Democratic Voice of Burma |
- K-Pop coming to Rangoon
- Govt pay hike affecting consumer prices in Chin State
- The link between gender and racial inequality in Burma
| Posted: 26 Apr 2014 09:56 PM PDT  Korean band Girl’s Day Well-known bands and singers from South Korea are to perform in a concert at the Thuwunna Indoor Stadium in Rangoon on the evening of Wednesday, 30 April. Guaranteed to be a sell-out among Burmese teenagers, the show will feature Korean girl bands Dal Sha Bet, TINT and Girl's Day, male vocalist Jyun Il Yung, and hip-hop quartet M.I.B.  Korean hip-hop band M.I.B. Prices for the concert range from 15,000 kyat (US$15) to 100,000 kyat.  Girl band Dal Sha Bet For more information: https://www.facebook.com/kpopconcertmm |
| Govt pay hike affecting consumer prices in Chin State Posted: 26 Apr 2014 09:43 PM PDT A surge in the price of consumer goods has hit markets in Chin State following the announcement in February of pay increases to civil servants. Prices of basic commodities including rice have gone up more than 25 percent even though the pay rise of 20,000 kyat (US$20) to government employees, excluding ministers, will not start until the end of this month. The cost of a 50 kg sack of Shwe Toe rice, one of the cheapest brands in Chin markets, has increased from 18,000 to 25,000 kyat, while high-quality Paw San Hmwe rice has jumped from 35,000 to 43,000 kyat per sack. Related StoriesA shop-owner in Hakha told the Chinland Guardian: “As soon as we heard the news, the prices started going up even before the actual pay rise. Locals who are not in the civil service suffer most.” Salai Lian, a local construction worker, said that their wages remained the same, adding: “Our daily living costs are increasing and we are in a difficult situation.” Government employees from the rank of office assistant up to a gazetted officer will receive an additional 20,000 kyat each on top of their monthly salary from April. “Previously, an office assistant got a salary of 30,000 kyats; they will now get 50,000. A gazetted officer will receive 150,000 kyat per month after the pay rise,” said a Hakha civil servant. Each government employee in Chin State, the country’s least developed region, has been provided with a twofold monthly salary as a form of additional financial assistance since about two years ago. According to local shop-owners, prices are likely to continue to rise over the next few months. This article was originally published in Chinland Guardian on 23 April 2014. |
| The link between gender and racial inequality in Burma Posted: 26 Apr 2014 09:16 PM PDT In 1932, Burma conducted a referendum to determine whether to remain as a province of India or to become a separate nation. Some Buddhists emphasised that the Buddha was an Indian and that our Burmese ancestors are related to the Kshatriya, the caste into which Buddhas are born. Those scholars supported the notion of Burma remaining as a part of India. In opposition, the separatists' campaign focused on the distinct social status of Burmese women, different from their Indian and Chinese counterparts. If Burma were to remain with India, the superior social status of Burmese women, even a higher status than in the democratic West, would be downgraded. It is a source of pride for many Burmese that our nation had a distinct idea — that of the high social status of women. It is a widely held belief that for many in Burma, women are the higher sex. However it is a misconception that the social role of Burmese women is significantly correlated with our Buddhist tradition. When a large number of Buddhist monks become involved in mass campaigns of support for the effective banning of interfaith marriage, it is a time to reconsider our assumption of the higher social status of Burmese women that we think stems from our Buddhist tradition. In fact, according to Ma Khin Lay, former political prisoner and gender activist, "Burmese women are discriminated against within our Buddhist tradition." Ma Khin Lay provides the example of women not being able to access to the upper square of pagodas, which males can access. In contrast, Chinese temples allow women equal access to any public place. In Buddhist tradition, the inferiority of women is widely acknowledged. Buddhist scriptures lay down the rule that a female disciple can never be raised to the status of the Bhikkhu (venerable monk). This rule has become relaxed, in some ways, in Sri Lanka and Thailand. However the State Sangha Council of Burma upholds this form of gender discrimination. Related StoriesBuddhist literature demands that girls must ask male family members for permission to marry. Even a woman's younger brother can call on his religious right to halt a marriage he doesn't agree with. Unsurprisingly, Buddhist monks feel they hold a legitimate role in current anti-miscegenation campaigns. As a part of their education, Buddhist monks are taught to think women lack the judgmental capability to choose what is right. Anti-miscegenation campaigns have a long history in Burma. Popular literature published in 1930s included condemnations of "degenerative" marriages between Burmese Buddhist women and Indian men, which could only produce "impure" children, who degrade the Buddhist race and tradition. Taking this into consideration, the past calls of colonial politicians to protect that freedom of Burmese Buddhist women seem hollow. While it might be true that Burmese women have enjoyed some equality status in their education and profession they are not necessarily liked to Buddhism, and Burmese women don't have a high social status as many have been led to believe. Modern Burmese monks, use a similar fictional line of reasoning to warrant their current anti-miscegenation movements, aimed at preserving their tradition of female freedoms. We are ignoring the real challenges in society, such as the long-established discriminatory practices against women. We pretend as if our Buddhist tradition has addressed all problems that other societies are still struggling to achieve. As well as this, while modern Burma is a nation of diverse multi-ethnic groups, the majority often excludes other groups from society and politics based on the notion that we have a particular superior tradition compared to other people. During the decades of her house arrest, the military government launched numerous attacks on Aung San Suu Kyi's personal life. Their accusation was mainly based on her femininity and her marriage to Michael Aris, a British Buddhist scholar from the University of Oxford. Currently, Wirathu's justification of constitutional article 59(f),which bars Suu Kyi from the presidency by virtue of her familial connections, is similar to the military's past justification for their treatment of her. The military then stated that Suu Kyi's impure children pose a challenge to our traditions. We, the people of modern Burma, have imprisoned ourselves in the fictional accomplishments that the past anti-colonial politicians created. This fictional tradition has spoiled us in a sense that we fail to see our multi-racial and multi-traditional diversity as strengths of the nation. Instead we Burmese have come to mistrust the "other". Dr Nyo Tun has worked as an international consultant for EU, USAID and Gates Foundation-funded study projects which analyse strategies for national and global health issues. Prior to his international consultant work, he led public health initiatives for providing health care to marginalised populations in various regions of Burma. The views expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.
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