went to hide in a home. When the police came for their arrest, the homeowner handed over only one of the men, angering a group of Buddhists, who subsequently destroyed the home, according to Myo Win, a Buddhist community leader.

"There would not have been violence if the homeowner handed over all four men," he said, adding that he had worried the mob might target other Muslim properties in the town, even though the dispute was personal and not related to religion.

He added that there were no problems in the past between Buddhists and Muslims in the town, and that he believed the situation would be stable again soon.

Tensions following the riot have encouraged some Muslim families to seek shelter in Rangoon. Others are remaining indoors due to safety concerns. Muslim homes and shops were closed on Saturday, with business owners saying they feared they might be targeted.

Three Muslims have been detained and the police have arrested six Buddhists who are suspected of involvement in the mob attacks, according to Nyunt Hlaing, another community leader.

Buddhist-majority Burma has seen several outbreaks of communal violence between Buddhists and Muslims over the past two years. The worst clashes, in the western state of Arakan, have left scores dead and over 140,000 people displaced.

Other riots have broken out in Shan State, Mandalay Division, Pegu Division, Rangoon Division, and Sagaing Division, often in communities where Muslims and Buddhists have lived peacefully for generations. In some cases, locals have said that outsiders came to instigate the unrest. Some observers have questioned whether the violence has been connected to a nationalist Buddhist movement known as 969 that encourages people to shun Muslim businesses.

The post Brawl Leads to Anti-Muslim Riot in Rangoon's Outskirts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘This Is the First Time We Are Having a Serious Impact on State Schools’

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 09:03 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, education, British Council, English instruction, Kevin Mackenzie

Kevin Mackenzie, director of the British Council in Burma, speaks with The Irrawaddy at his office in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The director and cultural attaché at the British Council in Burma, Kevin Mackenzie, sees an expanding role for Britain in helping revitalize the country's education sector. Mackenzie has been in the post for less than two years, but is no stranger to the region, having served in Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Hong Kong, as well as stints in Europe, over the last 23 years.

With the signing late last month of a Memorandum of Understanding between the British Council and Burma's Ministry of Education, the former hopes to put teachers into more than 20 educational institutions that train teachers in Burma, where they will provide English-language instruction. The Irrawaddy sat down with Mackenzie to discuss that plan, and more.

Question: What is the purposed of the MoU signed between the British Council and the Ministry of Education?

Answer: Ever since the new government took power and started changing the environment here—started to become more openly engaged with the British Council, the international community—we have wanted to define the areas where we will work with the government. The MoU that we have signed describes areas we have already started working at, but we wanted to be clear about those areas and how they contribute to reforms that the country is implementing.

The MoU defines a list of areas where we want to work more and continue to work. Basically, they are around the teaching of English, supporting Myanmar teachers of English, supporting the Ministry of Education through its Comprehensive Education Sector Review [CESR], supporting other groups—the parliamentary committee on education, for example.

We are advising on policy reform. We are supporting UK links. We are supporting the teaching of English and we are supporting the assessment of English and professional skills.

Q: What are the details of the agreement laid out in the MoU?

A: The agreement is basically that we can do all these things. We want to grow our activities in this country. In order to do that, we have to be able to employ teachers from overseas, and so we want to be sure that we can do that. We are asking that the government allow us to bring in overseas teachers to be able to teach in different parts of the country. Not only in Yangon, possibly Mandalay, Naypyidaw and other parts of the country. We want to be able to deliver more and more services and we want an agreement to be able to do that. So, the agreement is a really a quid pro quo—that we will do all of these things and support your education reform, but to do that we need to be able to grow our operation.

Q: As I understand it, there is a project where you will employ two foreign English trainers in nearly all of the education institutions that train teachers in Burma?

A: This is a key part of the MoU. It's called the English for Education College Trainers [EfECT]. This is a new project that we will start in September of this year. We will be bringing in up to 44 English-language teachers to put into the state education colleges—teacher training colleges that you find in many towns around Myanmar. The idea is that they will provide English-language trainings that the staff of the education colleges need. As you know, much teaching in Myanmar needs to be done through English. The staff who work at education colleges need to improve their English in order to be able to train teachers themselves.

We are focusing on training those people—the staff of the education colleges, not the teachers who come through colleges. But it has multiplying effects in helping to train the teachers who come through those colleges as well.

The funding will come from the British government, both from British Council ourselves and [UK] Department for International Development. There is going to be 4.2 million pounds [US$7.2 million] over two years. This is a significant investment and we believe it will have a very great impact on the quality of English teachers. And also the quality of education generally, because the teachers that we bring in will be bringing in new ideas, new methodology, new techniques for teaching.

Q: Why did you set a two-year duration?

A: We have to have a set time period. We believe two years is a good length of time for this type of activity. We are not committed to anything after those two years. It may continue, it may turn into something else, we don't know. We are starting in September 2014, and will continue until the same time in 2016.

Q: What do you expect at the end of the two years?

A: We expect that the trainers will improve their level of English by a significant amount. According to the common European framework, which is a framework for assessing levels of English, we expect that the teachers will move up by at least one level within the framework, which is quite a significant step—there are only five levels in the framework. We also hope that they will be exposed to and understand more communicative ways of teaching English, where they're involving students into a more learner-centered approach. This can be applied in the teaching of English and it can also be applied in teaching other subjects.

Q: Has there been any program like this in the past?

A: It is only with the arrival of the new government here that we have been able to work with the public education sector. Previously, we were working with the informal sector—monastic schools. We did not have a relationship with public schools. This is the first time we are having a proper, serious impact on the state schools, on the public sector.

Q: What is your opinion of Burma's current system of language instruction?

A: There is a lot of, from what I understand, rote learning and repeating what you have been taught rather than encouraging the students to think for themselves, to express themselves. I think that is typically, partly to do with tradition, and partly to do with a lack of exposure to more contemporary ideas about teachings.

Q: What would you suggest for improvements to teachers?

A: What I would suggest is what I always suggest: 'experiment,' that they open their minds to different ways of teachings, to ideas about learning. And they experiment and see what works.

Q: How can Burma's education policy and laws give space to teachers to be more creative and open to new teaching styles?

A: From my understanding of working with the government, there is interest in working with devolving autonomy to the right level. In my experience, if you want to devolve autonomy, the lowest it can go is the best way. What you want is for your teachers to have autonomy. Obviously, the teachers have to be well-informed; they have to be accountable to their schools for what they are doing. I think you have got to have freedom to make your own decisions in the classroom based on the students that you have encountered.

The post 'This Is the First Time We Are Having a Serious Impact on State Schools' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Tip for Dealing With Burma’s Government

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 07:23 PM PDT

When dealing with Burmese government officials, one tip is just as true today as it was during former military regime: Never underestimate their political manipulation.

The international community, including Western and Asian countries, has eagerly welcomed Burma's transition from dictatorship toward democracy. But sooner or later, frustrations are bound to emerge as reforms roll out slowly and Naypyidaw appears at times to backtrack. To avoid disappointment, international actors need to take a realistic look at President Thein Sein's government and re-evaluate their policies.

The early stages of the general turned president's reform process were quite impressive: Thein Sein released hundreds of political prisoners, allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other activists to contest by-elections in 2012, eased draconian censorship against the media, initiated economic changes by allowing foreign investment, granted the right of assembly to the people, and invited Burmese exiles from around the world to return home.

In a significant acknowledgment of these positive developments, US President Barack Obama flew to Rangoon in 2012 to meet with Thein Sein and Suu Kyi. That year the United States eased economic sanctions against the Burma government and gave a green light for some American companies to work with Burmese state-owned businesses. Likewise, the European Union suspended and then eventually lifted its economic sanctions last year.

Meanwhile, development funds flowed into the country, as many countries and organizations resume support after a long break. The United States has allocated more than US$180 million in aid, while the European Union provided a package of support worth $200 million for 2012-13. This year the World Bank promised to give Burma $2 billion in loans, aid and investment, while the United States and the European Union have started to engage with the Burmese armed forces.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of
the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Burma has attracted so much interest and new investment over the past three years. But international donors need to seriously ask themselves a question: Is the country still moving closer to democracy, even gradually, or have the reforms started to stall?

It is important to be realistic and remember that Burma's government has a knack for packaging its agenda in various disguises. Since the military coup in 1962, the country's rulers have never been defeated or forced to fundamentally change their political system for the sake of their citizens. But to maintain their grip on power they have transformed their image from time to time—from a military regime to a socialist dictatorship, to another military regime and finally to the current nominally civilian government.

Many foreign diplomats and observers continue to wonder why the former regime wanted to change out of the blue in 2010. But in fact, this reform process was envisioned by the generals as far back as the early 1990s, when the West was just beginning its sanctions.

Thein Sein's presidency is the last phase of the junta's so-called "roadmap to democracy," which traces its roots back to 1992 when Snr-Gen Than Shwe became head of state and announced the government would hold a national convention. The roadmap, which became official in 2003, included seven steps, beginning with the organization of national conventions starting in 1993 to draft a constitution. The second step was a vague call to implement tasks for founding a democratic system. Third, the constitution was drafted by handpicked delegates, and it was passed in the rigged 2008 referendum, which was the fourth step. The 2010 election was the fifth step. Next came the convening of Parliament and the transfer of power to an "elected" government as the sixth and seventh steps.

Why did the junta draw this roadmap? Simply to ensure that the armed forces would continue to play an important role in politics, and that military leaders would continue to hold onto power even under a new political system.

It seems they succeeded. Today, high-ranking officials from the ex-junta control the government and the legislature, the armed forces fill up one-quarter of Parliament seats with appointed representatives, and Suu Kyi remains ineligible for the presidency due to an undemocratic clause in the Constitution. The economy and wealth of the country are still monopolized by the military and cronies, and human rights abuses are ongoing, with tens of thousands more refugees and internally displaced persons over the past three years.

Real progress will require dialogue between the government and the main opposition groups, something which is not yet happening. The international community seems to believe that Thein Sein has engaged with Suu Kyi, but in reality, although the two leaders have met six times since 2011, substantive dialogue has never occurred. And despite frequent requests, Suu Kyi has not had an opportunity to meet for four-way talks with the president, the speaker of parliament, and the commander-in-chief of the military.

So I ask again, is the current reform process moving forward?

On March 26, Thein Sein said in a speech to lawmakers that the armed forces would keep a role in politics. And regarding constitutional reform, he said, "I would like to urge you to do it softly and gently, depending on the experience, long-sightedness and sincerity of all stakeholders involved."

The next day, Burma's Armed Forces Day, the commander-in-chief of the military, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, said the Constitution was not written for only one party, organization or ethnic group, nor was it intended to benefit only the military, but was approved by 92.48 percent of the entire population. He said constitutional reform must proceed according to Article 436 of Chapter 12 in the Constitution, which gives the military an effective veto over amendments. Suu Kyi and other activists have demanded a change to this article and other undemocratic clauses.

These two speeches indicated that the reform process that began in 2011 is no longer moving. They indicated that now is not the time to look back and praise the progress of three years ago. After months of backtracking, it is time for more concrete changes, including constitutional amendments. And if the country has lost its momentum on the path to democracy, it is time for donor countries to review their positions and put pressure on the Burmese government.

The post A Tip for Dealing With Burma's Government appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (April 5, 2014)

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 07:13 PM PDT

Lasting Peace Deal in Ethnic Conflicts is 'Key to Improved Investment'

Continuing talks between the Naypyidaw government and Burma's various armed ethnic groups "indicate growing confidence in the peace process" but investment in resource-rich areas will be limited without a lasting agreement, said a business risks analysis.

"Both the army and ethnic militias have supported their operations through illicit trade such as illegal jade, logging and opium cultivation along the borders of China, Thailand and Laos," said analysts Maplecroft of the UK.

"Vested interests in these trades, on both sides of the conflict, are likely to harm the business environment, even if the conflict is resolved. In order to be durable, any future peace agreement will need to aptly address the elimination of illicit trade and the sharing of natural resources—with dedicated cooperation on both sides," said Maplecroft in its latest assessment on Burma.

It said the national census now under way could raise ethnic tensions, and warned that Burma's economic system still "needs significant reform" if it is to cope with the influx of foreign investment and integrate into the world economy.

"In particular, banking, telecommunications, and transportation infrastructure are in need of substantial upgrade."

Sand Exports to Expand Singapore 'Damaging Burma's Coastline'

Sand dredged from a river estuary in southeast Burma for sale to Singapore is causing environmental damage, a report said.

The sand, dredged from the Dawei area in Tenasserim Division is used to expand land-short Singapore, which has grown in size by more than 20 percent due to in-filling construction work, reports said.

But the dredging, which has been going on since 2011, is now causing landslides and river erosion in the Dawei River basin, said Eleven Media, quoting local member of Parliament Soe Htwe.

Eleven Media also quoted the regional minister for transport and communications, Kyaw Hsan, saying that Myawaddy Trading Limited also has a contract to supply sand to Singapore from the Myeik and Kawthaung areas, also in Tenasserim.

Myawaddy Trading is linked with the military-owned Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd.

Several Southeast Asian countries, including Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam, have banned the export of sand to Singapore in recent years because of environmental damage caused by dredging in ecologically sensitive coastal areas.

In a report several years ago criticizing Singapore's dredging work in Cambodia, the NGO Global Witness named the city state as one of the world's biggest sand importers and said demand for sand had "wreaked havoc on the region's coastlines."

Burma Offers More 'Authentic' Experience for Tourists

Burma is offering a "more genuine authentic culture" for foreign tourists than Thailand, a travel industry conference was told.

Westerners planning holidays in Southeast Asia are now looking at countries other than Thailand, which has long been a favorite destination, the Association of Thai Travel Agents heard.

"Currently, French tourists favor travel to [Burma], Laos and Sri Lanka as well as Vietnam because they believe they will see a more genuine authentic culture and travel products that reflect the people's way of life than we are presenting in Thailand," Tourist Authority of Thailand's Paris director Areerat Chunprapanusorn told the conference in Bangkok, the trade magazine TTR Weekly reported.

"[Areerat's] comments reflect a growing concern that official promotions are geared to promoting imported brand shopping, mega shopping malls, extravagant spending on food and night club entertainment at the expense of presenting real Thai values," said TTR Weekly.

UK Government Accused of Shelving Human Rights to Promote Businesses

The British government is putting business in Burma by UK firms ahead of maintaining pressure on the Naypyidaw government to improve human rights, an NGO alleged.

"Trade and investment are now the priority for the British government," said the Burma Campaign UK which has begun a poster campaign in Britain to illustrate what it says is a political U-turn by London.

It said the government of Prime Minister David Cameron has "tended to downplay serious human rights abuses, or even ignore them altogether".

"This appears in part to be in order to try to avoid criticism of the current soft engagement Burma policy, which is focused on building a closer relationship with the government of Burma in order to win more business contracts from the Burmese government," said campaign executive director Anna Roberts.

The NGOs first poster criticizing London shows Cameron shaking hands with the Burmese president alongside the headline: "When visiting the UK, President Thein Sein said he would release all political prisoners by the end of 2013. He didn't."

Burmese Workers in Mae Sot 'Paid Only Half of Thai Minimum Wage'

Hundreds of Burmese workers at a garment factory in Mae Sot on the Thai border with Burma have been on strike to try to win the minimum legal wage, said human rights NGOs.

The migrant workers, at a Thai-owned factory producing upmarket "Jack Wolfskin" German brand clothes, are in some cases receiving only half the minimum Thai daily wage of 300 baht (US$9).

Workers identity documents are held by the company, Yuan Jun Garment Limited, 14-hour working days are enforced and compulsory deductions made from wages, said noted activist Andy Hall in an email to The Irrawaddy on behalf of Burmese and Thai NGOs.

Separately, the rights group Finnwatch has accused a factory in Songkhla in southern Thailand co-owned by an Austria firm of numerous labor violations against migrant workers, including wages below the legal minimum and excessive hours with no rest break.

Finnwatch, based in Helsinki, said the Siam Sempermed factory produces industrial gloves for Semperit, a leading hospital glove manufacturer and distributor.

"Workers are packing gloves for up to 13 hours per day with only 30 minutes break and are facing numerous deductions from their salaries. This is unacceptable," said Finnwatch executive director Sonja Vartiala.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (April 5, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.
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