The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Well-Known Burmese Painter Aung Myint Puts on Show in Rangoon
- Burma Govt Agrees to Include Federal System in Ceasefire Deal
- President Thein Sein ‘Failing,’ Public Opinion Poll Finds
- Bi Mon Te Nay Journalists Denied Bail
- Security a Concern as Jade Mining Set to Resume in Hpakant
- Villagers Plan Lawsuit After Shooting Leads to Schoolhouse Standoff
- From Gateway to Getaway?
- The Price of Peace
- Pope Makes Tough Sell on Materialism in South Korea
- Japan PM Sends Offering to War Dead Shrine, Cabinet Ministers Visit
- Police Test Mental Health of Daughter of American Tourist Killed in Bali
| Well-Known Burmese Painter Aung Myint Puts on Show in Rangoon Posted: 15 Aug 2014 06:09 AM PDT  In his 14th solo show in Rangoon, titled "14 A.M," Aung Myint brings a new series of paintings called "Faces." (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Aung Myint is known as the father of contemporary art in his country, and his painting series "Mother and Child" made him the first Burmese artist to win the Asean Art Awards in 2002. He has become an inspiration for younger artists, not only for his paintings, but also for his performance art and installations. In his 14th solo show in Rangoon, titled "14 A.M," Aung Myint is featuring a new series of paintings called "Faces" and some installation art work. In the 18 paintings that he completed in 2013 and 2014, the artist offers a reflection in black, white and red colors on the trauma of a changing populace that is opening up to the world for the first time in decades. "I'm afraid to use other colors because I don't know how to use them. If I use them wrong, I would feel bad," the 68-year-old artist said. He is drawn to black and white because he believes the colors are attractive and easily convey a message. He sometimes uses red for composition. "I'm not a good painter," he added. Nathalie Johnston, director of exhibitions at Pun+ Projects, which organized the show, said she has known Aung Myint for five years, and that he has not had any solo shows in Rangoon since about 2005. She said every artist she meets in the city refers to him as Saya, the Burmese word for master. "I feel very honored to be showing his work," she added. Aung Myint has staged more than 60 shows in Burma and several foreign countries, including Japan, Singapore, Germany, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Finland. His works were also exhibited and collected by the Guggenheim Museum in New York. His latest show will be on view from Aug. 15 to Sept. 20 at TS.1 Gallery on Lanthit Jetty, Seikkan Township, in Rangoon. The post Well-Known Burmese Painter Aung Myint Puts on Show in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Burma Govt Agrees to Include Federal System in Ceasefire Deal Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:54 AM PDT  Myanmar Peace Center Director Hla Maung Swe (left) and Nai Hong Sar, the head of the ethnic armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, give a press conference in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: JPaing . The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Burmese government has agreed to include in a nationwide ceasefire agreement a pledge for the country to be governed in a federal system, participants in a meeting between government negotiators and rebel leaders said Friday. The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which represents most of the country's rebel groups, met with the government's Union Peace-making Work Committee at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) in Rangoon on Friday. One of the ethnic armed groups' key demands is for the country to adopt a federal system with more local autonomy in ethnic regions, and Burma Army representatives have previously expressed a willingness to include federalism in the nationwide ceasefire deal currently being negotiated. But NCCT head Nai Hong Sar told a press conference that Friday's meeting was the first time the government side had firmly agreed to the demand. "This meeting was good and there was a lot of improvement. The most important thing is that the government agreed to have a federal system, which means democracy, equal rights and self determination in the country. They agreed with what our ethnic leaders proposed," said Nai Hong Sar. "The good message for the people is that we passed the main point already, and this is the really important point. The remaining points will be easy to discuss." A single draft of the nationwide ceasefire agreement was completed months ago, but the wording of a number of key points remained disputed. Talks on Friday and Saturday are being held to work through the draft ahead of a formal meeting including political parties and MPC members on Monday, at which plans for political dialogue to follow the ceasefire agreement will be discussed. Nai Hong Sar said the issue of creating a federal army for Burma, another demand of the ethnic armed groups, would be part of the later political dialogue. Hla Maung Shwe, a director of the government-linked MPC, confirmed that the government's negotiators had agreed to include wording about federalism in the agreement. "I found there was a lot compromise, understanding and consideration from each side at the meeting. We reached agreement to have a federal system, which is important," he said. Ethnic groups have long demanded for Burma to be governed under a federal system, but the military government that ruled the country until 2011 argued that granting too much autonomy to the border regions would lead to succession and the break-up of the nation. The nominally civilian government that took its place in 2011 has signed ceasefire agreements with most of the ethnic groups and initiated national talks. Although conflict is still taking place in the northern part of the country—most significantly between the Burma Army and ethnic Kachin fighters—the government wants to wrap up the nationwide ceasefire agreement in September and conduct political dialogue ahead of elections late next year. The post Burma Govt Agrees to Include Federal System in Ceasefire Deal appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| President Thein Sein ‘Failing,’ Public Opinion Poll Finds Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:37 AM PDT  Win Myo Thu RANGOON — Burma's President Thein Sein is "failing" in the eyes of the public, according to a poll of more than 6,500 people conducted by a local environmental and social advocacy group. Though receiving higher marks than in late 2012, the three-stage survey found that the president scored 27 out of a maximum score of 100 at the end of last year, down from the 32 that he scored when respondents were polled in mid-2013. Thein Sein scored 21 when the preliminary poll was conducted in late 2012. The group Advancing Life and Regenerating Motherland (Alarm), which works on environmental conservation and social affairs research in Burma, on Thursday released the survey, which also gauged public opinion on the performance of government generally and members of Parliament. "If we defined it like in schools—that the student who gets a score of 50 out of 100 passes the exam—the president failed the exam as administered by the public," Win Myo Thu, president of Alarm, said at a press conference in Rangoon. "We can say that in the middle of 2013, the score was up, but it didn't stay there for long. Public satisfaction of the president has declined." The survey was made up of interviews with a total of 6,510 people from Rangoon and Mandalay in late 2012, mid-2013 and at the end of 2013. They were asked a series of questions about how they viewed the president's performance, with responses assigned numeric values ranging from 0 to 100. Protests against an electricity rate increase, land disputes and Burma's ongoing civil war with ethnic minority groups were all deemed liabilities for Thein Sein by respondents. The arrest of activists protesting the controversial Letpadaung copper mine, the country's still unreformed Constitution and a visit by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to Burma in late 2013 were also cited as unfavorable developments. Bolstering public opinion of the president's performance was his suspension of the Chinese-backed Myitsone hydro dam project, releases of political prisoners and the holding of bi-elections in April 2012 that were deemed free and fair, among other developments viewed positively. The public satisfaction questionnaire covered Thein Sein's performance in areas of governance that included Burma's political reform program, and management of the nation's economy, health care and education sectors. "We did the poll three times with the purpose to reflect public opinion—whether they have a positive view or negative view, whether their support is increasing or decreasing," Win Myo Thu said. Survey administrators polled Rangoon and Mandalay because the two cities are home to the largest populations in Burma, he explained. In an interview with media following the press conference, the Alarm president acknowledged, however, that the opinions expressed were likely to be largely those of the ethnic Burman majority, and might not reflect ethnic minority populations that largely reside in the country's peripheral regions. Win Myo Thu said a cross-section of eligible voters—among them young people, the unemployed, monks and celebrities—were dissatisfied with the president performance, while most elderly respondents, government employees and members of the military were satisfied. "Celebrities and monks, who influence the public, are more dissatisfied than young and jobless people. This means that the president has to make amends with them if he intends to run in the next election [in 2015] and needs to create job opportunities and persuade youths," he said. The survey also found that public satisfaction with the government's implementation of its reform program, and development projects in business, good governance and education had all fallen by the end of last year, compared with the mid-2013 poll. Performance in the health care sector was the exception, with satisfaction rising, but still receiving the lowest score among the areas assessed—a lowly 3 out of 100. The poll also shed light on a general lack of public awareness regarding the workings of the national legislature. "Those who know the representative in their constituency along with their party name are really rare. And at most 17 percent take note of the performance of their members of Parliament," the survey said. Khin Khin Linn, the secretary of the Myanmar Farmers' Development Party, told Thursday's press conference that the president's score would likely be even lower if Alarm had included respondents from outside Burma's urban centers. "The president and government did not pass the exam, according to the survey. If more farmers in the villages were interviewed in the poll, who are facing a lot of land disputes, it would be worse than now," she said. The results of the Alarm survey present a far less rosy picture for the ruling government than a separate poll released earlier this year. The Washington-based International Republican Institute (IRI) conducted a survey from December 2013 to early February of this year, polling 3,000 people from across all 14 of Burma's states and division. In that survey, 88 percent of respondents indicated that they thought the country was heading in the right direction, compared with 6 percent who felt Burma was headed in the wrong direction. The post President Thein Sein 'Failing,' Public Opinion Poll Finds appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Bi Mon Te Nay Journalists Denied Bail Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:32 AM PDT  Thura Aung, an editor at Bi Mon Te Nay journal, leaves the Pabedon Township court on Thursday. (Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Four journalists and a publisher of Rangoon-based Bi Mon Te Nay weekly journal have been denied bail, as they continue to fight allegations of state sedition in court. The Pabedon Township court on Thursday rejected the application for bail as premature, saying that relevant witnesses had not yet been questioned—a precondition for granting bail in sedition cases, lawyers say. The five defendants have been detained in Rangoon's Insein Prison since last month after their journal published an article that angered the government. Aye Cho, a senior lawyer who is unrelated to the case, said bail cannot be granted to anyone charged of sedition under Article 505. "There are cases where the court can allow bail and cases it can't. In a matter of health failure, the court sometimes grants bail," he added. Bi Mon Te Nay published an article on July 7 with a statement by a political activist group that falsely claimed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic political forces had been elected to serve as the country's temporary new leaders. "They have not committed a crime," said Su Thet Hnin, a friend of one of the journalists, Kyaw Zaw Hein. "Bail should be granted to journalists. They write stories—they don't kill people." Su Thet Hnin added that the court said it could not grant bail to two of the defendants who were arrested in Thailand, where they had fled. They are now staying in Insein Prison. The defendants will appear in court again on Aug. 21. Their lawyer, Robert San Aung, had advised against applying for bail before the witnesses were all questioned. He transferred the case to another lawyer, Kyaw Win, with consent from the defendants, who then submitted their application for bail. Kyaw Win could not be reached for comment on Friday. The defendants plan to apply again for bail at a district court, according to Su Thet Hnin. A total of six employees of the journal were initially arrested. One editor of the now-defunct weekly was acquitted and released. Special Branch Police first charged the defendants under the Emergency Provisions Act, which sets out lengthy prison sentences for affecting conduct of the public or undermining law and order. But the charges were later changed, to violation of Article 505, which carries a shorter maximum punishment of two years' imprisonment or a fine. Su Thet Hnin said the Press Council has been urged to step in and help the journalists, who have sought to be tried under the country's media law rather than for alleged sedition. The post Bi Mon Te Nay Journalists Denied Bail appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Security a Concern as Jade Mining Set to Resume in Hpakant Posted: 15 Aug 2014 03:06 AM PDT  A vast wasteland of denuded hills and mountains has been created by jade mining around the once-verdant hinterland of Hpakant. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Recent fighting between ethnic rebels and government troops in Kachin State's Hpakant Township has raised security concerns, with jade mining operations set to resume in the area next month. Large-scale mining in the jade-rich hills of Hpakant was suspended in 2012, shortly after a 17-year-old ceasefire broke down and conflict erupted between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). For the past two years, only opportunists mining illegally on a small-scale have operated there. But officials at the Ministry of Mines last month declared that operations would resume on Sept. 1, and companies with licenses to mine in the area began preparing to resume work. However, fighting broke out last week, displacing about 200 civilians, when government troops entered a rebel-controlled ruby mining area in Hpakant, according to local leaders. The violence has raised concerns about security for the companies preparing to restart mining, said Than Naing Oo, a representative of the Myanmar Thura jade-mining company. "Though we haven't yet resumed work in the mines, some private mining companies are setting up their equipment there. We want to resume work peacefully." Hla San, a National League for Democracy member based in Hpakant town, said that since there was no ceasefire agreement between the government and the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA's political wing, the situation was still tense. "If the government army and the KIA have an agreement for peace, that area will be OK to resume, he said, adding that clashes in area had ceased since last week, and had resulted from a "misunderstanding." A senior official at the state-owned Myanmar Gems Enterprise, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that mining was set to resume, regardless of the recent fighting. "Since the announcement from the Ministry of Mines in July, a director from the ministry has been managing the resumption of work. As far as I know, there is no problem for mining companies due to recent clashes," the official said. "The resumption date will not be changed at the moment. We will work as formerly announced." The post Security a Concern as Jade Mining Set to Resume in Hpakant appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Villagers Plan Lawsuit After Shooting Leads to Schoolhouse Standoff Posted: 15 Aug 2014 12:00 AM PDT  Local residents and police gather at a monastery in Mandalay Division's Nyaung Wun village on Thursday night to negotiate the release of police officers trapped in a local school. (Photo: Facebook / Ko Sein Than) MANDALAY — Residents of Nyaung Wun village in Mandalay Division say they plan to take legal action against police here who fired into a crowd during a confrontation on Thursday in which three villagers and a police officer were injured. "We are now planning to sue those policemen at the Sint Gu Township court," said Tin Naing, a villager. "We want justice for what happened here. We believe there will be rule of law and the police who opened fired will be punished for what they have done." On Thursday, dozens of police officers were trapped for hours inside a village school after angry villagers surrounded the building in the shootings' aftermath. They were eventually allowed to leave the school unharmed, following negotiations at the local monastery late on Thursday evening between village elders and authorities from the Mandalay divisional police. "The deputy police officer from the Mandalay divisional police office promised that he would take action against the police who fired into the crowd with live rounds," said U Pannita, a Buddhist monk who witnessed the negotiations. "The villagers handed back the police who were trapped in the school and also told the police that they would sue them to get justice." Villagers said negotiations produced several promises from the police, including that they not act violently in the future; take care of the medical expenses of those injured; repair damages to the school compound resulting from the standoff; and take action against the officer who ordered police to fire on the crowd. The injured woman, San Kyin Nu, has had to have a steel plate inserted into the leg through which a bullet passed and is currently hospitalized at a hospital in the city of Mandalay. Two other villagers reportedly suffered minor injuries in the altercation on Thursday, and a police officer was wounded when he was struck by a stone hurled from the crowd. The violence stemmed from a land dispute in the village, with local residents claiming the military had confiscated thousands of acres of their farmland in the 1980s. Protests against the land seizure have been taking place since June. The post Villagers Plan Lawsuit After Shooting Leads to Schoolhouse Standoff appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Posted: 14 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT  A boy holds an inflatable ring on a beach near Dawei. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) DAWEI, Tanintharyi Region — For years, Dawei has been the promised land of Thai developers who have long dreamed of turning this southern Myanmar port city into a gateway to the Andaman Sea. Located just 230 miles (370 km) west of Bangkok, it is ideally situated to become a new hub for Thailand's industrial heartland. Ambitious plans to build a special economic zone in the area have faltered, however, as rival projects at Thilawa, near Yangon, and Kyaukphyu, in Rakhine State, have generated more interest among deep-pocketed Japanese and Chinese investors. But none of this has deterred smaller operators from betting big on Dawei's future. According to Steve Bushby, a New Zealander who has lived in Dawei for more than a year, the number of hotels in the city has tripled in the past year, from just four in April 2013 to 12 now (with another three under construction). It seems that even as the big money stays away, another avenue of opportunity has opened up—tourists, whose arrival has been facilitated by the construction of roads originally built to serve the proposed SEZ. Long an almost-forgotten backwater because of its inaccessibility, Dawei is now a short flight or a long bus ride away from Yangon. And it's just a minibus ride away from the Thai border at Phu Nam Ron, in Kanchanaburi Province. Others coming from Thailand can, if they are adventurous, take a speedboat ferry that can get them there in eight hours from Kawthoung, opposite the southern Thai town of Ranong. Those who make the trip like what they find: long, pristine beaches that rival much of what you'll find along Thailand's famed coastline and the better-known strands of Ayeyarwady Region. It was not so long ago (until last August, in fact), that Dawei's seaside charms were almost entirely unknown to foreigners. The only way foreigners could reach the city was by air, and when you got there, you had to stay within a six-mile (10-km) limit. Now, however, you can travel overland all the way from Mawlamyine to Kawthoung—something that was impossible just a year ago. According to Mr. Bushby (whose website, southernmyanmar.com, is an invaluable resource), this once remote part of the country is already finding its way onto the region's travel circuit. "People who do the north of Myanmar and want to finish in Bangkok or Phuket are coming here," he says. Dawei sits at the northern end of a 40-mile (65-km) peninsula, with the Andaman Sea coast to the west and the Dawei River to the east. Beaches line the coastal side, offering an almost unbroken stretch of white sands punctuated by the sight of golden pagodas. One of the nicest beaches is Teyzit Beach, about 20 miles (35 km) away from Dawei. Like many others, it is at the end of a dirt track. It is several miles long, with a few moored fishing boats bobbing in a clear sea; just beyond them, you can see two small islets, each surmounted by a pagoda. The only people to be seen are a few fishermen and local children playing in the sea. Nearer to Dawei is Nabule Beach, another sandy expanse several miles long with a temple at one end, which is easily reachable by road. But its future as a beach is uncertain, as this is the site of the proposed deep-sea port. Behind the beach there is a showroom with pictures and models of the still non-existent port with an industrial park larger than Singapore behind it. Whatever the fate of the project, Dawei is clearly destined for greater regional prominence. If you want to experience its beaches before they succumb to investment on a massive scale or are overrun with tourists, you would be well-advised to visit sooner rather than later. Other Information Getting There: The easiest way to reach Dawei is by air from Yangon. You can also catch a modern air-conditioned inter-city bus from Yangon to Mawlamyine and on to Dawei for around $18. (The road south of Ye about halfway between Mawlamyine and Dawei is very poor and the going is slow). You can also travel to Dawei from Thailand by crossing the Thai-Myanmar border at Phu Nam Ron (accessible by bus from Bangkok) and taking a minibus (approx. US$30). And you can catch a speedboat ferry from Kawthoung in Thailand for about $40. Places to Stay: For budget accommodation, the Sein Shwe Mo Guesthouse ($7 for a clean single room with outside bathroom) is a good option. For $10, the Dream Emperor offers single rooms with fans and attached bathrooms. For the best mid-range value, the Shwe Moung Hotel has clean, modern double rooms with air conditioning and attached bathrooms starting at $15. The Zayar Thet San is the best business hotel in town, with rooms for $40-$60. Getting to the Beaches: You can rent a motorcycle for about $8-10 per day or take a taxi (around $15 for a round trip by motorcycle or $70 by car, depending on the distance). The best way to arrange transportation is to ask one of the motorcycle taxi drivers outside the supermarket by the hotels. For more info: The website www.southernmyanmar.com has lots of useful information for visitors. This article first appeared in the August 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post From Gateway to Getaway? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Posted: 14 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT  The government's peace negotiating team and leaders of ethnic armed groups meet in the Kachin State capital, Myitkyina, in November 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The ceasefire agreements signed during the 1990s between Myanmar's military government and various armed ethnic groups allowed for the de facto existence of semi-autonomous areas such as the "special regions" in Shan State controlled by the United Wa State Army and a very ambiguous situation in other places such as Karen, Karenni and Mon states, where state authority and ethnic armed groups coexist, with the latter sometimes managing separate businesses, schools and health care systems. These ceasefire agreements have reduced violent armed conflicts, but have not established peace. In addition, some of these agreements have been violated since the new government took office in 2011. Decades of violence has disenfranchised a large portion of the population, while a politically powerful few on all sides have exploited the situation for their own economic benefit through legal and illegal means. The fault line in Myanmar society starts with the very nomenclature of the States and Regions. Myanmar's Constitution confers "every citizen equal rights, liberty and justice" before the law. But the nomenclature of the seven States as administrative units identifying ethnic minority residents and seven Regions as ethnic Burman-majority territories is discriminatory and continues to identify people by their ethnic origin, thus propagating an ethnocentric sociopolitical stratagem that has its roots in Myanmar's British colonial history. This ethnocentric nationalism dominates Myanmar's political landscape and continues to challenge the authority of the central government. Since independence, many territories and people therein have been administered and exploited by various armed groups seeking autonomy in the name of ethnic nationalism, while the military has continued to dominate the rest of Myanmar. Even after more than 60 years of independence, socioeconomic development in Myanmar has been totally undermined by this myopic, ethnocentric nationalism, despite abundant natural resources and excellent human resource potentials within the country. As a principle of inclusion, all subnational administrative units should have a common name—such as State or Region or Division—signifying equality without any ethnic identification or affiliation. The ongoing ceasefire talks involving all major armed groups appear promising and could provide a basis for a permanent peace. A permanent peace, however, can be achieved only by addressing political grievances of all ethnic groups through political means. This will mean power sharing and resource sharing so that every citizen can enjoy the same citizenship status, irrespective of their ethnic, linguistic or religious background. This is not a new issue, but steps to get to this point have not been defined clearly. In spite of the wishful thinking of many, the military will not suddenly disappear from Myanmar's political scene. Its role will gradually diminish over time, as it did in Indonesia and South Korea, where militaries used to dominate the countries' political economies for decades. Myanmar's people must live with this reality for the time being. The current Constitution of Myanmar provides a broad base for power sharing through the formation of various political parties and decentralized governance with Union and State/Regional governments. However, all leaders representing various political parties must realize that a government formed based on ethnic identities would continue to pose a risk of fragmentation and destabilization as the interests of political actors would be limited to a certain constituency. There is a need for genuine compromise between the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnically based political parties. The USDP, which has dominated Myanmar's political landscape through military supremacy, must convince minority parties that they will not be assimilated politically, culturally, economically or socially. There is no other way to build trust between the USDP and other political parties. The Constitution allows full authority to the subnational governments to engage in all policy except defense, foreign affairs and education curricula. This provides opportunities for subnational governments to be engaged in nearly all aspects of development. The best way for minority political parties to test the intent of the government is to contest in the national electoral process and participate in national and subnational governance structures. In this process, all political parties will be able to contribute in developing their constituencies in any field they choose. This could be a way to initiate power sharing and contribute to the lasting peace that people so desperately desire. In recent years, sharing of revenue from extractive industries has been raised in different forums, but no clear proposal has been forthcoming on "what and how much to be shared." With the ongoing liberalization of the economy, including establishing special economic zones, large hydro-power plants, offshore drilling for gas, oil pipelines and extraction of minerals, it would be prudent to consider allocating part of the income generated from these ventures to the local governments of the host States and Regions. The deep mistrust that exists between the government and the public in general, and minority groups in particular, must be addressed through transparent discussion on resource sharing. The discussion must also address social and environmental concerns related to extractive industries. Investment of such revenue in States/Regions will help develop rural areas and benefit local populations. The price of peace for the government is to ensure that military elites are no longer a political and economic threat to ethnic minority groups. All ethnic minority groups must be assured and shown in practical ways that they will be treated fairly and given equal opportunity in all aspects of Myanmar's political and economic destiny. The price of peace for armed ethnic groups is to disarm and take part in the political process through national elections. There cannot be separate armies or militia within the boundaries of a sovereign nation. The minority ethnic nationalities in Myanmar have enjoyed political support from many quarters, especially the West. In the broader geopolitical context, given Myanmar's location linking South Asia with Southeast Asia, ethnic minority leaders must realize that this support is not so much to fulfill their aspirations, but largely to harass the Myanmar government and military. With the gradual opening of Myanmar, such support will decline as the government enters into economic and military cooperation with the West. It is therefore in the broader interests of ethnic nationalities too that a permanent peace is achieved. This process will be very difficult for some of the groups that remain in control of border trade and mining, but for a viable future there is no other option. The bottom line is that the government as well as its people should not be distracted by the short-term economic benefit that seems to be on offer at the moment. The political transition that started in 2011 can be completed only with settlement of longstanding political and economic disputes between the government and ethnic nationalities. It will require a certain amount of give and take from all sides. An uncompromising mentality among any of the parties involved will only ensure that more time, resources and lives are lost before Myanmar achieves its long-awaited peace. Ramesh Shrestha is a former Unicef country representative to Myanmar. The post The Price of Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Pope Makes Tough Sell on Materialism in South Korea Posted: 14 Aug 2014 10:17 PM PDT  Pope Francis greets faithful as he arrives for the Holy Mass at Daejeon World Cup stadium August 15, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) DAEJEON, South Korea — Pope Francis urged Asia's Catholic youth on Friday to renounce the materialism that afflicts much of Asian society today and reject "inhuman" economic systems that disenfranchise the poor, pressing his economic agenda in one of Asia's powerhouses where financial gain is a key barometer of success. Francis received a boisterous welcome from tens of thousands of young Asians as he celebrated his first public Mass in South Korea, a country with a small but growing church that is seen by the Vatican as a model for the rest of the world. Francis took a high-speed train to the central city of Daejeon, where Catholic youths from across Asia have been meeting for the Asian version of World Youth Day. In his homily, Francis urged the young people to be a force of renewal and hope for society. "May they combat the allure of a materialism that stifles authentic spiritual and cultural values and the spirit of unbridled competition which generates selfishness and strife," he said in Italian that was translated into Korean. "May they also reject inhuman economic models which create new forms of poverty and marginalize workers." His message will be a tough sell in South Korea, which has grown from the destruction and poverty of the Korean War of the 1950s into one of Asia's top economies. Many though link success with ostentatious displays of status and wealth. Competition among the young, especially for places at elite schools, starts as early as pre-kindergarten and is fierce. The country has one of the highest suicide rates in the world. Francis said that in such "outwardly affluent" societies, people often experience "inner sadness and emptiness. Upon how many of our young people has this despair taken its toll!" Daejeon's soccer stadium has a capacity of 50,000 and was nearly full hours before Francis arrived. Handkerchief-waving crowds led in chants of "Viva il papa!" welcomed him as his open-sided vehicle, with a simple canopy overhead, made its way slowly to the stadium and then inside. Before Mass got under way, Francis met with about a dozen survivors of South Korea's April ferry disaster and relatives of the dead who are demanding a government inquiry into the sinking. Most of the more than 300 people killed were high school students on a class trip. Their relatives are pushing lawmakers to set up an independent, transparent probe. The ruling party is opposed because it says a parliamentary committee doesn't have the power to indict. The Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, has said Francis wouldn't intervene in the issue but would merely offer comfort to the families. A banner outside the stadium featured a photo of the pope and read "Please wipe the tears of the Sewol families." Lombardi didn't provide details of the content of the meeting. After Mass, Francis was to lunch with some of the youth festival participants and then visit an 18th century sanctuary where Korea's first priest was raised. South Korean Catholics represent only about 10 percent of the country's 50 million people, but their numbers are growing. Once a country that welcomed missionaries, South Korea now sends homegrown priests and nuns abroad to help spread the faith. The post Pope Makes Tough Sell on Materialism in South Korea appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Japan PM Sends Offering to War Dead Shrine, Cabinet Ministers Visit Posted: 14 Aug 2014 10:11 PM PDT  A group of lawmakers including Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lawmaker Hidehisa Otsuji (3rd L) and Sanae Takaichi (2nd L), LDP policy chief, is led by a Shinto priest as they visit the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo August 15, 2014, to mark the 69th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War Two. (Photo: Reuters) TOKYO — Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on Friday sent a ritual offering to a Tokyo shrine to war dead but did not join cabinet ministers in a visit, seen as an effort to avoid further inflaming ties with China as he seeks a summit with Beijing. Abe's offering to the Yasukuni Shrine on the 69th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War Two was still likely to anger China and South Korea, where bitter memories linger of Japan's actions before and during the war. Abe visited the shrine in December, sharply chilling ties with China and South Korea. Sending the offering is part of a delicate dance between trying not to worsen tensions with both nations while upholding a conservative ideology that takes a less apologetic tone towards Japan's wartime past. Koichi Hagiuda, an Abe aide and lawmaker, presented the ritual offering, which was made in Abe's name as leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. "He wants to express his respect and to pay homage to the people who sacrificed their lives for the nation, while praying for a lasting peace," Hagiuda told reporters. Tokyo hopes that if Abe stays away on the emotive anniversary it could send a signal to China of his desire to ease tensions and help pave the way for a summit with Chinese leader Xi Jinping. Recent tentative moves to meet have yet to bear fruit. Ties between the two nations are strained over a host of issues, included a territorial row over a set of remote islands and China's declaration late last year of an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea. Cabinet Ministers Visit The shrine honors 14 Japanese leaders convicted as war criminals by an Allied tribunal, as well as Japan's war dead. Two cabinet ministers visited the shrine within hours of its giant gates opening, joining other lawmakers and scores of ordinary people. "I think it's natural to pay homage to the people who sacrificed their precious lives for this country," said Keiji Furuya, whose portfolios include the National Public Safety Commission, told reporters at the shrine. "I am a member of parliament but I am also a Japanese citizen, so while praying for world peace I offered my respects." Internal Affairs Minister Yoshitaka Shindo, whose grandfather Tadamichi Kuribayashi led Japanese forces on Iwo Jima and featured in Clint Eastwood's movie "Letters from Iwo Jima", said he was not worried that his visit would cause diplomatic tension. "Many valuable lives perished in the war. I came here to pray so that something like this will never happen again," he told reporters. School children, suited businessmen and elderly people in mourning clothes bowed their heads and prayed under a blazing sun amid the buzz of cicadas. Men in military uniforms marched behind a Japanese flag and a banner honoring the Emperor. Shigeyo Oketa, 80 years old and a maker of traditional geta sandals, said he had been visiting the Yasukuni shrine since his older brother was killed in battle in 1945. "It's natural for us to come here, we're all human and we should pay respect," he said, cradling a black-and-white photo of his younger self and his mother. "It's none of any other countries' business. Everyone should just be friends." The post Japan PM Sends Offering to War Dead Shrine, Cabinet Ministers Visit appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Police Test Mental Health of Daughter of American Tourist Killed in Bali Posted: 14 Aug 2014 10:04 PM PDT  Heather Mack, the daughter of an American woman found dead inside a suitcase on the Indonesian island of Bali, gestures while in custody in a police station in Denpasar on Aug. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Putu Setia) DENPASAR, Indonesia — Indonesian police on Thursday ran psychiatric tests on the teenage daughter of an American woman found dead inside a suitcase on the resort island of Bali. Police arrested the daughter, Heather Mack, 19, and her boyfriend, Tommy Schaefer, 21, on Wednesday after a taxi driver found a battered body in a suitcase outside the St. Regis luxury hotel in Nusa Dua, Bali. The body was identified by hospital officials as Chicago-based Sheila von Wiese-Mack, 62. Neither Mack nor Schaefer has been charged but police have detained them as suspects. "We have done blood and psychiatric tests to try to find out their motive in the case, maybe they are mentally unstable," Djoko Hariutomo, police chief for Bali's provincial capital Denpasar, told reporters. "So far we haven't gotten any information on what is behind the murder. Is it financial or something else? We don't know." Television broadcast images of Mack, dressed in a pale gray hoodie and denim shorts, laughing and telling a group of reporters following her, "You are crazy," as she walked between rooms in the police station. Police said the young couple on Tuesday left a bloodied suitcase and other luggage in the taxi, and went to check out of the five-star hotel, where a single room can cost as much as $1,340 a night. The couple did not return, so the taxi driver checked the luggage and found the body. An official at the hospital that conducted the autopsy said von Wiese-Mack had been repeatedly hit on the face and head with a blunt object. A St. Regis hotel official said the incident was believed to have taken place in a room booked by Schaefer. Mack and Schaefer were apprehended on Wednesday at a budget hotel about 1 mile from the St. Regis hotel after a day-long search by police. Staff at the Risata Bali resort said they were immediately suspicious of the couple after they checked in without luggage. Risata Bali security confirmed their identities after Schaefer asked resort staff for a voucher to use the Internet and they alerted authorities, said Nyoman Wija, a hotel manager. Police have appointed an Indonesian lawyer to represent the couple, but they have asked for US legal representation. "She doesn't want to comment on the incident and she declined to give any information," Haposan Sihombing, an Indonesian lawyer appointed by police to represent Mack, told Reuters late on Wednesday. "She kept asking to be represented by a lawyer from the United States," Sihombing said. The US State Department is aware of reports of a US citizen's death in Bali and the arrests of two people in connection with the case, said a State Department spokeswoman, Marie Harf. She declined to give details due to privacy considerations. "Obviously we are monitoring it and will provide any consular access as appropriate," Harf said. An official with the US consulate general in Bali, who met Mack at the police station on Thursday, declined to comment after the meeting. The Mack family lived for a number of years in the Chicago suburb of Oak Park, Illinois. Oak Park spokesman David Powers said on Wednesday police responded to 86 calls from the Mack home due to incidents between mother and daughter from 2004 through to June 2013. No arrests were ever made from the calls, which were a combination of reports of domestic violence, theft, missing person and 911 hang-ups, Powers said. Von Wiese-Mack more recently had moved to a condominium in Chicago. Her husband, and Heather's father, classical music composer James Mack, died in 2006. Laura Voigt, a pianist in Oak Park and friend of James Mack, said she remembered seeing mother and daughter fight outside the local high school one morning. "I was worried about Sheila," Voigt said. Von Wiese-Mack had worked as an editor for famed oral historian Studs Terkel and later studied with Nobel literature laureate Saul Bellow at the University of Chicago. Georgia Parchem, a neighbor and friend in Oak Park, said von Wiese-Mack was a "lovely, charming woman" and the Macks often held parties involving "artists and friends from all over the city." Additional reporting by Wayan Sukarda in Nusa Dua. The post Police Test Mental Health of Daughter of American Tourist Killed in Bali appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
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