The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Burmese Pilot Found Dead on Hkakabo Razi
- Pro-Govt Militias Fueling Drugs Crisis in Northern Burma: Report
- NGOs Urge Burma, Thailand to Resolve Dawei SEZ Land Rights Complaints
- Respected Thai Forensics Specialist Criticizes Koh Tao Murder Investigation
- Burmese State Media’s Handling of Hong Kong Protests Raises Eyebrows
- ‘History Will Decide’
- Thai Prime Minister to Meet President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw
- Old Soldiers to Meet as Thai PM Makes Burma His First Foreign Visit
- Burma Blockades Rohingya, Tries to Erase Name
- Foreign Banks in Burma Will Bide Time to Reap Returns
- Bad Weather Strands 150 Sri Lankans in Burmese waters
- Hong Kong Protesters at a Crossroads
- For Kim-watchers, North Korean Anniversary on Friday is Pivotal
- Ancient Indonesian Cave Paintings Rewrite History of Human Art
- Small Stage Depicts Societal Shifts in Sri Lanka
| Burmese Pilot Found Dead on Hkakabo Razi Posted: 09 Oct 2014 06:20 AM PDT  Aung Myat Toe, 42, was one of three men aboard a helicopter delivering supplies to a rescue team searching for two climbers who went missing on Hkakabo Razi. (Photo: Htoo Foundation / Facebook) RANGOON — A Burmese pilot who went missing nearly two weeks ago in northern Kachin State was found dead on Thursday, rescue officials said. Aung Myat Toe, 42, was one of three men aboard a helicopter delivering supplies to a rescue team searching for two climbers who went missing on Hkakabo Razi, largely thought to be Southeast Asia's highest peak. "The rescue team found him dead at around 4pm today [Thursday]," Phyo Ko Ko, a spokesperson for the Htoo Foundation, told The Irrawaddy. The Htoo Foundation, run by Burmese business tycoon Tay Za, has financed and coordinated efforts to find the missing mountaineers. Phyo Ko Ko said that the rescue team spotted the man's body in a forest ravine and ventured down to retrieve his remains. Aung Myat Toe appeared to have suffered injuries to the face and body, though the exact cause of death remains unclear. Also aboard the ill-fated flight were Thai pilot Chatchawal and Shwe Yin Taw Gyi, Tay Za's personal assistant. Shwe Yin Taw Gyi emerged alive in Lah Sar village on Tuesday, after walking ahead of the two injured pilots. He then led rescuers back into the forest, where Chatchawal was found alive on Wednesday morning and taken to Victoria Hospital in Rangoon where he is being treated for injuries. The helicopter, which originated in Thailand, lost contact with ground control not long after taking off from the Putao airport in northern Kachin State. The aircraft was meant to make a short trip to Tahomdum village to drop off supplies for a team of search and rescue workers. The rescue workers were deployed in early Sept. on a mission to find two Burmese climbers—Aung Myint Myat and Wai Yan Min Thu—who disappeared after separating from a team of eight and becoming the first Burmese nationals ever to reach the mountain's summit on Aug. 31. The Htoo Foundation announced over the weekend that the search for the two missing climbers would continue, while acknowledging that it was becoming increasingly unlikely that they would be found alive. The post Burmese Pilot Found Dead on Hkakabo Razi appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Pro-Govt Militias Fueling Drugs Crisis in Northern Burma: Report Posted: 09 Oct 2014 05:47 AM PDT  Villagers cultivate opium in Burma's Kachin State. (Photo: Kachin Women's Association of Thailand) A report released this week by the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand (KWAT) alleges that pro-government militias involved in the fight against the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) have been given free rein by the military to profit from the drug trade in northern Burma. According to the report, Border Guard Force (BGF) units that were previously part of the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDAK) have been engaged in the opium trade in eastern Kachin State in Chipwe, Sadung and Tsawlaw townships. Other pro-government militias operating in northern Shan State are similarly involved in the drug trade, according to the report titled "Silent Offensive." The former NDAK turned BGF units have fought alongside Burma Army units in numerous clashes with the KIO's armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), since the 17-year Kachin ceasefire broke down in June 2011. According to KWAT, the Kachin BGF and the other pro-government militias are being allowed to grow opium and other drugs "in exchange for fighting against the KIA." The report's authors quote many people from the region to support their allegations concerning the pro-government's militias' involvement in the drug trade. "After the war, the number of fields in mountain areas under the NDAK [now BGFs] has increased greatly. They easily get workers and also pay them very little. People from the [IDP] camp are now working in the opium fields," said a social worker interviewed by KWAT who is stationed at a remote internally displaced persons (IDP) camp on the China-Burma border near Sadung, which is controlled by the Kampaiti-based BGF unit No. 1003 The NDAK was the successor to a KIO unit operating in eastern Kachin State led by Zahkung Ting Ying, which split from the KIO in 1968 to merge with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). After the CPB dissolved in 1989, Zahkung Ting Ying formed the NDAK and reached a ceasefire agreement with the central government, a deal that coincided with similar agreements between the government and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and two other groups that emerged from the ashes of the CPB. The NDAK officially transformed its force of what was estimated to be more than 1,000 soldiers into BGF units in November 2009 at the request of Snr-Gen Than Shwe military's regime, something that neither the UWSA and the other successor groups to the CPB did. Zahkung Ting Ying in 2010 was elected as a parliamentarian representing a constituency largely made up of what was the NDAK-controlled Kachin State Special Region No. 1 territory. According to locals, he remains a key figure in Pangwa, Kambaiti and Hpimaw, where his former subordinates turned BGF troops continue to operate. In addition to buying the pro-government militias' loyalty, the military's drug policy generates illicit funds that flow back to government officials, according to KWAT. "The substantial profits feeding back through corruption to all levels of authority are also a strong disincentive from cracking down on the drug trade," the group said. KWAT's report is also heavily critical of a UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) assessment made in the agency's 2013 Southeast Asia Opium Survey, which stated that there was an overall decrease in opium production in Kachin State of 10 percent since 2012. While UNODC describes Tanai and Waingmaw townships as locations at "high-risk" of opium growing, it does not list Chipwe Township as such, despite a claim by KWAT that large amounts of the crop has been growing in the open there since 2010. That observation is backed up by a recent visitor to the area who told The Irrawaddy that opium is grown in abundance in Chipwe. The report also alleges that government-backed militias, officially called People's Militia Forces, operating in parts of northern Shan State's Muse Township are heavily involved in the drug trade as well, again with complicity of government authorities. One such militia based in Kutkai Township is led by Khun Myat, who also serves in the Union Parliament. Another three militias operating nearby are led by members of the Shan State parliament, according to KWAT. They are Li Shau Yung, also known as Kyaw Myint Panse, whose militia is also in Kutkai Township; Wang Goi Ta, also known as Myint Lwin, chief of the Mung Nye militia; and Kying Mai, commander of the Mung Baw militia. According to KWAT, a group founded by Kachin exiles, the increase in availability of drugs in northern Burma, which has taken place since the Kachin conflict resumed in 2011, has had serious consequences for the Kachin population in Kachin and western Shan states. The negative impacts have affected many families from across social and economic classes. One Kachin woman living in the Shan State's Muse told KWAT's researchers of how her husband's drug addiction had caused his family great suffering. "My husband uses heroin," she said. "All the money he earns, he uses to buy drugs. When I delivered my child I didn't have money to buy nutritious food. My children don't have enough clothes to wear. He asks money from me and if I don't pay him he becomes angry. He has stolen sacks of paddy and rice from the house." The post Pro-Govt Militias Fueling Drugs Crisis in Northern Burma: Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| NGOs Urge Burma, Thailand to Resolve Dawei SEZ Land Rights Complaints Posted: 09 Oct 2014 05:41 AM PDT  A small port was built as a temporary site for the planned billion-dollar industrial estate in Dawei in southern Burma in 2012. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — A group of Burmese NGOs on Thursday urged Burma and Thailand to address the complaints of local communities in southern Burma over a lack of adequate consultation and compensation during the initial phase of the Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ). The NGOs issued their statement during the first day of the official visit of Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha, whose government has announced that it wants to revive the massive Thai-Burmese project with Japanese help after it stalled late last year. The Dawei Development Association (DDA), the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) and leading activist Kyaw Thu, the director of NGO consortium Paung Ku, said in a press release that Naypyidaw and Bangkok should resolve the farmers' complaints before resuming the project. They said any future project activities should adhere to international best practices for environmental standards and social protections. "Local communities have not been provided with adequate information about the project. They have been forced off their land without fair or adequate compensation. There is also no remedy for those whose rights have been abused in the process so far. All of these problems must be resolved before the project restarts," said Thant Zin, coordinator of DDA, a Dawei-based NGO. The SEZ in Tenasserim Division's Dawei District would be a massive billion-dollar project that includes a deep-sea port, heavy industries and extensive transport links. It would form a regional industrial hub located just 350 km west of Bangkok and allow cargo ships to dock in southern Burma and avoid the busy Strait of Malacca. Thailand's largest construction firm, Italian-Thai Development (ITD), was given leadership of the project in 2010. It began with confiscating and clearing land, and it constructed a small port and a road through the Tenasserim Hills that connects Dawei to Thailand. ITD failed, however, to attract private investment to finance the project or to secure an agreement to build a power plant for the complex. ITD was taken off the project in late 2013 after reportedly having spent US$189 million on implementing the first project phase. Burma and Thailand have called on Japan, which is developing the Thilawa SEZ near Rangoon, to step in with funding and technical support to help revive the project. Hundreds of farmers have already lost land to the project, but tens of thousands more would be required to give up farmland if the project resumes. The SEZ, which includes a huge coal-fired power plant, would also produce high levels of industrial pollution. Local communities are up in arms over these prospects and have complained of a dearth of project information and poor compensation offers for loss of land. Ye Lin Myint, a member of DDA, said compensation procedures had so far been haphazard and lacked transparency as ITD and local authorities had forced farmers to accept different compensation agreements. The NGOs called on Naypyidaw and Bangkok to release the findings of a due diligence assessment by international accounting firm Ernst & Young, which has reviewed ITD's activities and investment during the project's initial phase. Ye Lin Myint said communities and NGOs wanted to compare what ITD told the accountants about how much it had paid in compensation with what the farmers on the ground had received for their loss of land. "The due diligence assessment is said to have been sent to Naypyidaw. We would like to know what has been included. How much money is invested in which areas? We would like to know the inventory and what money as paid to the people," he said during a press conference in Rangoon. He said DDA believed there could be discrepancies between recorded payments and what farmers had received, which would be an indication of possible corruption. The Burmese NGOs opposing the Dawei SEZ filed an official complaint about the project with Thailand's Human Rights Commission last year and the activists are due to testify during a public hearing of the commission later this month. The post NGOs Urge Burma, Thailand to Resolve Dawei SEZ Land Rights Complaints appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Respected Thai Forensics Specialist Criticizes Koh Tao Murder Investigation Posted: 09 Oct 2014 04:36 AM PDT  A group of Thai and Burmese lawyers, officials and activists after meeting Burmese migrant Maung Maung, a friend of the accused, on Koh Samui on Wednesday. (Photo: Min Oo) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — One of Thailand's most well-known forensic pathologists, Dr. Porntip Rojanasunan, has criticized the Thai police investigation that led to the arrest of two Burmese migrants for the murder of two British tourists on Koh Tao last month. Porntip, who is director-general of the Central Institute of Forensic Science, told the Manager news agency that the investigation into the murders of Hannah Witheridge, 23, and David Miller, 24, on Koh Tao in Thailand's Surat Thani province, was weak and the results not fully trustworthy as police did not involve forensic specialists at the crime scene. She added that since the police force handled the investigation on their own, the Thai public doubted the outcome of the case. The two Burmese migrants suspected of committing the killings, Zaw Lin and Win Zaw Htun, are currently being detained on Koh Samui. On Tuesday, The Irrawaddy reported that Win Zaw Htun told a Burmese lawyer that he was beaten and threatened with electrocution after refusing to confess to the murders during a police interrogation. On Wednesday, Surat Thani-based public prosecutors returned the police's 850-page investigation report on the murders back to the officers who submitted it, asking them to provide "more crucial information" and to "fix certain flaws," according to Thailand's English-language newspaper The Nation. Meanwhile, British Ambassador to Thailand Mark Kent said via his Twitter account on Wednesday that he had called Thailand's Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs Sihasak Phuangketkeow and Foreign Minister Tanasak Patimapragorn to discuss the investigation. When contacted by The Irrawaddy via email, the ambassador said he was "not able to comment on the details of the case" at present. Andy Hall, a British migrant rights activist who is monitoring the Koh Tao case, met with the British ambassador on Wednesday. "We shared information with him [the UK ambassador] that we found on the mission. He said that the British government was very concerned about the human rights aspect in this case and to ensure that there is justice, a fair trial, and… no misconduct by the police," Hall said. Hall raised concerns over information being released to the media about the meeting between the accused and a Burmese legal team, saying that it could undermine the legal process and the suspects' right to a fair trial. "We are very concerned about individual people who met with the accused and keep releasing the information publicly. This is very, very dangerous for a fair trial," Hall said. "With our mission, we are trying to get [both suspects] access to a fair trial and a quality and independent lawyer. This is not an issue of politics, it is an issue of justice. The decision will be made by the court based on fact." The post Respected Thai Forensics Specialist Criticizes Koh Tao Murder Investigation appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burmese State Media’s Handling of Hong Kong Protests Raises Eyebrows Posted: 09 Oct 2014 04:31 AM PDT  Joshua Wong, leader of the student movement, delivers a speech as protesters block the main street to the financial Central district, outside the government headquarters building in Hong Kong on Oct. 1, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — For as much as Burma's reformist government has trumpeted the virtue of democratic governance in recent years, its state mouthpieces have been mum—or decidedly disparaging—on student protestors' efforts to bring democracy to Hong Kong over the last few weeks. Critics contend that the editorial bias is reminiscent of state media under Burma's former military regime, which regularly censored news from all over the world if the story involved democracy. As much of the world has turned its attention toward Hong Kong, Burma's state-run dailies have turned a blind eye to the story, or have otherwise presented news with a negative slant toward the student demonstrators' efforts. The state-run Kyemon Daily in its Oct. 4 issue featured a compilation of pro-Beijing reporting on the demonstrations in Hong Kong, under the headline "Critics Slam Unlawful Protests in Hong Kong." The story began by quoting from China's own state-run media, Xinhua, which ran a story headlined "Chinese Public Voice Opposition Against HK Occupy Central." "People from all walks of life have voiced strong opposition against the illegal gatherings of the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong over recent days, calling on protesters to evacuate the occupied areas as soon as possible," read the original English-language report from Xinhua, which was translated into Burmese. The article went on to mention the protests' negative impacts, such as traffic snarls, the closing of schools and banks, and the stock market's decline. The story also quoted some parts of a pro-China column by Martin Jacques of The Guardian, headlined "China Is Hong Kong's Future—Not Its Enemy." It concludes with remarks from Pierre Picard, an expert on China from the University of Paris-VIII, from another Xinhua story, who alleged that some Western countries were interfering in China's internal affairs. Information Minister Ye Htut, who has been trying to sell his plan to turn the state-run newspapers into so-called "public service media," has frequently called on private media to practice ethical journalism. That makes state-run newspapers' handling of the Hong Kong protests particularly fertile grounds for criticism from political commentators and journalists. Responding to online commenters who questioned the way state media was portraying the protests, Ye Htut on his Facebook page acknowledged that the news could have been presented more impartially. "The protests in Hong Kong are just internal affairs of China, but local readers are interested in the incident and the News and Periodicals Enterprise under the Information Ministry thus has the responsibility to cover it for local readers," Ye Htut wrote, adding that he had issued a directive to state media on Oct. 2 that the news must be presented sensibly, in accordance with journalistic ethics. Part of that code of ethics was that news reporting must not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. In the protests' early days, state media completely ignored the story, and appeared to begin covering the events in Hong Kong only after it was criticized by the public. Political columnist Yan Myo Thein told The Irrawaddy that the Ministry of Information's handling of the Hong Kong story should lead to a broader skepticism of the intentions of Burma's government, which has sold itself at home and abroad as a democratic success story. "In news reporting, different views and opinions must be included. If the [Burmese] government really aims at creating a more independent media, the way those [protests] were featured is wrong," said Yan Myo Thein. Thiha Saw, a member of Burma's Interim Press Council, said: "Though President U Thein Sein is speaking a lot about democratic change, the Information Ministry is still following the old policies of the former military regime." "The current government is doing as usual. Since it endorsed a non-aligned foreign policy in 1988, it has barred anti-government protests from being featured in newspapers," Thiha Saw said. "Looking at the case [Kyemon's news story], it is obvious that the media policy of the Information Ministry has not changed at all. Though the ministry is talking about transforming [state-run newspapers] into public service media, it is still sticking to its same old policies. Though there have been changes, they will not be able to write as freely as private media since the reforms have just started to take place. The state-run newspapers are still by the government's side," Thiha Saw said. The protests have also been ignored by a less likely crowd: the National League for Democracy and its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate has not made any public remarks about the situation in Hong Kong, nor has her opposition party released a statement. The post Burmese State Media's Handling of Hong Kong Protests Raises Eyebrows appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Posted: 09 Oct 2014 04:03 AM PDT  Thein Swe pictured with his grandchildren shortly after his release from prison on Oct. 7, 2014. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Ex-Brig-Gen Thein Swe, who served as the head of international relations for Burma's notorious Military Intelligence (MI) until he was jailed in 2004, was released from prison on October 7 as part of a presidential amnesty that freed more than 3,000 inmates. Thein Swe served nearly 42 years with the agency before being removed from his post and jailed during a purge led by then-Snr-Gen Than Shwe. The incident saw the agency's chief, former-Gen. Khin Nyunt, and many of his top officers deposed and indicted. Thein Swe served almost a decade of his 146-year sentence, which was handed down over 13 separate charges. He was among at least eight known members of the MI who were arrested in the purge and pardoned on Tuesday. Upon his release, The Irrawaddy's Thuzar spoke with Thein Swe about his years in prison and his political views. Question: How do you feel being released from prison?
Answer: I have spent almost a decade in prison. The 19th of this month would have marked 10 years. I am grateful to the president and concerned persons for this amnesty, and I hope that my ex-colleagues who remain behind bars will be released as soon as possible. I feel sorry that some are still in jail while others have been released. They are all getting on in age; therefore I hope that they will be released very soon. I think the president will free them sometime in the future. Q: You were originally sentenced to 146 years in jail. What were the charges? A: I was tried and sentenced under a total of 13 charges, including deception and possession of an unlicensed firearm. Q: How many of your colleagues from Military Intelligence were also jailed during the purge and remain behind bars? A: As far as I know, there were 18 people jailed. Authorities said that eight were released [on Tuesday]. So I think there are around 10 people still behind bars. I'm not sure, but I am the only ex-Military Intelligence personnel released from Myingyan Prison [as part of the Oct. 7 amnesty]. Q: What was prison life like? How did you pass the time? A: Since I am in my old age, I mostly read books on Buddha's teachings and I meditated—something that I had not done when I was free. I read all kinds of things in prison. I remember that Zaw Thet Htway wrote a story about me in Tomorrow Journal. He wrote that I was put in ward-5 of Insein Prison where I met U Kyaw Hsan from the National League for Democracy (NLD), and that I confessed to him that we [MI] did wrong and I apologized. That story was wrong. I was sent directly to Myingyan Prison and I did not meet anyone named U Kyaw Hsan. Q: What do you think of Burma's current political landscape? A: Regarding political change, I'd say the government is doing as much as they possibly can. Every government is burdened by the actions of their predecessors. No government can make everything better overnight. Therefore, I'd like to call for patience and collaboration. Nothing can be achieved by pointing fingers at each other. Q: What do you think about reports that fighting continues between the Burmese military and ethnic armed groups, even as they try to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire agreement? Do you think, as some say, that the peace process is a political ploy? A: Everyone has their own view. I have no comment about this, because every troop has its own rules to follow. You can't throw flowers at someone who is shooting at you. This is the one rule that every troop must follow. You won't survive if you do not shoot back. This is the rule. Both sides think they are in the right. It's really difficult to say. Q: Do you plan to enter politics now that you are a free man? A: I am not interested in going into politics at all and I see no reason to do so. I am now over 70 years old, and I'm afraid I won't have more than about 15 years of healthy, active life. Besides,I have undertaken serious study of the Dhamma [Buddha's teachings] while in prison, and I realized that only Dhamma can ease worries and bring peace of mind. I take it that I was imprisoned because I committed misdeeds in a previous existence, so I find no reason to take revenge against anyone. Q: When he was released, Khin Nyunt said that his subordinates were punished because of him and that he would urge the government to release them quickly. Do you think that he played a part in your release? A: I have no idea. I wasn't aware that I would be released until this morning [Oct. 7]. I have no idea how the decision was made to release us. Q: Some ex-intelligence officers have expressed regret that the MI is often viewed as a blemish on Burma's history and politics. Could you comment on the agency's reputation? A: I have no comment about this, everyone has their own opinion. It is true that some [former MI officers] feel sorry that they are viewed as bad guys. From a religious point of view, we have to pay back for the wrong we did in previous lives. While we have done our best for our country, we have to suffer for what we did wrong in past incarnations. Let bygones be bygones. There is no need to have particular feelings about this now. Q: Have you ever regretted serving as a section head in Burma's Military Intelligence? A: History will decide [whether I am good or bad]. I have no comment. The post 'History Will Decide' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Thai Prime Minister to Meet President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw Posted: 09 Oct 2014 01:32 AM PDT  Thailand's Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha salutes members of the Royal Thai Army after a handover ceremony for the new Royal Thai Army Chief in Bangkok last month. (Photo: Reuters / Athit Perawongmetha) Thailand's newly installed Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha will arrive in Burma on Thursday for his first official overseas visit since assuming the top job. The recently retired general will meet with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, where the two leaders are expected to discuss strengthening economic cooperation, including on the stalled Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Burma's Tenasserim Division. Prayuth will also travel to Rangoon on Friday to meet with Thai investors. Although the Thai leader has no plans to visit Dawei itself, Thai government spokesman Yongyuth Mayalarp said Prayuth's trip was in part designed to "shore up confidence" in the multi-billion dollar Dawei SEZ, according to Reuters. Slated as Southeast Asia's biggest industrial estate, the project, which includes an industrial estate, a deep-sea port, and highway, railroad and oil pipeline routes to Bangkok, has faced numerous challenges—not least of which are local grievances over forced evictions and the project's heavy environmental impact. In November 2013, Burma and Thailand took the project off lead developer Italian-Thai Development Pcl after it failed to secure private investment. Japan has since shown interest in becoming involved and last week, Thailand's government pledged to increase their own involvement after talks in Bangkok between Prayuth and Japan's vice foreign minister, Minoru Kiuchi. Yongyuth also told the Bangkok Post on Wednesday that Thailand, which is Burma's second largest trading partner, would sign agreements on forging closer trade ties with its neighbor, including by declaring key border areas as sister provinces. The meeting between the two former generals, turned civilian leaders, comes as criticism mounts over a controversial Thai police investigation into the murder of two British tourists on Koh Tao in Thailand's Surat Thani province last month. Reports that the two Burmese migrants suspected of committing the crime were tortured by Thai police during the investigation have drawn criticism from rights groups including Amnesty International. President's Office Director Zaw Htay told The Irrawaddy earlier this week that Thein Sein would raise the issue of the two migrants during Prayuth's visit. The post Thai Prime Minister to Meet President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Old Soldiers to Meet as Thai PM Makes Burma His First Foreign Visit Posted: 09 Oct 2014 02:59 AM PDT  Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha salutes members of the Royal Thai Army after a handover ceremony for the new Royal Thai Army Chief, General Udomdej Sitabutr, on Sept 30. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — When retired general Prayuth Chan-ocha lands in Burma on Thursday, his first overseas trip as Thailand’s new prime minister, he can expect a little love and a lot of understanding. Prayuth, 60, led a military coup that toppled the elected government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra on May 22. His junta has detained opponents, shut down websites and banned political gatherings. He was elected prime minister in August by a national assembly he helped appoint. His Burma counterpart, President Thein Sein, is also a former general in his sixties with dubious democratic credentials. Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government took power in 2011 after a rigged election, replacing nearly half a century of military dictatorship. His cabinet – like Prayuth’s – is dominated by serving or former military officers. Yet both men are self-styled reformists who say they have a "roadmap" to lead their people towards happiness and prosperity. Prayuth is due to meet Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, Burma’s capital, on Thursday, then with Thai investors in the commercial capital Yangon the following day. Thailand is Burma’s second-largest trading partner and Prayuth’s visit is an opportunity to boost cooperation between and "discuss matters of regional interest", said Thai government spokesman Yongyuth Mayalarp. But some analysts said the trip would advance few economic goals and achieve little beyond giving the bluff Prayuth a much-needed statesmanlike veneer. Mired in political turbulence for almost a decade, Thailand has allowed economic ties with its neighbor to decline in recent years, said Sean Turnell, an expert on Burma’s economy at Australia’s Macquarie University. "You can’t help but feel the once tight economic relationship between Myanmar and Thailand has drifted, as other countries have come racing in," said Turnell. He noted that only one of the nine foreign banks that recently got approval to operate in Burma was Thai-Bangkok Bank. Spokesman Yongyuth said Prayuth’s trip would also "shore up confidence" in the multi-billion-dollar Dawei Special Economic Zone, a port and industrial hub planned in southern Burma. The project was delayed after its leader, Italian-Thai Development Pcl, failed to secure private investment and agree on a power source for the zone. The Thai and Burma governments took control in 2013 and hope to develop it with Japanese help. "I wouldn’t be surprised to see some announcement of the ongoing importance of Dawei," said Turnell. "But I’d be very surprised to hear anything of substance." Prayuth has no plans to visit Dawei itself, said another spokesman. Nor will he meet opposition leader and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent years as a prisoner of Burma’s military. According to an official from Thein Sein’s office, who spoke on condition of anonymity, the president will raise the issue of two migrant workers from Burma arrested on Saturday on suspicion of murdering two British tourists on a Thai resort island last month. Many people in Burma, commenting on social media, said they suspected their compatriots had been made scapegoats by Thai police. Police deny that. In Yingluck's Footsteps For Prayuth, Burma will be a warm-up for the Asia-Europe Meeting summit in Italy, where he joins dozens of heads of state on Oct 16-17. Compared with the globetrotting predecessor he overthrew, Prayuth has a lot of catching up to do. During her 33 months as prime minister, Yingluck Shinawatra notched up visits to at least 40 countries. Her brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, a telecoms billionaire, was prime minister until 2006, when his government was also toppled by the military. Street protests followed, culminating in a military crackdown on Thaksin’s supporters in 2010. Despite trading ties, political relations between Thailand and Burma have often been ambivalent. The first was a booming international hub and long-time U.S. ally, the second a pariah state with a moribund economy. With Burma now tiptoeing towards reform, and Thailand marching towards authoritarianism, their fates seem to be converging. These days, leaders in both countries are talking the same language. Burma’s generals have long spoken of a "roadmap" that would lead their nation to a "discipline-flourishing democracy." In Thailand, which is under martial law, Prayuth talks of a "roadmap" to "Thai-style democracy." Both versions of democracy consist of systems where the military holds immense formal and behind-the-scenes powers. Most members of Thailand’s handpicked national assembly are acting or retired soldiers or police. Similarly, a quarter of the seats in Burma’s parliament are reserved for serving members of the military. Thailand’s military-drafted interim constitution grants junta members sweeping immunity from prosecution. Burma’s military has never atoned for its well-documented human rights abuses, which include opening fire on unarmed democracy protesters in 1988, killing or injuring thousands. The post Old Soldiers to Meet as Thai PM Makes Burma His First Foreign Visit appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Blockades Rohingya, Tries to Erase Name Posted: 09 Oct 2014 01:40 AM PDT  A Rohingya Muslim stands near the border fence of Bangladesh in Arakan State's Maungdaw on June 5, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) RANGOON — Authorities sealed off villages in Burma's only Muslim-majority region and in some cases beat and arrested people who refused to register with immigration officials, residents and activists say, in what may be the most aggressive effort yet to force Rohingya to indicate they are illegal migrants from neighboring Bangladesh. Immigration officials, border guards and members of the illegal-alien task force in the northern tip of Arakan State—home to 90 percent of the country's 1.3 million Rohingya—said they were simply updating family lists, as they have in the past. But this year, in addition to questions about marriages, deaths and births, people were classified by ethnicity. The government denies the existence of Rohingya in the country, saying those who claim the ethnicity are actually Bengalis. Residents said those who refused to take part suffered the consequences. "We are trapped," Khin Maung Win said last week. He said authorities started setting up police checkpoints outside his village, Kyee Kan Pyin, in mid-September, preventing people from leaving even to shop for food in local markets, work in surrounding paddies or take children to school. "If we don't have letters and paperwork showing we took part—that we are Bengali—we can't leave," he said. Chris Lewa of the Arakan Project, which has been advocating on behalf of the Rohingya for more than a decade, said residents reported incidents of violence and abuse in at least 30 village tracts from June to late September. While the weeks-long blockades have since been lifted, arrests continue, with dozens of Rohingya men being rounded up for alleged ties to Islamic militants in the last week. Burma, a predominantly Buddhist nation, surprised the world in 2011 when a half-century of military rule ended and President Thein Sein, a former general, started steering the country toward democracy. Critics, however, say reforms have stalled. Peaceful protesters are again being thrown in jail; journalists increasingly face intimidation or even imprisonment with hard labor. Most worrying to many, the government has largely stood by as Buddhist extremists have targeted Rohingya, sometimes with machetes and bamboo clubs, saying they pose a threat to the country's culture and traditions. Denied citizenship by national law, even though many of their families arrived in Burma from Bangladesh generations ago, members of the religious minority are effectively stateless, wanted by neither country. They feel they are being systematically erased. Almost all Rohingya were excluded from a UN-funded nationwide census earlier this year, the first in three decades, because they did not want to register as Bengalis. And Thein Sein is considering a "Rakhine [Arakan] Action Plan" that would make people who identify themselves as Rohingya not only ineligible for citizenship but candidates for detainment and possible deportation. Most Rohingya have lived under apartheid-like conditions in northern Arakan State for decades, with limited access to adequate health care, education and jobs, as well as restrictions on travel and the right to practice their faith. In 2012, Buddhist extremists killed up to 280 people and displaced tens of thousands of others. About 140,000 people of those forced from their homes continue to languish in crowded displacement camps further south, outside Sittwe, the Arakan State capital. Tensions surrounding the family registration campaign in northern Arakan State rose steadily after it began four months ago, with most of the resistance felt in Maungdaw Township. Many villages were placed under lockdown, with police checkpoints set up to make sure only those who have cooperated could leave, more than a dozen residents confirmed in telephone interviews with The Associated Press. In other villages, the names of influential residents were posted on community boards with verbal warnings that they face up to two years in jail if they fail to convince others to take part in the registration process, Lewa said. Other Rohingya say officials forced them to sign the papers at gunpoint, or threatened that they would end up in camps like those outside Sittwe if they didn't comply, she said. In some cases residents say authorities have shown up after midnight and broken down doors to catch residents by surprise and pressure them to hand over family lists. Villagers also have been kicked and beaten with clubs and arrested for refusing to take part, according to Lewa and residents interviewed by the AP. Lewa said that when authorities ended the blockades, they also stopped the registration campaign. Rohingya said they didn't want to register family members because they worry the information might be used to deny them citizenship. As international pressure mounts to end abuses against Rohingya, the government has agreed to provide citizenship to anyone who qualifies. But many Rohingya say they cannot meet the requirements, which include submitting documents proving that their families have been in Burma for at least three generations. And under the plan Thein Sein is considering, even that would not be enough for people who insist on calling themselves Rohingya rather than Bengali. Burma's Information Minister Ye Htut did not respond to repeated requests for comment. Win Myaing, a spokesman for the Arakan State government, said authorities' effort to update family lists had an added sense of urgency because of concerns that Islamic extremists could try to slip across the border from neighboring Bangladesh. It was unclear whether there was a specific threat from a new regional al Qaeda wing or Rohingya Solidarity Organization militants. "We have to know who's who," Myaing said. "We want to know who are strangers and who are not." He did not comment on the allegations of abuses. As to why the government insists on calling the villagers Bengali, Myaing said, "Because they are Bengali. What else should we call them?" Soe Myint Tun, the director of the immigration office of Kyee Kan Pyin, agreed. "We are only checking the villagers' family household lists and their identification cards. That's all," he said. "There are no 'Rohingya' in this country and the government has said that as well. We are just doing what we have to do." Associated Press writer Esther Htusan in Rangoon contributed to this report. The post Burma Blockades Rohingya, Tries to Erase Name appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Foreign Banks in Burma Will Bide Time to Reap Returns Posted: 08 Oct 2014 10:25 PM PDT  Traffic travels past signs of OCBC and DBS banks at Sakura tower in Rangoon on October 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) RANGOON / SINGAPORE — Burma has thrown open the door to foreign banks, but weak credit protection and tight restrictions on lending mean it's not a warm welcome, at least not yet. Nine banks have been given the first licenses to operate in the Southeast Asian nation, but the government is still to lay out a roadmap on more reform, including setting up a bankruptcy law and a stronger legal framework for the financial sector. For now, the banks must hope their presence in the frontier economy will prove to be a windfall when institutional safeguards emerge and the restrictions on foreign lenders are eased. Burma is slowly opening up to foreign investment after decades of military rule, but both political and economic reform have been slower than initially hoped when a quasi-civilian government took over in 2011. Nevertheless, with growth forecast at an annual 8.5 percent over the next few years, according to the International Monetary Fund's latest projections, and an economy where bank loans comprise just 19 percent of GDP, Burma represents a huge opportunity for regional and international banks. Comparative numbers in the region are 36 percent in Cambodia and 108 percent in Vietnam. Singapore's United Overseas Bank (UOB), which was granted one of the Burma licenses, said it plans to use the opportunity to start booking onshore loans to foreign companies but cautioned there are limits to how much it can grow. "As you know, there are limits and constraints on the ground, so it is very important for us to work very closely with local stakeholders, such as the local financial institutions," said Ian Wong, head of international banking at UOB. He said a number of Asian clients were keen to expand in Burma. UOB will work with local banks to help them grow in trade finance and project finance businesses, Wong added. "We have a pipeline of investments from our regional clients that is going into Burma." Rival Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp published a full-page advertisement in Singapore's Business Times newspaper saying it was planning to use its license to support Burma companies. The banks awarded the licenses last week also include Australia's ANZ and Asian heavyweights such as Japan's Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China Ltd. The strict license terms cap operations to one branch for each bank. Despite having a domestic presence, the license also limits the newcomers to offer foreign currency loans to only non-Burma firms. The foreign banks will also be allowed to lend to local banking institutions—cooperation which is expected to encourage domestic banks to expand operations. Burma is one of the most under-banked countries in the world—a UN study released in May found that only 4 percent of citizens surveyed had savings accounts in their own names, while a 2013 report by the International Finance Corporation estimated that less than 20 percent of the 51 million people have access to financial services. "We have to get our banking industry to international standards," said Kyaw Myint, an economist and adviser to Burma's Myawaddy Bank. Low Loan Recovery Rates A 2014 World Bank study showed resolving insolvency in Burma can take up to five years, against 2.8 years in East Asia and Pacific and 1.7 years in developed countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The recovery rate for a loan is 14 cents to a dollar in Burma versus 30.7 cents for East Asia Pacific and 70.6 percent for OECD countries. Moreover, there is not yet a precedent for a bankruptcy or a foreign firm seeking recourse from an indebted local partner in Burma, which has no specific bankruptcy law. "The laws regarding recognition of security and enforcement of security are very under-developed in Burma," said Jake Robson, a Singapore-based partner at US law firm Morrison & Foerster LLP. "It is the traditional risk every bank faces when it goes into a frontier market." For now, according to bankers involved, the foreign lenders will mainly use their Burma presence to build ties with the country's local banks and emerging corporate sector while they await more financial reforms. Credit-hungry Burma corporates have to go overseas for foreign currency loans, and have to prove international bona fides to make the cut. Last week, Rangoon-based Pan Asia Majestic Eagle Ltd—which is rolling out telecommunications towers in Burma—said it had obtained the country's first cross-border loan from an offshore consortium. Its sponsors have built a similar network in Indonesia and had an established relationship with the bankers. A senior executive at ING, which was part of the consortium that lent US$85 million to the Burma firm, said banks allowed to operate in Burma would likely use their onshore presence to develop client relationships that would then lead to businesses for their regional networks. "I suspect many of the financings may still be structured as cross-border offshore financing to start with, before onshore lending takes off in a big way," said Krishna Suryanarayanan, a managing director for structured finance at ING. The sectors most likely to benefit from access to services provided by foreign banks are power, infrastructure and real estate, said Edwin Vanderbruggen, a partner at VDB Loi, a law firm with offices in Rangoon. But the restrictions on foreign banks represented a "lost opportunity" for Burma as they restrain the ability of these banks to fund new and innovative firms. Easier financing for these firms could lead to better overall growth prospects, he and other experts said. "The restrictions on foreign banks will block this source of capital," said Sean Turnell, an expert on Burma's economy at Australia's Macquarie University. "They can lend to local banks—but that's back to square one, since locals still need to access these banks and mostly they cannot," he said. "Restrictive regulations, mostly still in place, severely limit banks' ability to engage in normal lending." Reuters writer Umesh Desai in Hong Kong contributed to this report. The post Foreign Banks in Burma Will Bide Time to Reap Returns appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Bad Weather Strands 150 Sri Lankans in Burmese waters Posted: 08 Oct 2014 10:21 PM PDT  A Sri Lankan fisherman checks his fishing net in the northern city of Jaffna, June 19, 2005. (Photo: Reuters) COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — About 150 Sri Lankan fishermen are stranded in Burmese waters after drifting there during bad weather, an official said Tuesday. Fisheries Ministry spokesman Narendra Rajapaksa said the ministry has received reports that three boats and 15 fishermen are already in the custody of the Burma coast guard. About 30 boats with more than 150 fishermen are drifting in the same sea area, he said. He said the fishermen have informed the Sri Lankan authorities that they have been unable to go home because of a developing cyclonic system. "Therefore, we have now requested the Myanmar [Burma] authorities to provide protection for these fishermen who are drifting near their maritime boarders and help them out if the weather turns more rough," Rajapaksa said. Last year, 53 Sri Lankan fishermen died when their boats got caught in a heavy storm. The country’s meteorology department was criticized for failing to warn the fishermen of the severity of the storm. The post Bad Weather Strands 150 Sri Lankans in Burmese waters appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Hong Kong Protesters at a Crossroads Posted: 08 Oct 2014 10:16 PM PDT  A woman looks at messages of support for pro-democracy demonstrations on a wall, as protesters block areas around government headquarters in Hong Kong on Oct. 7, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Tyrone Siu) HONG KONG — Student protesters galvanized Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement with their energy and ideological zeal, bringing tens of thousands of people on to the streets in a show of defiance against Beijing. People young and old speak of a "new era" of civil disobedience for an already well-established movement, with young and politically engaged activists more willing to stand up for what they believe to be right. As events of the last 12 days prove, however, sustaining momentum is difficult, and whatever success protesters had in pressuring the government by disrupting city life, they will always come up against a formidable foe—mainland China. Protest numbers have dwindled markedly to a few hundred people at times, and the focus for pro-democracy activists has switched to talks scheduled for Friday with key officials in the Hong Kong administration. Already leaders among students and the "Occupy" movement, as well as tacticians in the city's pro-democracy camp, say they are doubtful of an outcome that will pacify radical and moderate demonstrators, possibly paving the way for another crackdown. Protesters' core demands, namely full democracy in Hong Kong including an open nomination process for elections for the city's next leader in 2017, are not even on the agenda. "After the talks there will likely be another crisis," said pro-democracy lawmaker Lee Cheuk-yan, who has helped advise the students behind the scenes. "You don't know what each party will do and what will trigger a crackdown or a backdown. It's very difficult to say." The sticking point is China, which has the final say on what concessions, if any, it might grant Hong Kong. So far, all the signs point to it not budging from an Aug. 31 decision to restrict nominations for the 2017 poll to candidates who get majority backing from a committee stacked with pro-Beijing loyalists. What Next? That begs the question of what next for a movement that has lost much of its popular support as Hong Kong citizens count the cost of the disruption it has caused. "Crisis resolution is important right now," said Kuan Hsin-chi, emeritus professor of politics at Hong Kong's Chinese University who has been close to protest leaders. "It's not the time for getting concrete reform policies or principles." A forced police clearance carries the risk of stoking fresh retaliatory blockades, while protest leaders have refused to withdraw given that their demands for full democracy and for Hong Kong leader Leung Chun-ying to quit have not been met. "If the discussions do not yield the results we want, we will continue the occupation," said Lester Shum of the Hong Kong Federation of Students. "We believe that the occupation is our biggest bargaining chip, and for now it is able to apply the most pressure against the government." The protests have been the most disruptive and prolonged for decades in Hong Kong, affecting core shopping and government districts. The trigger was Beijing's decision to allow only pre-screened candidates to run for chief executive in 2017. The turmoil presented the Chinese leadership with one of its biggest political challenges since it crushed pro-democracy protests in and around Tiananmen Square in 1989. An editorial in the Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece, the People's Daily, criticized what it called a small number of protesters for "daydreaming" that they could incite a "color revolution" in China through the Hong Kong occupation movement. As with a mass protest in Hong Kong in 2003 that drew over half a million people opposing proposed anti-subversion laws, Beijing is likely to tighten policies on Hong Kong after the latest upheaval, diplomats and analysts said. Communist Party entities such as China's Liaison Office and the United Front Work Department will likely regroup extensive networks of political and business allies in Hong Kong, to redouble discreet efforts to counter the new populist front. "Beijing will launch fierce rounds of United Front work after this," said Sonny Lo, an expert on China's influence in Hong Kong. "The short-term result is to deal with the political troublemakers in Hong Kong in a decisive way." Triumph or Just Trouble? The firing of tear gas by police early on and attacks on students by hostile anti-Occupy crowds may have generated fresh waves of public support, but opinion has turned against the protests too as disruptions to traffic and business bite. The protests also widened a rift between Hong Kong liberals and conservative pro-establishment and pro-Beijing residents. On the streets of the gritty Mong Kok district over the weekend, heated mobs, some with links to organized criminal gangs, or triads, waved China flags, swore and attacked small groups of student demonstrators. "Democracy is destroying Hong Kong," one man shouted before punching a student on the back of his head. The well-built young man turned and swung back at his assailant, only to be set upon by more pro-China supporters. Despite the challenges, some democrats already consider the spontaneous uprising a symbolic victory and want it to end. "I think the protests awakened the Hong Kong people to the importance of democracy and freedom, but also to the price of trying to attain it," said Daniel Sun, 20, a student at the University of Hong Kong. "These protests mark the start of a new era in Hong Kong people's attitudes and the idea of wanting democracy will become a norm," added Sun. But maintaining unity in a fractious movement will be tough, given infighting between radical and moderate elements that has weakened their leverage. "We need to discuss an exit strategy and we need to have a united position on negotiations," said Joseph Cheng, an academic and an elder member of the city's democratic movement. "The protesters have come spontaneously. This is beautiful, but we also need better coordination, better unity in action." Once the dust settles, student, democratic and Occupy Central leaders say future actions could include fresh occupation of key districts, the disruption of government policy-making by filibustering in the legislature, the non-payment of taxes, as well as marches and class boycotts. Some are hopeful the democrats can channel this energy into a longer battle. "I like the students, they use a different approach," said Martin Lee, a veteran Democrat who helped found the city's biggest opposition Democratic Party 20 years ago. "We've been doing this thing [democratic activism] without success for 30 years, because every time we took into account Beijing's bottom line. They're thinking outside the box and setting their own terms." The post Hong Kong Protesters at a Crossroads appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| For Kim-watchers, North Korean Anniversary on Friday is Pivotal Posted: 08 Oct 2014 10:09 PM PDT  North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (C) visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the 61st anniversary of the victory of the Korean people in the Fatherland Liberation War, in this photo released by KCNA in Pyongyang July 27, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) SEOUL — North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has been out of sight for over a month and if he does not appear at a key political event early on Friday, speculation will intensify over his health and grip on power in the secretive country. North Korea’s state media, which usually chronicles the 31-year-old’s whereabouts in great detail, has not made any mention of Kim’s activities since he appeared at a concert with his wife on Sept. 3. Friday is the 69th anniversary of the founding of North Korea’s Workers’ Party, an event Kim has marked in the past two years with a post-midnight visit to the Pyongyang mausoleum where the bodies of his father and grandfather are interred. "Should he fail to appear, it will fuel speculation that the young North Korean leader has fallen on hard times of one kind or another," said Curtis Melvin, a researcher at the U.S.-Korea Institute at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington. "The longer he remains out of the public eye, the more uncertainty about him, and the status of his regime, will grow." Kim’s father, Kim Jong Il, often appeared in state media at party events or factory visits on the Oct. 10 anniversary, newspaper archives show. North Korean officials have denied that Kim’s public absence since early September is health-related and a U.S. official following North Korea said this week there were no indications he was seriously ill or in political trouble. Speculation that Kim’s unusually long absence from public view may be due to ill health was fuelled by a North Korean TV report late last month that he was suffering from "discomfort". Some Pyongyang-watchers also suggest that Kim may have been sidelined in a power struggle, a scenario they say was reinforced by the unexpected visit on Saturday of a high-level delegation to the closing ceremony of the Asian Games in Incheon, South Korea. Another interpretation of that visit holds that it was meant to convey stability in Pyongyang. "It would have to be a very subtle coup indeed not to disrupt international travel plans," said Andray Abrahamian of the Choson Exchange, a Singapore-based NGO currently running a program for North Koreans in Southeast Asia. This is not the first time Kim Jong Un has been missing from public view. In June 2012, six months after coming to power, state media failed to report on or photograph him for 23 days. He re-surfaced the next month at a dolphinarium. Kim, who has rapidly gained weight since coming to power after his father died of a heart attack in 2011, had been seen walking with a limp since an event with key officials in July. He was absent from a Sept. 25 meeting of the Supreme People’s Assembly, or parliament, the first he has not attended since coming to power three years ago. However, Kim’s name has not disappeared from state propaganda. Thursday’s edition of the Workers’ Party newspaper, the Rodong Sinmun, carried three letters to Kim from overseas allies on its front page, and has reported on returning athletes from the Asian Games who thanked "the Marshal" for his support during the competition. Abrahamian said he believes Kim’s absence has been due to health reasons, and not that he’s been usurped. "Kim Jong Un has always shared power with other key figures and even if the internal balance of power has shifted, it is unlikely that they would want to remove him, given his unmatchable symbolic value. Again, though, everyone is guessing," he said. The post For Kim-watchers, North Korean Anniversary on Friday is Pivotal appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Ancient Indonesian Cave Paintings Rewrite History of Human Art Posted: 08 Oct 2014 09:49 PM PDT  Gua Tewet, the tree of life, a prehistoric cave painting in Borneo, Indonesia. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons) WASHINGTON — Prehistoric paintings at least 40,000 years old that depict animals—including one known as a "pig-deer"—and the outline of human hands in seven caves on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi are rewriting the history of art. Scientists said on Wednesday they used a highly precise method to determine the antiquity of the paintings. They found the artwork was comparable in age to the oldest-known rock art from Europe, long thought to be the cradle of the early human cultural achievement embodied by cave painting. "It was previously thought that Western Europe was the centerpiece of a symbolic explosion in early human artistic activity such as cave painting and other forms of image-making, including figurative art, around 40,000 years ago," said dating expert Maxime Aubert of Australia’s Griffith University. The fact that people in Sulawesi were doing the same things as contemporaries in Europe indicates cave art may have emerged independently at about the same time around the world, including Europe and Southeast Asia, added archeologist Thomas Sutikna of Australia’s University of Wollongong. "Rock art is one of the indicators of an abstract mind of the past human, the onset of what we might consider to be one of the hallmarks of ‘modern’ humans," Sutikna added. The study focused on 14 cave paintings: 12 human hand stencils and two naturalistic animal depictions, one showing an animal called a babirusa, or "pig-deer," and the other showing what probably is a pig. They were painted in limestone caves near Maros in southern Sulawesi, a large island east of Borneo. Most of the artwork was created with a pigment called red ochre to produce red- and mulberry-colored paintings. The art’s existence had been known for decades, but its age had never been determined. Some experts estimated it was maybe 10,000 years old. The scientists used a method based on the radioactive decay of tiny quantities of uranium in small mineral growths dubbed "cave popcorn" that formed on some of the paintings. The oldest Sulawesian artwork, a hand outline at least about 40,000 years ago, was comparable in age to the world’s oldest-known rock art image, a red dot from Spain’s El Castillo site. The ages for the animal paintings at the famed Chauvet and Lascaux cave sites in France are more recent—between about 26,000 and 18,000 years old—than Sulawesi’s figurative animals, which are at least 35,000 years old. The babirusa image represents the oldest-known, reliably dated figurative depiction, Aubert said. The artists made hand images by blowing or spraying paint around hands pressed against rock surfaces. "Archaeologists love to say things like 'ability X is what makes us human,' but in the case of the origins of art they are probably right. Our species is compelled to make art. And in one form or another, it is inherent in almost everything we do," said archaeologist Adam Brumm, also of Griffith University. The study appears in the journal Nature. The post Ancient Indonesian Cave Paintings Rewrite History of Human Art appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Small Stage Depicts Societal Shifts in Sri Lanka Posted: 08 Oct 2014 05:00 PM PDT  A scene from the Sri Lankan play without words 'Walking Path,' which touches on what is prohibited for people using a public space. (Photo: Stages Theatre Group) COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — New walking paths are measures of progress in the Sri Lankan capital. They abound in Cinnamon Gardens, an affluent neighborhood of tree-lined avenues, colonial and modern mansions and a charming café culture. Some of these paths cut through a well-manicured park in the heart of this urban lung. Others unfurl on the edge of the country's monument to independence from the British Raj. But even in such a serene setting, the legacy of the near 30-year conflict waged between government troops and the separatist Tamil Tigers in this South Asian island-nation is evident. Once the rebel army was vanquished in a bloody final chapter that ended in May 2009, there were two choices for the triumphant Colombo government: demobilize the battle-hardened troops or draft them into the post-conflict agenda. President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his hawkish brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the country's defense secretary, settled for the latter. Troops were subsequently deployed to grow vegetables, clean public buildings and beautify civic spaces. The new walking paths are proof of military labor. For the creative minds at Stages Theater Group, a local ensemble of dramatists, the new paths have also served as artistic inspiration. The group's most recent play, titled (what else?) "Walking Path," innovatively strung together 16 episodes of contemporary life unfolding in the world of the walking paths. Some scenes of the 90-minute, wordless play probed the new trends of a post-war middle class life style, taking digs at the exercise culture and the narcissistic "selfie" world. Ultra-patriotism was also flayed, with nothing more than deft body movement and facial expressions, while the control freaks in the military were presented as threatening, whistle-blowing minders trying to impose order in civic spaces meant for walking and camaraderie. This production also spoke to the contours shaping the small, yet dynamic world of Sri Lankan drama. Local theater groups are increasingly tapping the country's contemporary political and social realities as fertile ground for material. The debilitating ethnic conflict, which killed over 100,000 people, has inevitably found its way onto the stage, with some scripts touching on the wounded ties between the country's Sinhalese-Buddhist majority and Tamil and Muslim minorities. But pain and trauma are not all the Colombo stage has to offer. "Pusswedilla," a play laced with local political humor, continues to be a runaway success, drawing packed audiences who revel in the opportunity to laugh at their excessively selfish, predatory political class. Experimentation is also being embraced. Some production houses use devised theater, where the script is not the work of one person, but a collaborative effort. Others are exploring "forum theater" in which performers act out a basic scene on a social issue, with the audience shaping the direction of the play as it unfolds. Even the proscenium has been happily dispensed with in some quarters. Jana Karaliya, a leading exponent of the forum theater style, is one group that has turned its back on the traditional theater settings. It takes its plays to the people, using rural locales for its shows. Mind Adventures, another experimental theater company, transformed the hall of an old abandoned Colombo hotel into the staging ground for a play in which actors performed in the midst of the audience. The latter, on occasion, were roped into doing their bit, including holding up props. The advance of innovative dramas with local themes was inevitable, say those in this world of amateurs and semi-professionals. Original local productions have begun to replace adaptations of plays from Latin America and other politically traumatized societies from across the world. Although local interpretations of an Ariel Dorfman play like "Widows" had served to shed light on stories of oppression that have parallels in Sri Lanka, it did so through a foreign lens. "I got tired of doing other people's work," said Tracy Holsinger, a veteran of the stage and head of Mind Adventures. "I made a conscious decision to do original theater after May 2009." Since the war's end, local theater has become a mirror to reflect what is unfolding in Colombo, where politics, the economy, media and culture in the country is centralized and shaped. "As we moved away from the war, it became more comfortable to talk about things," remarked Dylan Perera, an actor and director. The national conversation shifted from hysteria and hatred to reflecting on the ethnic conflict in more measured tones. "Directors [have] become more comfortable pushing the boundaries of what is being done and said, even if it means staging plays on a smaller scale," said Perera. Theater proponents have identified the boldness of post-war productions in Sinhala, Tamil and English as in stark contrast to the output of mainstream media. Playwrights are offering a more honest portrayal of post-war society than journalists, they argue. "Theater is playing a significant role in raising a critical consciousness," said Neloufer de Mel, an academic in performance arts studies and a theater critic. "There are plays produced by university departments and alumni that are political commentaries of our time." The editors of some independently-owned newspapers sheepishly admit their critics have a point. The Rajapaksa regime has an impressive array of henchmen to bring challengers in the media to heel. Plays, like films, are also subject to the approval of the government's censorship board. Yet, they often get a pass, some with minor changes, even if the scripts have politically charged content. This is not an indication of a liberal spirit shared by the men and women with the censors' scissors. Rather, it is illustrative of a political calculation on behalf of the elites—that plays appeal to a small cultural constituency that do not amount to a political force. "The reason we are allowed to do what we do is because theater is not seen as threatening, unlike the media," admitted Holsinger of Mind Adventures. "We are allowed to exist because many of us are under the radar." The post Small Stage Depicts Societal Shifts in Sri Lanka appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
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