Wednesday, July 9, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Jockeying Begins

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 05:30 PM PDT

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, sits next to Lower House Speaker U Shwe Mann during lunch at the World Economic Forum in Naypyitaw last year. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, sits next to Lower House Speaker U Shwe Mann during lunch at the World Economic Forum in Naypyitaw last year. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

With Myanmar's big election just one year away, speculation is growing about who will take the helm of the country's next government.

So far, attention has been focused on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the immensely popular leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD). However, her candidacy is now more in doubt than ever, after a parliamentary committee on constitutional reform decided in early June to reject her calls to amend a clause that bars her from the presidency on the grounds that her two sons are foreign nationals.

There has also been some talk of the incumbent, President U Thein Sein, seeking a second term. As a self-styled reformer, he has won plaudits both at home and abroad, despite the fact that he came to power by means of a rigged election in 2010 that heavily favored his ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), founded by former military strongman Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe. Analysts have noted, however, that the sitting president's popularity has been short-lived, and that his chances of winning in a free and fair election appear slim.

With the two most obvious contenders now seemingly (but not definitively) out of the race, political observers are hard at work trying to identify other potential candidates. At the top of their list is Union Parliament Speaker U Shwe Mann, who has made no secret of his desire to become president.

Along with some other "progressive" members of the former junta, including U Aung Ko (a former military officer and deputy minister under the previous regime), U Shwe Mann has publicly supported constitutional reform. He is also known to be close to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who speaks of him with respect.

"We are rivals, not enemies," she said recently of her relationship with U Shwe Mann. "In our discussions, there are disagreements between us, but by negotiating, we find common ground."

Is this a political alliance in the making? Possibly, but it remains to be seen how the two "rivals" could share power post-2015.

Meanwhile, U Thein Sein appears to be moving closer to hardline elements in the USDP, such as former industry minister U Aung Thaung and former agriculture minister U Htay Oo, both of whom are regarded as among the most corrupt members of the former junta.

Another potential ally is U Tin Aye, the chairman of Myanmar's Union Election Commission, who ruffled NLD feathers by warning Daw Aung San Suu Kyi about "challenging" the military in speeches she made in late May. He has also said that the NLD leader will only be allowed to campaign in her own constituency, in a move seen as an effort to prevent her using her personal popularity to deliver her party another electoral landslide.

It seems, then, that while much remains undecided about how the 2015 election will play out, two very distinct strategies are at work: one that involves a direct appeal to the electorate, and another that relies on forces at work behind the scenes.

This article first appeared in the July 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Tuning In

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 05:00 PM PDT

From left, Mick Moloney, a respected Irish musician, is accompanied by musicians Athena Tergis, Michelle Mulcahy and Louise Mulcahy during a performance in Yangon. (Photo: Jerry Peerson / The Irrawaddy)

From left, Mick Moloney, a respected Irish musician, is accompanied by musicians Athena Tergis, Michelle Mulcahy and Louise Mulcahy during a performance in Yangon. (Photo: Jerry Peerson / The Irrawaddy)

YANGON — Artistic collaboration between locals and foreigners is alive and well in Yangon.

Recent events coordinated and sponsored by both foreign and national entities have introduced the community to high-caliber cultural entertainment, as well as a spirit of mutual appreciation for the arts and their respective backgrounds.

As a musician myself, the seeming growth of such events in this city looks like a welcome opportunity to bring out talent teeming under the surface.

During one weekend in June, I attended two events sponsored by the Myanmar Ministry of Culture, and the Myanmar Music Association, in collaboration with the embassy of Ireland in Hanoi, Vietnam.

The events, at Chatrium Hotel and the more intimate Pansodan Scene, were designed as a cultural exchange between the musical traditions of Ireland and Myanmar.

Mick Moloney, a respected Irish musician, New York University professor and frequent visitor to Myanmar, was accompanied by three very talented young women, and shared the hall with several professional Myanmar musicians from the National University of Arts and Culture and the Myanmar Music Association.

Mick explained that one of the first things he noticed when he arrived in Myanmar was that the two countries share a national symbol: the harp, or as it is known in Myanmar, the saùnggauk.

The events were the first ever, according to the sponsors, to feature both national instruments on one stage. One of the highlights of the evening for me was when renowned harpist Michelle Mulcahy was spotlighted to perform her own composition—part of her PhD in Arts Practice—which deftly combined the harp traditions of both Irish and Myanmar cultures.

An enchanting performance by local harpist Saung U Thein Han Gyi on the saùnggauk, and vocalist U Thet Swe followed. The pair weaved divergent melodies together and apart for a unique sound enhanced by the ancient Myanmar instrument.

The events also featured readings by Irish poet, and now Yangon resident, Joe Woods from his own work as well as excerpts from James Joyce's ''Ulysses'' for the first official celebration of Bloomsday in this country.

Another event that weekend brought an artistic exchange of contemporary musicians, poets and painters to the ever-popular Open Mic Night at Nawaday Tharlar Art Gallery.

This was the ninth such event, organized by gallery curator Pyay Way, who says he started Open Mic Night as a way to "prove that young people are interested in art and that they are talented."

This was the second occasion on which I was able to perform a selection of my own original music, joined throughout the night by a multitude of other extremely talented Yangonites and foreign artists.

I was particularly impressed by several young Myanmar poets, whose articulate, profound and sometimes humorous pieces occasionally elicited skin-tingling emotion from the crowd.

A major crowd-pleaser of the night was when a Myanmar band played a rendition of The Beatles' ''Hey Jude,'' and the audience joined in for the song's recognizable sing-along ending.

These events provided a platform for a diverse expression of Yangon's burgeoning artistic talent, and deepened the underlying promise that locals and foreigners alike are boosting a breath of fresh air into the city's arts scene.

This article was first published in the July 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Brazil’s Defense Goes Missing in Embarrassing Defeat

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 11:18 PM PDT

A Brazil fan cries as she watches the 2014 World Cup semi-final between Brazil and Germany at a fan area in Brasilia, July 8, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A Brazil fan cries as she watches the 2014 World Cup semi-final between Brazil and Germany at a fan area in Brasilia, July 8, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

SAO PAULO — Brazil have been blamed for not being attacking enough since the World Cup started but it was their once admired defense that will carry the can for Tuesday's incredible 7-1 loss to Germany.

Brazil have never conceded seven goals in a game and it took them the last year and 16 previous matches to let in that amount, thanks largely to the solid central defensive pairing of Thiago Silva and David Luiz.

Silva was missing in Tuesday's semi-final through suspension but the same word could have been applied to the players who did take the field at the Mineirao stadium in Belo Horizonte.

Germany scored five goals in a first-half humiliation of the hosts and then added two more after the break before Oscar got a consolation goal at the death.

"Five goals in 18 minutes. It's clear that they were shocked and didn't know what to do," said Germany coach Joachim Loew.

That analysis was as good as any.

Brazil were lackadaisical and slow from the kick off and even a defense that featured players from European giants Bayern Munich, Real Madrid, AS Roma and Paris St Germain looked shell-shocked in the face of repeated German attacks.

They screwed up the basics, whether it was marking at corners, tracking back with attackers, or talking to each other when playing the ball out of defense.

Fullbacks Marcelo and Maicon were slow and easily dispossessed on the flanks, and the positional sense of central defenders Dante and Luiz was shocking.

Luiz let Thomas Mueller get away from him to sidefoot home the opening goal from a corner in the 11th minute, a mistake that TV Globo commentator Ronaldo called "infantile."

All Downhill

It was all downhill from there, with the Germans scoring four goals in six minutes to end not just the game but Brazil's World Cup dreams.

"We just blacked out," said Brazil coach Luiz Felipe Scolari.

He accepted responsibility for the embarrassment and much of that must be down to his choice of defensive midfielders.

If the back four was awful—and several times they were flailing on the ground when the ball hit the net—they were not helped by the pair in front of them—Fernandinho and Luiz Gustavo.

Fernandinho, who plays for English champions Manchester City, had a nightmare, failing to cut out a cross-field ball for the second goal and losing possession to Toni Kroos for the third.

His despair as he hung on to the goal net after the third went in was one of the day's most memorable images and he was taken off at halftime.

His replacement Paulinho was only marginally better but it was much too late by then.

By the time Germany substitute Andre Schuerrle got their sixth and seventh goals in the second half, Brazil appeared to have given up. Marcelo looked beat on one wing and Dante on the other while keeper Julio Cesar put up little resistance.

When all was said and done, it was Brazil's first defeat in 15 games and their first competitive home loss since 1975, as well as their heaviest ever defeat.

Julio Cesar perhaps summed it up best: "Honestly, it's hard to explain," he said. "You can't explain the inexplicable.

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Thai Junta to Hold Largest ‘Happiness Fair’ in Latest PR Push

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 10:48 PM PDT

Dancers perform during a celebration to boost tourism on June 13 in Bangkok, where a curfew was in place after the military stages a coup. (Photo: Reuters)

Dancers perform during a celebration to boost tourism on June 13 in Bangkok, where a curfew was in place after the military stages a coup. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — Thailand's military government said on Tuesday it would hold its largest festival yet in the Thai capital, part of a propaganda campaign aimed at national reconciliation after the junta's May coup.

The seizure of power by General Prayuth Chan-ocha has been condemned by Western countries. Prayuth has said the coup was required to restore the rule of law after six months of sometimes violent protests weakened Thailand's government and institutions.

The military have held festivals in parks and squares to get the public behind its rule, while at the same time moving to curtail freedom of expression and prevent public opposition to the coup.

The festival will be held on July 22-25 in Sanam Luang Park, an open field in Bangkok's historic area.

"We will have tools to build national harmony and return happiness to Thais," Banpot Poonpian, a spokesman for the military's Internal Security Operations Command, told reporters.

"There will be many activities including shows by rock bands, a film and prayers to ask for peace."

Since taking power the military has shut down thousands of independent radio and television stations, allowing them to reopen only on condition that they do not broadcast what it deems to be inflammatory material. It has also blocked hundreds of websites.

Anti-coup protests popped up in the days after the coup but have fizzled out since due to a raft of repressive measures endorsed by the military.

Media Crackdown

The country's media, including newspaper editors and talkshow hosts, have come under particular scrutiny.

In a televised speech on Friday junta leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha asked the media to "develop measures to control contents of the media."

"I appeal to all those involved with the media to set standards and develop measures to control contents of the media. Should any media continue to provide false information or information that is damaging to the country, then you will have to take responsibility," Prayuth said, without giving further details.

The military says it needs the media's cooperation to achieve national reconciliation.

Thailand has been split for nearly a decade. On the one side are the mostly rural supporters of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra. On the other side are Bangkok's middle class backed by the royalist establishment who accuse Thaksin of, among other things, vote buying and nepotism.

Thaksin was ousted by the army in 2006 and lives abroad to avoid a two-year jail term handed down in 2008 for graft.

The junta has rolled out a three-phase plan that includes national reconciliation, an interim constitution and government by September and an election in late 2015.

It has taken upon itself the task of "getting the country in order" tackling everything from unruly taxi drivers to reviving an economy badly bruised by months of unrest, including the tourism sector which accounts for around 10 percent of the economy.

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Indonesia Divided in Close Presidential Race 

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 10:33 PM PDT

A voter poses for a picture after voting in Indonesia's presidential election in Brambang Darussalam, Bondowoso, East Java, on Wednesday. (Photo: Reuters)

A voter poses for a picture after voting in Indonesia’s presidential election in Brambang Darussalam, Bondowoso, East Java, on Wednesday. (Photo: Reuters)

JAKARTA — As the world's third-largest democracy began voting Wednesday to elect a new president, Indonesians are divided between two very different choices: a one-time furniture maker and a wealthy ex-army general with close links to former dictator Suharto.

Just a couple of months ago, the election was considered firmly in favor of Joko Widodo, who rose from humble beginnings to become the governor of Jakarta with a squeaky-clean political record.

But the race is now too close to call thanks to a late surge by Prabowo Subianto, who has wooed legions of supporters with his calls for nationalism despite allegations of widespread human rights abuses during his military career and his connection with Suharto—his former father-in-law.

When the polls opened Wednesday morning to about 190 million people, analysts predicted that undecided voters will determine the winner. Preliminary quick count results were expected later in the day, and extra police and military forces were added in case violence erupts. High voter turnout was expected following campaigning that has energized people across the country.

"Unlike previous presidential elections, this time I'm so excited to participate because Indonesia needs a change," said Widodo supporter Imam Arifin, who went to school with US President Barack Obama when he lived in the country as a child. "I believe a candidate without a past dark track record can bring a better future to Indonesia."

About 2 million Indonesians abroad have been casting their votes since Saturday, and the overseas turnout has been significantly higher than the 22 percent in April's legislative elections, said Wahid Supriyadi, a foreign ministry official who heads the overseas election committee.

Supriyadi said so many voters showed up in Hong Kong on Sunday that more than 500 were unable to cast ballot.

The two candidates are vastly different in their policies and styles. Widodo, known by his nickname Jokowi, is a soft-spoken man who likes to wear sneakers and casual plaid shirts, listen to heavy metal music and make impromptu visits to the slums. Seen as a man of the people who wants to advance democratic reform even though he lacks experience in national politics, he represents a break from the past as the first candidate in direct elections with no connection to Suharto-era politics.

Subianto is known for his thundering campaign speeches, a penchant for luxury cars and having trotted up to one rally on an expensive horse. He has the support of the most hard-line Islamic parties and has sparked concern among foreign investors worried about protectionism and a possible return to more authoritative policies.

"Many Indonesian Muslims prefer Prabowo's strong and dynamic character, which can stand up in facing the foreign policies of neighboring countries and the US," said Ikrar Nusabhakti, a political analyst from the Indonesia Institute of Science. "Other people are responding positively to Jokowi's caring and earthy traits."

Smear tactics have surfaced in both camps. But Widodo, 53, has blamed his fall in opinion polls from a lead of more than 12 percentage points in May to just around 3.5 points on character assaults that accused him, among other things, of not being a follower of Islam. He has denounced the charges as lies, but says it's hard to undo the damage it caused in the world's most populous Muslim nation.

"I think these black campaigns were effective enough to convince communities," said Hamdi Muluk, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia. "And that has directly ruined Widodo's image."

But he added that Subianto's past, including ordering the kidnappings of pro-democracy activists prior to Suharto's fall in 1998, have not gone unnoticed and some voters fear a return to the brutal dictator's New Order regime. Details about the abductions surfaced recently after the official findings of an army investigative panel were leaked.

"Considering the role models and figures behind Widodo's team, I believe many new voters tend to support Jokowi," Muluk said. "A return to the New Order is not popular among youngsters or new voters. They are interested more in change."

The race is the country's third direct presidential election, and has played out with fury in the social media crazed country of around 240 million people. There has been a frenzy of "unfriending" on Facebook pages belonging to users who support different camps.

For the first time in its 31-year history, the English-language Jakarta Post last week endorsed a presidential candidate. In choosing Widodo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, the paper said it could not remain silent because the stakes were too high.

"Rarely in an election has the choice been so definitive," it said in denouncing Prabowo. "Never before has a candidate ticked all the boxes on our negative checklist. And for that we cannot do nothing."

But Subianto, 62, of the Great Indonesia Movement Party, has been gaining allies. Outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's ruling Democratic Party, which said it was neutral earlier in the campaign, openly endorsed Subianto just two weeks before the election. Yudhoyono is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term after 10 years in office.

Subianto's vows of tough leadership and promises that "Indonesia will become an Asian tiger once again" have also gained footing with some voters fed up with Yudhoyono, who has been criticized for being ineffective and weak on some issues, including those involving neighbors Australia and Malaysia. The president's party has also been plagued by a string of recent high-profile corruption scandals.

Associated Press writers Margie Mason and Ali Kotarumalos contributed to this report.

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China’s Xi Warns Confrontation With US Would Be Disaster

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 10:20 PM PDT

US Secretary of State John Kerry (left) applauds after China's President Xi Jinping gave his speech during the opening ceremony of the Sixth Round of US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue at Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing July 9, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

US Secretary of State John Kerry (left) applauds after China's President Xi Jinping gave his speech during the opening ceremony of the Sixth Round of US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue at Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing July 9, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Confrontation between China and the United States would be a disaster and both must respect each others' sovereignty, Chinese President Xi Jinping said on Wednesday as he opened annual talks between the world's two biggest economies.

The two-day talks being led by US Secretary of State John Kerry and Treasury Secretary Jack Lew will likely take in China's currency, North Korea's nuclear program and escalating tensions between China and neighbors in the South China Sea and with Japan in the East China Sea.

Charges over hacking and Internet spying have also been a factor in tensions between Beijing and Washington. In May, the United States charged five Chinese military officers with hacking US companies, prompting Beijing to suspend a Sino-US working group on cyber issues. China has denied wrongdoing.

Xi said Sino-US cooperation was of vital importance.

"China-US confrontation, to the two countries and the world, would definitely be a disaster," he told the opening ceremony of the Strategic and Economic Dialogue at a government guest house in the west of the city.

"We should mutually respect and treat each other equally, and respect the others sovereignty and territorial integrity and respect each other's choice on the path of development."

Xi added that both countries should strengthen cooperation in fighting terror and speed up talks on a bilateral investment treaty to reach an agreement at an early date.

At the talks, Kerry will raise growing US concerns over China's "problematic behavior" in the South China Sea, US officials said earlier.

The United States has not taken sides in the disputes but has been critical of China's behavior in the potentially energy-rich South China Sea, where the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan have overlapping territorial claims with China.

Beijing, though, views the United States as encouraging Vietnam and the Philippines to be more aggressive in the dispute.

Kerry said the United States was not seeking to "contain" China.

"We welcome the emergence of a peaceful, stable, prosperous China that contributes to the stability and development of the region, and chooses to play a responsible role in world affairs," he said.

"We have a profound stake in each other's success," Kerry added. "I can tell you that we are determined to choose the path of peace and prosperity and cooperation, and yes, even competition, but not conflict."

Washington has also begun to push for China to move to a market-driven exchange rate.

Lew has said he will push China to speed up economic reforms and do more to let the yuan rise against the dollar.

"We support China's efforts to allow the market to play a more decisive role in the economy and rely more on household consumption to drive China's economic growth. Moving to a market-determined exchange rate will be a crucial step," Lew said at the opening ceremony.

The annual talks between the US and China have yielded few substantive agreements, in part because relations have grown more complex with China's increasing power.

Still, US officials have underscored the importance of the discussions to help ensure the relationship doesn't drift towards confrontation.

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Charges Against Chin Women’s Activists Must Be Dropped: Campaigners

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 05:27 AM PDT

Mai T. Sui Leng, director of Women's Hand Myanmar Foundation, speaks at a press conference in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Mai T. Sui Leng, director of Women's Hand Myanmar Foundation, speaks at a press conference in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Women's rights advocates have called on the Burmese government to drop charges against four ethnic Chin activists who were charged for organizing a protest for justice in an alleged attempted rape by a Burma Army soldier.

After early last month signing an international declaration intended to put an end to sexual violence in conflict, the government is being criticized for not following through on its commitment, and instead using a controversial law to stifle public demonstrations.

On June 10, a soldier from the Burma Army's Light Infantry Battalion 269 allegedly attacked and attempted to rape a 55-year-old woman near Razua, Matupi Township. According to a local women's group, the victim was badly injured and admitted to hospital in Razua.

About 600 Chin women in total staged protests in both Razua and Matupi on June 23 and 24, demanding that the soldier, who has been arrested, be properly punished.

Although accusations of rape and sexual assault by soldiers are frequently made in Burma's ethnic regions, activists say few cases are properly investigated, and soldiers are often given light punishments under the military's internal disciplinary system.

Last week, charges under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law were brought against four leaders from the Razua Women's Group for organizing the protest without first gaining the permission of the authorities, local activists said during a press conference in Rangoon on Tuesday.

Leaders of the Matupi Women's Association said they were also threatened with charges for their protest.

Aye Ly, the Matupi group's secretary, told reporters that both groups of women activists had asked for permission before protesting, but had been refused.

"The rapist soldier was arrested. But we worried there would be no justice as in former cases. This is not the first time that a Chin woman was raped by a soldier in Razua," she said.

Parliament has approved amendments to the Peaceful Assembly Law that will force authorities to approve demonstrations and reduce the punishments meted out to people for protesting illegally. However, President Thein Sein has not yet signed the law into force.

"We strongly urge the government authorities to immediately stop harassing our community leaders and drop all charges against them," a statement by the Razua Women's Group said. "We also repeat our calls for justice in the recent case of attempted rape, and for an end to military sexual violence against ethnic women."

Mai T. Sui Leng, director of Women's Hand Myanmar Foundation, said a signature campaign was being launched on Tuesday, in support of the four Chin activists.

"We informed the minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement about this case and also we will send the letter to Myanmar Committee for Women's Affairs," she said.

Paw Lian Lwin, a member of Parliament from Matupi, was also at the press conference. "There was sexual violence but they're not allowed to call for justice over this case. They even charged those who call for justice. If we think, based on these facts, about human rights or democracy, it is really not good," he said.

A UK-based advocacy group has criticized that the government of Burma for its failure to act on sexual violence committed by soldiers, even after it signed up to the Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict in London last month.

"Rather than implementing the declaration to end sexual violence, the Burmese government has arrested women who protested against the attempted rape of an ethnic Chin woman by a Burmese army soldier," Zoya Phan, campaigns manager at Burma Campaign UK, said in a statement.

"The international community should not let this commitment become yet another broken promise by President Thein Sein. The longer the Burmese government delays taking action, the stronger the argument becomes for the international community to conduct its own investigation into sexual violence by the Burmese army. As the country taking the lead on this issue internationally, Britain should take the lead in building international support for such an investigation."

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Burmese Minister Oversees Power Generation Deals in the UK

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 04:49 AM PDT

British Foreign Office Minister Hugo Swire shakes hands with Burma's Minister for Electric Power Khin Maung Soe during the Burmese official's visit to the UK this week. (Photo: British Embassy Rangoon / Facebook)

British Foreign Office Minister Hugo Swire shakes hands with Burma's Minister for Electric Power Khin Maung Soe during the Burmese official's visit to the UK this week. (Photo: British Embassy Rangoon / Facebook)

RANGOON — Burmese Minister for Electric Power Khin Maung Soe has overseen the signing of two deals that will see British technology, including Rolls Royce gas turbines, aid efforts to address Burma's chronic electricity shortage.

The minister arrived in the United Kingdom on Monday on a four-day visit that will include meetings with high ranking British government officials and UK-based companies, according to a press release from the British Embassy in Rangoon.

"These meetings will provide an excellent forum to discuss Burma's political and economic reform process, UK support to the Ministry of Electric Power via development aid and the opportunities for British companies to invest in power generation and transmission in Burma," the release said.

Burma has recently signed a handful of deals to buy power from foreign private companies as it looks to address a nationwide scarcity of electricity that means cities are often subjected to rolling blackouts and factories are forced to rely on off-grid diesel generators.

Khin Maung Soe and Hugo Swire, a British Foreign Office minister, attended the signing of two deals on Monday between Burmese and British companies.

The renowned car and engine manufacturer Rolls Royce signed an agreement with Zeya & Associates to provide three 9.2 MW gas turbines to expand the existing Hlawga power plant in Rangoon's Mingaladon Township, the embassy said.

Aggreko, a company with headquarters in Scotland that provides temporary power generation, also signed a deal with Andaman Power and Utility for a gas power plant in Kanbauk, Tenasserim Division. "[T]he plant will provide affordable energy to the residents of Dawei who currently rely on diesel generators for electricity," the release said.

It quoted Swire as saying that both companies had joined him on a trade mission to Naypyidaw in December 2012. "British companies have great expertise to offer Burma in its economic development, and we hope this will ultimately support jobs and growth in both countries," Swire was quoted saying.

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Expect Skepticism as Thein Sein Pledges to Act Against Riot Instigators

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 03:41 AM PDT

In a speech broadcast on state radio Monday night, Burmese President Thein Sein vowed to take action against the instigators of recent riots in Mandalay, but the pledge will be met with a cautious reception.

This skepticism is understandable as the president and government failed to take action after previous violence that rocked major Burmese cities Meiktila, Lashio, Pegu and Sittwe.

Many believe that some powerful people, both in the government and outside, have been financing the anti-Muslim campaign that began shortly after the opposition National League for Democracy won a victory in the April 2012 by-elections.

Many in dissident circles have a strong suspicion that powerful leaders who benefitted hugely from the old regime are trying to divert attention from the serious political and social issues facing the country, as well as to gain political legitimacy ahead of the 2015 national election.

Before this anti-Muslim violence spread across Burma, the country was in the midst of a sea change as the military government was replaced by a nominally civilian one after elections in 2010. Although the polls were widely regarded as rigged, Burma was seen as a promising country full of hope and optimism.

The government freed political prisoners, lifted censorship, initiated talks with ethnic armed groups, and even suspended the Chinese-funded Myitsone dam project in the north—considered to be a cue to Western governments, particularly the United States.

Encouraged by the courageous decision to suspend the controversial dam project, the public and activists asked the government to stop other major Chinese-funded projects in the country. In Rangoon and Mandalay, where residents have long railed against growing Chinese influence, activists planned to launch anti-China rallies and media became vocal in decrying projects linked to Burma's giant neighbor.

Enjoying newfound freedoms, people also began to question government's performance and its dubious link to the past regime's leadership, and the widespread human rights abuses and corruption under military rule.

Major street protests—called the largest demonstrations in Burma for years—were also held in cities, including Mandalay, to demand electricity 24 hours a day as major cities were dogged by blackouts, some lasting six hours or longer.

Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org.

But then there came a carefully calculated diversion—to play the religion card and stoke deep-seated Islamophobia among Burmese Buddhists.

Under the self-styled reformist administration, we saw the first wave of violence between the Rohingya and ethnic Arakanese in Arakan State in mid-2012. Then violence began to spread to major cities in the heartland of Burma. The 969 movement and the campaign by extremist monks to "protect race and religion" came into full swing.

It is not only for its inaction that the government's role in the violence has been called into question, but its ambiguous role in possibly supporting 969 and the anti-Muslim movement is also noted.

Some senior officials working in the President's Office did not hide their hatred of Burma's Muslim population as they posted anti-Muslim rhetoric on social media, encouraging Burmese media to take sides.

Ironically, inter-communal strife has handed the government some political legitimacy and support as it has divided the opposition and civil society. The mood in the streets changed throughout the country—with the focus shifting away from other issues activists would like the country to be concentrating on.

Chinese and local businesses, those with close links to the government, and also perhaps those in the ruling party who made their fortunes from Chinese investment in Burma, were no doubt relieved. Several birds were killed with one stone.

Many informed sources in Rangoon have told me that funding for groups inciting hatred against Muslims and creating divisions in democratic forces came from powerful politicians and former army officers now attached to government departments or holding seats in Parliament.

Moreover, the monkhood, once the backbone of anti-regime activism, has become divided. Well-resourced extremist monks such as Wirathu, who is based in Mandalay, have gained prominence.

The government has not yet to taken any action against Wirathu and other powerful extremists. Alarmingly, as Foreign Policy reported in March, Thein Sein is said to be in regular contact with members of the nationalist movement, including Wirathu. In June 2013, Thein Sein's office issued a statement saying that 969 "is just a symbol of peace" and Wirathu is "a son of Lord Buddha."

Wirathu has been meeting powerful leaders including Aung Thaung, former industry minister and one of the leaders of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party. His family accumulated an immense fortune during the previous regime, and Aung Thaung continues to wield power and influence.

In any case, the campaign against Muslims has succeeded in pushing the crucial issues for Burma onto the back burner.

As Burma is chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations this year, several majority-Muslim countries in the region have expressed concern about violence against Muslims in Burma. And as the year goes on, more high-level regional meetings are set to be held in the country, including November's Asean Summit, at which US President Barack Obama is expected.

With Obama's second Burma trip—after becoming the first sitting president to pay a visit to the country in 2012—just four months away, religious violence has broken out once again, the government is embarking on a renewed crackdown on the media and Thein Sein's government has proposed new laws that could restrict religious freedom .Tensions also remain high with the ethnic armed groups that reside on Burma's mountainous borders, and who asses the ongoing peace process as somewhere between going nowhere and collapsing in the near future.

The irony is that to the United States, Burma is Obama's foreign policy success story. But this sel

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Jade Mines to Resume Operations in Kachin State: Burmese Govt

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 03:33 AM PDT

Small-scale miners in Hpakant scour a mountainside stripped bare by heavy machinery in search of jade. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Small-scale miners in Hpakant scour a mountainside stripped bare by heavy machinery in search of jade. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — In northern Burma, where the vast majority of the world's jade is produced, mining companies will soon be allowed to resume operations, following a two-year hiatus due to armed conflicts.

The Ministry of Mines announced Tuesday that small- and large-scale miners can return September 1 to the resource-rich Kachin State.

Mining operations were suspended in the state in 2012 due to fighting between the government's military and an ethnic armed group, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). After the suspension, small-scale miners and hand-pickers moved in illegally to try their luck.

The Ministry of Mines said progress had been made recently in peace talks between the government and the KIA, although a bilateral ceasefire remains elusive.

The decision to resume mining operations follows an annual gems emporium in the capital Naypyidaw, which saw fewer lots of jade than previous years. Even so, jade sales surpassed expectations, reaching about US$3.4 billion, compared with $2.6 billion last year.

Trade in the precious stones is controversial because competing claims over mines helped fuel the war between the military and the KIA.

A senior official from the Myanmar Gems Enterprise, under the Ministry of Mines, said that before 2012, about 700 jade mining companies worked in Kachin State's Hpakant and Lone Khin areas, where most of the jade is sourced.

"Companies whose licenses are still active to explore jade mines can continue their work. Otherwise they need to renew their licenses," the official told The Irrawaddy.

"Due to the government's temporary stop on jade mining, the number of jade lots at the annual emporiums in 2013 and 2014 were smaller. I hope that if they are allowed back, there will be not one but two emporiums next year," he said, adding that the government hoped to sell less raw jade and more value-added jade products in the future.

Khin Lay Myint, vice chairman of the Myanmar Gems and Jewelry Entrepreneurs Association (Mandalay) said she expected the supply of jade to return to normal soon. "We welcome the government's decision to allow jade miners to resume their work," she said.

Daw Khar, a resident and jade dealer in Hpakant, said the return of mining companies could end the illegal exploration by hand-pickers.

"Some residents explored in company-owned mines when the companies stopped working. This was not legal, and they will need to stop doing that," she said.

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Burmese President Warns Media After Mandalay Riots

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 02:31 AM PDT

Burmese President Thein Sein delivers a monthly radio address. (Photo: The President's Office)

Burmese President Thein Sein delivers a monthly radio address. (Photo: The President's Office)

Burma's president has vowed to take action against instigators of last week's religious riots in Mandalay, while saying the misuse of newfound media freedoms was responsible for escalating tensions.

In a radio address on Monday evening, Thein Sein blamed poverty and poor education for the rise in clashes between Buddhists and Muslims since his government came to power three years ago, but said some instances of religious violence have been caused by instigators. "Severe action will be taken against those who intentionally spread hate speech and caused the riots, regardless of their race or religion," he said.

The clashes that began last Tuesday in Burma's second-biggest city were sparked by reports on social media that a Buddhist woman had been raped by two Muslim men. Fighting continued throughout the week, mostly at night, until the government imposed a curfew in the city.

Two people were killed in the violence, while at least 14 people were injured.

Political commentator Yan Myo Thein said the government had a poor track record when it came to handling religious unrest. "The cabinet has obviously failed to take action, ensure security and solve similar conflicts over the past three years," he told The Irrawaddy, in reaction to the president's radio address.

Thein Sein offered his condolences to the families of the Muslim man and Buddhist man who were slain in the riots last week, and said he appreciated the cooperation of residents with authorities to stop the fighting.

The president also discussed the role of media in maintaining stability, with a chilling warning to reporters.

He said Burma enjoyed some of the highest levels of media freedom in Southeast Asia, after the government abolished pre-publication censorship in 2012, but that those freedoms had been misused. "Affirmative action will be taken against those who threaten state stability rather than using media freedom for good," he said.

The warning comes as journalists face increasing pressure from Naypyidaw. Human Rights Watch has accused the government of backsliding on press freedom recently, including by imprisoning several journalists over the past year, tightening restrictions on journalist visas and sending Special Branch police officers to news bureaus.

Prominent columnist Sithu Aung Myint said he worried the government was mistakenly conflating hate speech on social media with the reporting of professional journalists. "There will be bad consequences if the government uses the riots as an excuse to control media freedom," he told The Irrawaddy.

He added, however, that hate speech was a real problem, with people distributing inflammatory messages not only online, but also via posters, CDs, videos and pamphlets. "We do not support the banning of Facebook, but the government needs to find a way to tackle it, because the widespread distribution of hate speech is happening in communities, not only on social media," he said.

The president has spoken against hate speech at least four times since taking office. "He also said in 2013 that action would be taken against those who promoted hate speech, but no action was taken," Sithu Aung Myint said.

The post Burmese President Warns Media After Mandalay Riots appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Journalists Detained for Alleged Defamation

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 01:11 AM PDT

In state media, the government warns that it will take action against Rangoon-based Bi Mon Te  Nay newspaper. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

In state media, the government warns that it will take action against Rangoon-based Bi Mon Te  Nay newspaper. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Editors from a local weekly are under investigation by the police after reporting that members of the public voted to form an interim government.

Rangoon-based Bi Mon Te  Nay newspaper published an article on Monday based on a statement by the Myanmar Democracy Continuous Force (MDCF), a political activist group, claiming that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic political forces had been selected to serve as the country's temporary new leaders.

Thein Min Aung, reporter-in-charge of the journal, told The Irrawaddy that the journal's editor-in-chief Naig Sai Aung, editor-in-charge Aung Thant and another editor were detained.

"Special Branch Police took our editors at around noon yesterday. The editor-in-charge was taken at around 4 in the afternoon. They still haven't arrived back yet," the reporter said on Tuesday morning.

"We published the news because it was released by MDCF. We have evidence," he added.

Police Maj. Kyaw Soe confirmed the investigation to The Irrawaddy. "Yes, they are now being questioned," he said, declining to elaborate on the case.

In state media, the government said it would take action against the journal because the article was defamatory and could lead to misunderstandings, undermine the stability of the state, and damage public interests.

It added that if investigators determine that an unofficial election did take place to vote on the formation of an interim government, action would be taken in accordance with existing laws.

On Monday, MDCF announced the statement in front of Rangoon's City Hall, saying Suu Kyi had been elected as president of an interim government.

The three-point statement accused the current government, led by President Thein Sein, of pursuing its own interests rather than tackling unemployment, promoting labor rights and farmers' rights, and improving the judiciary. The statement said that as a result, the people had voted for an interim government.

Htin Kyaw, a leader of the MDCF, has also been accused and convicted of defaming the government in the past, receiving a six month prison sentence in a separate case.

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In Mandalay, Violent Threats Against Those Trying to Report on Riots

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 05:30 PM PDT

Security forces in riot gear line up in Mandalay on July 5. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — On the night of July 1, I experienced violence at first hand while covering the inter-communal clashes between Buddhists and Muslims that broke out in Burma's second-biggest city.

When I arrived at the scene of riots in the city center, the police were facing down a hostile mob. A Mandalay-based reporter standing right in front of me tried record the mayhem on his camera. Suddenly a man in a Buddhist monk's robes—whether he was a real or bogus monk I do not know—shouted angrily at the reporter.

"Why did you take my picture? Delete them now!" he yelled.

I noticed that we were surrounded by more than two dozen angry people. They seized the key of my motorbike. Someone called out that the memory card of the camera should be taken and a man snatched the reporter's camera from his hands and removed the card.

"Don't take your time. Just smash it!" someone cried, attempting to grab the camera too. The reporter gave me his camera to keep safe while he searched for his mobile phone, which had fallen on the floor nearby, and men from the crowd tried again to grab the camera, as well as my mobile phone.

Luckily, other people's intervention saved the camera.

"What is your nationality? Show me your ID card. You must be a Muslim because you took pictures of our side only," a Buddhist monk told us. "Why don't you take pictures of the Muslims over there? When people see our pictures, they may think we are bad guys."

The incident illuminates the difficulties the Burmese journalists face today, especially when covering communal strife. When we report that Muslims are attacked by Buddhists, we are accused of giving Buddhists a bad name. When we break the news that Buddhists have been attacked by Muslims, we are accused of instigating unrest in a country where the majority is Buddhist.

That is not to mention the difficulties of simply gathering the news, which continued. As we were roughly questioned by three men wearing monks' robes, other young men, who were visibly drunk, wielded sticks and iron rods in our direction, shouting: "No more questions. Beat them up! Smash their heads!"

Again people intervened to calm down the men, appealing that the memory card had already been taken. They gave me my key back and shooed us away. Thankfully, the mob turned its attention to the police.

Although we drove quickly away from the mob, my heart was pounding and I had to keep looking back to make sure we were out of trouble, worried that someone might follow us to hurt us.

I later found out that we were not alone in facing threats. On the night of July 2, another group of journalists faced angry mobs at least twice and were also stopped from taking pictures.

"While we were taking pictures of people rampaging at the corner of 35th and 84th streets, some rioters rushed to us, shouting 'what the hell are you doing?' We had to run for our lives," a photojournalist told me.

"To tell you the truth, I was really scared as they had sticks and swords. Whenever I was confronted with them, all I could think about was to run from them to safety," another reported.

A video journalist described encountering an angry group of about 10 young men while filming. "They tried to take my camera and they thought I am a Muslim. I explained them several times that I am a Buddhist and I didn't record anything," he said.

"I showed my empty camera and later they headed to another place. I was lucky, and I left the area immediately."

Since violence broke out in Mandalay on the night of July 1, rioting has so far claimed two lives: one Buddhist and one Muslim.

The mob was under the mistaken impression that we were fanning the riots, and we had little protection while trying to do our jobs. While a strict curfew is now in place, the security forces' efforts to protect journalists covering the early clashes were questionable.

But while they prevented us from taking photographs, those in the crowd were themselves capturing incidents and posting them on Facebook. The exclusion of reporters meant that Burmese social media was dominated by these real-time updates, often from people holding a cell phone in one hand while brandishing a sword in the other. This raises the question: why target the media and accuse us of bias and instigating unrest?

While people involved in the rioting may be using Facebook to fan the unrest, reporters were working to cover the events fairly and accurately.

But Facebook was also filled with posts accusing various media publishing in Burmese and English, including The Irrawaddy, of posting "misinformation" and of "exaggerating the news." Some even commented calling for people to "kill their reporters!"

On July 4, the day of the funeral of Tun Tun, a Buddhist man allegedly killed by a mob, journalists were again warned not to take pictures of the hundreds who attended.

Once again, abuse was shouted from the crowd. "Hey you, bastard media! Take a picture of us and you will be dead meat," one person shouted. The crowd photographed the reporters and boasted they had the journalists on camera.

Coverage of the funeral drew more anger on social media, and some spread the message for people to refuse to give interviews, to treat reporters badly and destroy their equipment.

The effect of all this is that some reporters no longer dare go out to cover clashes. When we do, we stay close to the police for some security.

The events of the past week, particularly the night of July 1, have left me fearful, but I will continue to report what is happening in Mandalay. But my question, on behalf of all journalists here, is: "How can we file stories that give the true voices of both sides if people from one side treat us so badly and the other side treats us well?"

I will never forget the red burning eyes of the angry men, the brutal words from those who wore robes and the faces of violence in the angry mob. The nightmare of last week will haunt me, my colleagues and the residents of Mandalay for a long time.

The post In Mandalay, Violent Threats Against Those Trying to Report on Riots appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Ethnic Kayaw Traditions On the Wane as Youth Shun Traditional Dress

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 05:00 PM PDT

An ethnic Kayaw woman, wearing traditional costume, carries a basket at the mountain village of Ra E Pra in Karenni State. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

PHARUSOE, Karenni State — After a bumpy eight-hour ride on a dirt road that snakes around a mountainside, a village shrouded by evening mist came into view.

Nestled in a valley about 20 miles south of Loikaw—the capital of Karenni State—Ra E Pra is a village of about 300 residents belonging to the Kayaw ethnic group, a sub-group of the Karen residing in Karenni state.

While the Padaung or Kayan women of Karenni State are famous for the metal rings they wear around their necks, Kayaw women elongate their earlobes with metal cylinders. Both men and women wear long necklaces adorned with colorful beads and silver coins and pendants.

Another main feature of the Kayaw women's dress is wearing brass rings around their knees

and ankles. When someone dies, their rings and necklaces are buried along with them as "they are their belongings," villagers explained to me.

A tour around the village reveals the way of life of the Kayaw, who are mostly Christian. They live in houses on stilts. They grow rice, millet and mustard and raise cattle. A primary school in the village has nearly 40 students. Poverty among the villagers is evident.

Although the tribe is known for its necklaces and the metal cylinders worn in the earlobes, most of the younger people no longer wear traditional jewelry. Older people explained that the younger generation sees the fashion as something embarrassing, especially when they go to cities in search of work.

"With those things, they said, they are afraid to be the center of attention, and they feel annoyed at being stared at in amazement. Only some older people wear them here today," said Kyi Zar, 65, a village dignitary.

"But once a year, they all wear them on Karenni National Day because it's customary," he added.

The post Ethnic Kayaw Traditions On the Wane as Youth Shun Traditional Dress appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Road Construction Could Damage National Park in Chin State

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 10:39 PM PDT

A sign welcomes visitors to the Natma Taung National Park in Chin State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

A sign welcomes visitors to the Natma Taung National Park in Chin State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Road construction in Chin State's Natma Taung National Park could harm biodiversity, the administrator of the protected mountainous area has warned.

Natma Taung National Park is located between Kanpet-let, Mindut and Matupi townships of Chin State in western Burma. The park covers 72,300 hectares of the Chin Hills and contains Burma's third-highest mountain Natma Taung, which was previously known as Mount Victoria.

The area is outstanding for its highly diverse plant life, which offers insight into the biogeographical history of Asia. It also stands out for the presence of a locally endemic bird species and restricted-range Eastern Himalayan birds.

Surveys have recorded 808 plant species, including 70 species of fern, as well as 233 bird, 23 amphibian, 65 reptile, and 77 butterfly species in the park, according to United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unseco).

"There is an expansion of an old road and two new roads being constructed connecting to Kanpet-let and Mindut Township through the park," said Tin Mya Soe, the administrator of the Natma Taung National Park, which comes under the Ministry of Environmental Conservation and Forestry.

He said that the construction of the roads was started in the last fiscal year and although the work would help locals travel around the area, the construction inside the park would have adverse effects.

"After the construction, more vehicles and people will enter into the park. It will be a disturbance for wildlife and multiple threatened bird species that can be only seen in the park. There will be more hunting and cutting trees in the park too," he said.

He said that if more money was allocated, the roads could have been built along different routes to avoid the park.

Natma Taung National Park was identified as a "priority candidate" for recognition as a Unesco World Heritage Site, together with Indawgyi Lake Wildlife Sanctuary in Kachin State during a meeting between Unesco and Burmese government officials in Naypyidaw in February.

It is also an Asean Heritage Park and was listed as an Alliance for Zero Extinction Site because of the White-browed Nuthatch, a bird that is endemic to the park.

Tin Mya Soe said that the park was becoming famous among tourists for ecotourism, and bird watchers made up a lot of the visitors to the area.

"Before it's decided whether it will get on the World Heritage List or not, the park could be damaged if we don't protect it. It is not something that we [the Forestry Department] can do by ourselves. We need residents' participation and other government's departments' support to protect the park," he said.

Moe Moe, who runs a villa for tourists in Kanpet-let Township, said that Natma Taung National Park is one of the most visited places in Chin State, and that visitor numbers are currently on the rise.

The post Road Construction Could Damage National Park in Chin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

NLD Rally Attacked With Slingshots

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 10:33 PM PDT

88 Generation Leader Min Ko Naing speaks during a joint rally with the National League for Democracy (NLD) in support of constitutional reform in Rangoon earlier this year. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

88 Generation Leader Min Ko Naing speaks during a joint rally with the National League for Democracy (NLD) in support of constitutional reform in Rangoon earlier this year. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The National League for Democracy (NLD) says it came under slingshot attack by unknown assailants during a rally for constitutional reform over the weekend in Sagaing Division.

At the rally in Magyiton village, Khin-U Township, stones were hurled at members of the opposition party as well as people in the crowd, according to a party member.

"I was giving the talks," Tin Win, the NLD's joint secretary in the township, told The Irrawaddy. "Since it was dusk, it was not clear who was attacking us. The attack came from four sides."

He said it was the first time the NLD had faced violence during its nationwide campaign for constitutional amendments.

A 4-year-old child in the crowd was hit on the head with a stone, and six adults were also injured. They were rushed to the township hospital and a police report was filed.

"We reported it to the upper level," said Khin Maung Latt, a police officer from the township station.

The township's NLD chairman, Win Aung, criticized the use of violence against peaceful talks.

The NLD has teamed up with the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, an activist group, to campaign for constitutional amendments. They have held rallies and launched a petition to amend Article 436 of the charter, which gives the military a veto over other amendments.

The petition is scheduled to end on July 19, which is also the Burmese holiday Martyrs' Day.

The post NLD Rally Attacked With Slingshots appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Camp Baby a Brief Chapter in Painful Story

Posted: 08 Jul 2014 12:57 AM PDT

The body of 3-month-old Asoma Khatu, who died of fever and diarrhea, is covered with a piece of white cloth at the Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Pauk Taw, Arakan state, on April 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

The body of 3-month-old Asoma Khatu, who died of fever and diarrhea, is covered with a piece of white cloth at the Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Pauk Taw, Arakan state, on April 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

SITTWE — Hours after Shamshu Nahad gave birth to her second child, a beautiful baby girl, her husband was digging its grave.

The tiny corpse, wrapped in white cloth, was placed on a straw mat and lowered into the moist earth, neighbors and relatives bowing their heads as they quietly recited Muslim prayers.

Like the child’s life, the ceremony was brief, over in a matter of minutes.

For tens of thousands of Rohingya Muslims trapped in displacement camps in western Burma, it is a scene that is becoming all too familiar.

The predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million has been gripped by religious violence since it started moving from military rule to democracy three years ago, leaving up to 280 people dead and sending another 140,000 fleeing their homes. Most of the victims have been Rohingya, who are denied citizenship by national law and are looked upon by much of the population with disdain.

The suffering of pregnant women and sick babies goes on silently in the camps, in dark corners of barrack-style homes and bamboo huts.

They lost their main source of health care when the government kicked the aid group Doctors Without Borders out of Arakan State in February. The activities of humanitarian workers helping deliver food and clean water were severely restricted after Buddhist mobs attacked their residences and offices a month later.

When complications in childbirth occur, patients cannot go to government hospitals without hard-to-get authorization and hefty bribes. Nearby clinics are usually staffed by just one or two doctors, sometimes for only a few hours a day. Many emergencies are now handled by midwives and workers in ill-equipped village pharmacies.

Nahad didn’t even make it out of her makeshift bamboo hut to give birth. The 20-year-old lay on the floor for four days before going into labor, writhing in pain, her body soaked in sweat.

The young family was already deep in debt and could not afford to bribe anyone. And during her pregnancy, Nahad could not afford to eat anything except small amounts of vegetables and rice.

A midwife came, one of just three who serve more than 10,000 Rohingya in Dar Paing camp and surrounding areas. As the contractions intensified, she worked late into the night to finally coax the little girl into the world.

Four hours later, the child was dead.

Nahad was grief-stricken. She broke down into tears with every sideway glance at the small corpse in the corner of the room.

Her only other child, 2-year-old Mohammed Rohim, could not understand why he wasn’t allowed to go to his mother, who could barely move because the bleeding wouldn’t stop. He looked curiously at the baby, unaware it was his little sister. Finally he was shuttled from the room and placed under the care of neighbors.

When the sun came up, the midwife returned to help prepare the burial. The warm water poured over the little girl’s body drained through the slats of the shack’s bamboo floor. It was sprinkled with perfume and bundled up in white cloth, as is the Islamic tradition.

Nahad could hardly move. Others took her dead daughter to the mosque, walking along the muddy road between long, bamboo camp homes, sidestepping huge puddles left by monsoon rains. Some neighbors joined the procession, while others peeked out from the windows.

When they reached the cemetery, Mohammed Shafiq, the baby’s 25-year-old father, dug into the wet earth with his spade. Other men took over from time to time until the hole was about 1 foot wide, 3 feet long and 3 feet deep.

There were more prayers as the tiny corpse was lowered into the grave and covered with dirt.

Nahad didn’t have a chance to say goodbye.

The post Burmese Camp Baby a Brief Chapter in Painful Story appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indonesian Presidential Hopeful Prays Mecca Trip Will Win Votes

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 10:24 PM PDT

 Indonesian presidential candidate Joko

Indonesian presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo runs on the stage after delivering a speech in front of his supporters at Gelora Bung Karno stadium in Jakarta on July 5, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Darren Whiteside)

JAKARTA — The front-runner in Wednesday's Indonesian presidential election has flown to Mecca on a whirlwind pilgrimage in a last-ditch bid to win voters among the world's largest Muslim population and put to rest damaging suggestions that he is really a Christian.

Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has seen his huge early lead in polls narrow sharply in what has become Indonesia's dirtiest and tightest presidential race in the face of a sharp and well-financed campaign by his rival, ex-general Prabowo Subianto.

Some opinion polls show the July 9 race is now too close to call.

The pilgrimage could mean the difference between winning and losing the presidency after a smear campaign suggesting Jokowi was an ethnic-Chinese Christian hurt his popularity.

The suggestion is politically ruinous in a society where more than 90 percent of people are native Indonesians and adhere to Islam. Jokowi is both Muslim and an indigenous Indonesian.

That the accusations have stuck is as much a reflection of what many analysts have criticized as a disorganized, stumbling Jokowi campaign as it is of his rival's skills.

Even members of the Jokowi campaign complain that the main party backing him, Indonesia Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), has failed to galvanize its millions of supporters in the run-up to the vote.

The PDI-P received similar criticism for the way it ran the campaign ahead of April's parliamentary election, when the party came out top but with far fewer votes than expected.

White Robes

Pictures of Jokowi, clad in white robes and praying in Islam's religious center, Mecca, circulated on social media on Monday while TV images showed the 53-year-old performing the ritual act of walking around the Kabaa, a holy site in the Saudi Arabian city.

Indonesians are among the world's most voracious users of social media which has become a key platform to reach young voters who represent about a third of the electorate. Both candidates have relied on Facebook and Twitter to get across their message.

Overt displays of religious piety too have grown sharply in recent years after being largely discouraged during the long-autocratic rule of Suharto which ended in 1998 and who saw Islamic extremism as a threat.

One sign is the surge in pilgrimages to Mecca, one of the so-called five pillars of Islam which all Muslims should try to carry out at least once if possible.

The waiting list in Jakarta alone to go on the full pilgrimage, or haj, is more than 10 years for the basic package which costs around 35 million rupiah (US$3,000), about the same as Indonesia's average per capita income in a year.

Jokowi's trip is not the complete haj. Many pilgrims seek to visit Mecca during the fasting month of Ramadan, which began on June 29.

"This is a good strategy to counter the effect [of the negative campaign], especially in West Java," said Adriana Elisabeth, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences.

West Java, which represents around 20 percent of the national vote and is home to some of the country's most conservative Muslim groups, is a key battleground in the election in the world's third biggest democracy.

"It's not too late to try and convince people that he is a true Muslim. In fact, voters will remember this act when they go [to vote] on Wednesday," Elisabeth added.

The election body has imposed a three-day "quiet period" banning active campaigning immediately before the election. But by going to Mecca and making sure TV cameras come along, Jokowi can guarantee publicity without breaking the rules against campaigning.

One of his key supporters owns a major TV channel.

Jokowi undertook a similar last-minute pilgrimage before the 2012 election for the post of Jakarta governor, which was also marred by ethnic and religious tensions. He won.

Jokowi is due back in Jakarta on Tuesday morning, a campaign official told Reuters.

The post Indonesian Presidential Hopeful Prays Mecca Trip Will Win Votes appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China Holds Ceremony to Mark China-Japan War

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 10:17 PM PDT

A protester burns a portrait of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to rally against Abe's push to expand Japan's military role abroad, near the Japanese consulate in Hong Kong on July 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Tyrone Siu)

A protester burns a portrait of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to rally against Abe's push to expand Japan's military role abroad, near the Japanese consulate in Hong Kong on July 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Tyrone Siu)

BEIJING — President Xi Jinping criticized people who "beautify the history of aggression" as China on Monday marked the 77th anniversary of the start of a war with Japan amid rising tensions between Beijing and Tokyo.

This year's unusually high-profile commemoration of the 1937 Marco Polo Bridge Incident, including a nationally televised speech by Xi, comes amid an anti-Japanese propaganda campaign by Beijing.

The two governments are involved in a dispute over ownership of uninhabited islands in the East China Sea. China has expressed unease about Japan's reinterpretation of its pacifist constitution to ease restrictions on military activity. While the change has met with opposition within Japan, it has been supported by the United States and Australia, where Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was due to visit Monday.

"Unfortunately, nearly 70 years after the victory of the Chinese war of resistance against Japanese aggression and the anti-Fascist war, there is still a minority group of people who ignore historical facts, who ignore the tens of thousands of lives lost in the war, who go against the tide of history and deny and even beautify the history of aggression and harm international mutual trust and create regional tension," Xi said at a ceremony at suburban Beijing's Lugou Bridge, called the Marco Polo Bridge in the 1930s.

Asked about the commemoration, Japan's chief government spokesman, Yoshihide Suga, said China's attempt to dredge up wartime history and turn it into an international issue was unnecessary and "not helpful at all in building peace and cooperation in the region."

Suga said Japan has been recognized by the international community for being a peaceful nation since the end of World War II.

"We will continue our contribution to international peace and prosperity and to building a forward-looking relationship," he said.

Rana Mitter, a professor of Chinese history and politics at Oxford University, said Xi's speech fit into a pattern of attempts by China to highlight Chinese wartime resistance against Japan to "inspire patriotic fervor."

"It's really part of a growing tendency that we have seen, notably in the last few months, of attempts by China and the Chinese leadership to use events from the Second World War period to make points about contemporary geopolitics, particularly if they relate to Japan," he said.

Xi unveiled a commemorative sculpture based on a military medal at the Museum of the War of the Chinese People’s Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, according to the official Xinhua news agency.

After Xi spoke, a group of schoolchildren at the event chanted a promise to "remember history, cherish peace, not forget the shame of the nation and realize the Chinese dream."

In 1937, Japanese forces that had been in China's northeast since 1905 provoked a clash with Chinese soldiers at the Marco Polo Bridge by trying to enter the city of Wanping near Beijing. The fighting is regarded as the first battle of the second Sino-Japanese war, which lasted until Japan's defeat by the Allies in 1945.

China and Japan are now linked by billions of dollars in trade, investment and aid, but the ruling Communist Party uses state media and school history textbooks to keep alive anti-Japanese sentiment.

Relations worsened after Abe visited a shrine in Tokyo late last year that honors Japan's war dead, including convicted war criminals.

Soon after, officials at Japanese broadcaster NHK drew fire when one denied that the 1937 massacre in Nanjing of thousands of Chinese civilians by Japanese soldiers happened and another downplayed the Imperial Army's use of sex slaves.

In recent months, Beijing has tried to draw foreign attention to Japanese wartime aggression.

Last month, the government said it was applying to the UN cultural organization Unesco to have 11 sets of documents relating to the Nanjing Massacre, including diaries, photographs and testimonies that depict Japan’s brutality, declared important historical material.

Last week, China posted documents online that it said were personal accounts of wartime atrocities committed by Japanese in China.

On Sunday, China launched a website to promote commemoration of the Nanjing Massacre, also known as the Rape of Nanking.

Throughout the day Sunday, China Central Television's hourly news showed the recollections of a sobbing 85-year-old man of being forced to work in a Japanese iron mine during the war. Yu Mingting spoke about harsh living conditions and said when there was no room to bury the bodies of dead Chinese, Japanese poured gasoline on them and burned them.

On Monday, state television showed scenes from a 1956 trial of Japanese war criminals, with victims angrily and tearfully recounting their experiences.

Associated Press videojournalist Miki Toda in Tokyo contributed to this report.

The post China Holds Ceremony to Mark China-Japan War appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Junta Says Peace in Restive South a National Priority

Posted: 07 Jul 2014 10:09 PM PDT

Village volunteers train during a self-defense practice session organized by police and the Thai army in Yala Province, southern Thailand, on June 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Surapan Boonthanom)

Village volunteers train during a self-defense practice session organized by police and the Thai army in Yala Province, southern Thailand, on June 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Surapan Boonthanom)

BANGKOK — Thailand's military government said on Monday peace in the Muslim-dominated south was an "urgent national priority" for the Buddhist-majority country following a decade of unrest blamed on separatists.

The message comes a week after the start of the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan and days after the new government, led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha, said it would revive talks aimed at bringing peace to the provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat.

"The south is an urgent national priority. Prayuth wants firmer measures and more success in the south," Udomdet Sitabutr, secretary-general of the ruling National Council for Peace and Order, told reporters ahead of a visit to the region.

Prayuth said in his weekly speech to the nation on Friday the military government wanted to use political strategies over military tactics in the south.

A low-level insurgency has claimed more than 6,000 lives since 2004 following the resurgence of a dormant Muslim separatist movement, according to Deep South Watch, which monitors the violence.

Resistance to Buddhist rule has existed for decades in the predominantly Muslim provinces of Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat, which were part of a Malay Muslim sultanate until annexed by Thailand in 1902.

The government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinwatra, which was ousted by the military in May, started peace talks last year with the BRN, or National Revolutionary Front. The talks quickly collapsed and efforts to revive them were put on hold while Yingluck focused on containing months of street protests.

Violent attacks spiked during Ramadan last year partly, authorities said, in retaliation to the peace talks, which some rebel groups refused to acknowledge.

According to Deep South Watch, violence in the south skyrocketed when the peace talks began in 2013 to a level not seen since 2005-2007. Critics of the talks say the Thai state has been unable to identify those behind the attacks and no organization has ever claimed responsibility.

Some had even feared the military government would revive more aggressive counter-insurgency tactics but the junta appears to be putting the focus on conciliation.

"The approach has to be more complete and there must be more action at a grassroots level so that the peace talks are long-lasting," said Udomdet.

More than 150,000 military, police and armed civilian "volunteers" are stationed in the three provinces and manned checkpoints dot the region's main roads, creating a high level of mistrust among the Muslim community towards those in uniform.

The military has allowed 48 community radio stations in the three southernmost provinces to go back on air for Ramadan. The junta silenced thousands of independent radio stations that it deemed "politically questionable" in the wake of the coup.

In the latest violence in the south, two police officers were shot dead last week in an attack carried out by 10 suspected militants in Narathiwat, according to police.

Additional reporting by Surapan Boonthanom

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