The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Thousands in Mandalay Rally for Faith Laws
• Concerns Grow Over Severe Slump in Rice Prices
• Suu Kyi to Hold Constitutional Reform Rally in Karenni State
• Bogyoke Biopic Suffers Funding Shortfall
• Activists: Burma Govt Clinging to Political Prisoners 
• Justice With Strings Attached
• Hanthawaddy Airport Contract Goes to Singaporean-Japanese Consortium
• Thai PM says New DNA Tests Can Be Done in British Probe Into Koh Tao Murders
• From Duck Eggs to Fiscal Deficit, the Journey by Indonesia’s Economics Minister
• Thai Youth Fear Junta’s School Reforms Will Dim Job Prospects
• No Hope for Survivors in Sri Lanka Landslide, Over 100 Dead
• Burma’s Story, Told by One Crumbling Building
• ‘We Will Show How Much Women Are Capable of Through This Party’
• US, UK Embassies Urge Govt Inquiry Into Journalist’s Killing
• NLD Reject USDP Plan for PR Voting System for Central Regions
• Monks Plan Rally to Demand Interfaith Marriage Law
• Burma’s Major Political Players to Meet in Naypyidaw
• Karen Leadership Puts Problems on Hold
• 1,500 Acres of Rice Paddy Lost to Flooding in Irrawaddy Division
• Thai Court Throws out Defamation Case Against British Rights Activist

Thousands in Mandalay Rally for Faith Laws Posted: 30 Oct 2014 06:33 AM PDT Buddhist nuns at the Ma Ba Tha rally in Mandalay on Thursday, Oct. 30, 2014. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Thousands of Buddhist monks, nuns and laypeople marched through downtown Mandalay on Thursday afternoon to demand that the government take action on a set of highly controversial and currently stagnant interfaith bills. Organized by the upper Burma chapter of the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, locally referred to as the Ma Ba Tha, the rally was joined by sympathizers from several nearby townships including Sagaing, Myingyun and Mandalay's immediate surrounds. Columns of demonstrators, some of them women, held flags and posters reading: "The aim of this demonstration is the immediate implementation of the nationalities protection bills." A legislative package comprising four bills, all premised of preserving the majority Buddhist identity in Burma, was created earlier this year at the request of the Ma Ba Tha. The package is commonly referred to as the Interfaith Bills, though translations vary. The bundle of bills, which includes new regulations for interfaith marriage, religious conversion and population control, has come under immense criticism by rights groups both in and outside Burma. In a three-point statement released by Ma Ba Tha on Thursday, the association demanded immediate passage of the Interfaith Marriage Bill, which they themselves proposed in 2013. "The nationalities protection bills are meant to support peace, and they are not against human rights," the statement read. The document also included an invitation for anyone who opposes the bills to discuss the matter directly with members of the Ma Ba Tha. At a press conference following the rally, nationalist monk U Wirathu, who is also one of the leaders of the Ma Ba Tha, said that he and the association are committed to passing the package into law. "If the government and the Parliament do not respond, we will keep pushing," he said. No one has yet been arrested for their involvement in the demonstration, as it was permitted by local authorities. The permit, however, granted assembly rights for around 200 people, far less than the event's actual turnout. The post Thousands in Mandalay Rally for Faith Laws appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Concerns Grow Over Severe Slump in Rice Prices Posted: 30 Oct 2014 06:14 AM PDT A farmer plows fields in Dala Township, Rangoon Division. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Rice prices and exports have experienced a sharp drop this year as a result of a tightening of import restrictions by China, Myanmar Rice Federation Chairman Chit Khaing said on Thursday. The slump in rice prices comes ahead of the start of the main rice harvest season and could have a serious impact on the livelihood of Burma's farmers, already among the country's poorest groups. Chit Khaing said prices currently stood at about US$330 per 100 baskets of paddy (about 1,500 kilogram), down from about $400 per 100 baskets last year. "Due to this big drop in prices a lot of farmers will face problems," he said, adding that a tightening of Chinese border controls on the quality of Burmese rice and a crackdown on the smuggling of rice had caused the drop in demand and prices. "At the same time, Thailand is increasing its rice sales on the international market too, that's why paddy prices here keep falling," he said, adding that domestic rice demand had already been met. Until now, China had been buying up more than half of all Burma's annual rice export, with much of the low quality paddy produced in the Irrawaddy Delta and central regions flowing across the Burma-China border with few border checks and through smuggling routes. This year, however, China has taken steps to legalize and control its import of Burmese rice, demanding that an trade agreement be signed that guarantees that most rice is milled and meets certain quality and hygienic requirements, so-called sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) standards. Chit Khaing said Naypyidaw and Beijing are discussing a bilateral agreement on SPS standards that would allow the Myanmar Rice Federation to legally export some 200,000 tons of milled rice to China. Earlier this month, the federation reached an agreement with Indian rice traders to supply two states in Northeastern India with 20,000 tons of rice per month sold at $400 per ton, but Burmese traders will have to arrange the costly transport to the Burma-India border. Burma's rice exports had been slowly increasing after President Thein Sein's government in 2011 began to prioritize agriculture and set a rice export goal of 4 million tons by 2020. But last year exports began to dip, a trend that is continuing this year. According to the Myanmar Rice Exporters Association, total rice exports in 2013-2014 stood at about 1.2 million tons, down from 1.47 million tons the year before. Chit Khaing, who also owns Eden Group conglomerate with interests in construction, banking, hotels and tourism, did not provide a detailed figure for the volume of the rice exports so far. Burma's main rice harvest season is due to start in November and will continue until late December. The agriculture sector is the country's largest employer and 70 percent of all Burmese live in rural areas. Chit Khaing said the government and the federation were taking steps to try to boost rice demand and shield farmers from the impact. He said the federation would seek government and private sector help so that farmers could store rice in warehouses until prices rise and in the meantime take out a loan with their rice stocks serving as collateral. "We're going to discuss with farmers, traders and exporters this week how to increase paddy prices," Chit Khaing said, adding that the Burma Army would also buy up a significant amount rice to feed its troops this month. "We believe that we can solve this problem soon," he said, adding that in 2012-2013 rice prices had dropped even lower to $270 per 100 baskets. Kyaw Naing Oo, a farmer who owns 15 acres of paddy in Pegu Division's Tharrawaddy Township, said, however, that farmers in the region were deeply concerned over the drop in rice prices and many feared they would not be able to repay their loans this year and sink into debt. "Prices had reached up to 450,000 kyats [$450] per 100 baskets last year. At that time, we guessed we could get good prices easily, but this year we have no hope," he said. Kyaw Naing Oo said farmers spent between $150 and $200 per acre to prepare for a rice harvest, but were now offered farm gate prices by brokers of between $200 and $250, meaning many would earn only a small amount of cash this year. Kyaw Naing Oo had little hope that a SPS agreement between Burma and China would help the farmers, as he heard reports that one large local company would be granted the license to control all export to China and so could dictate low rice prices to supplying farmers. Paddy yields in Burma are among the lowest in Southeast Asia at 2.5 metric tons per hectare and most rice mills used outdated machinery that produces rice with a high percentage of broken grains, making it unsuitable for high-value foreign export markets such as the European Union and Japan. A World Bank report in June said the government would need to take a range of measures to improve the quality of rice through investments in rice mills, while it should also reduce transport costs and formulate policies to support rice export and agricultural production. The post Concerns Grow Over Severe Slump in Rice Prices appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Suu Kyi to Hold Constitutional Reform Rally in Karenni State Posted: 30 Oct 2014 04:42 AM PDT Aung San Su Kyi gives a speech about constitutional reform in Rangoon to thousands of supporters on May 17. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is scheduled to visit Karenni State next week to hold a rally calling for reforms to the Constitution, National League for Democracy (NLD) members said on Thursday. It will be the first visit by the NLD leader to impoverished ethnic region in 25 years. Win Htein, a NLD lawmaker and Central Executive Committee member, said Suu Kyi was scheduled to visit the Karenni State capital Loikaw on Nov. 8. "She will go there from Naypyidaw and spend only a day because she will have to attend Parliament on November 10. We are still arranging the whole trip," he said. "The public meeting will probably include the issues related to reforming the Constitution. She and the party couldn't visit Kayah [Karenni] State earlier for a number of reasons," he said. "So this trip will be the first time for the party to bring the constitutional reform talks to Kayah state." He added that Suu Kyi had not visited the region since 1989. Isolated and wracked by decades of ethnic conflict, Karenni State remains one of Burma's poorest regions and suffers from legacies of war, such as landmines. In February, Suu Kyi and the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society activists launched a campaign calling on the public to support amendments to the 2008 Constitution. The military-drafted charter gives the army political powers, such as control over a quarter of Parliament, while it prevents Suu Kyi from becoming president. Article 59(f) states that no one with a foreign spouse or child can become president; Suu Kyi has two sons who are British nationals. NLD members have said Suu Kyi has planned to visit all 14 states and divisions in Burma and so far only Karenni, Mon and Arakan states have not had a visit from the popular opposition leader. Despite holding large rallies in Rangoon, Naypyidaw, Mandalay and 11 states and divisions, Suu Kyi has made little progress towards constitutional reform, with the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party and the Burma Army ignoring her pleas for significant reforms. Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann has instructed a committee to study changes to the Constitution, but it remains unclear what it will ultimately recommend and unlikely that politically significant amendments will take place before the 2015 elections. The post Suu Kyi to Hold Constitutional Reform Rally in Karenni State appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Bogyoke Biopic Suffers Funding Shortfall Posted: 30 Oct 2014 04:34 AM PDT On the set with cast and crew of the Bogyoke Aung San Movie, 2014. (Photo: Bogyoke Aung San Movie / Facebook) RANGOON— A groundbreaking film about the life of Burma's national hero, Gen. Aung San, has been markedly delayed due to a funding shortfall. The film's executive producers told The Irrawaddy that they will begin making the film by piecemeal until they can secure sufficient funding for the project. If completed, it wouldbe the first theatrical feature filmto focus on Gen. Aung San, warmly known as Bogyoke, Burma's independence leader and father of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. The film's executive board said earlier this year that while they hoped to have a finished product by Aung San's centennial birthday in February 2015, they will not meet that deadline but production should wrap up by the end of next year. Four scenes will be filmed soon, they said, which should help to secure additional funding. Those four scenes are expected to be complete by February 2015. "We will try to finish shooting four scenes by Aung San's 100th birthday," said the film's director Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, "then we plan to air it on local channels, and hopefully find interested donors to invest in the project." Zaw Thet Htwe, a spokesperson from the Bogyoke Aung San Movie Executive Board, told The Irrawaddy that the total production costs wouldrange from 2-5 billion kyats (US$2-5 million). "It would cost more than1 billion kyats, even if we were only shooting here [in Burma]. So far we only have about 100 million kyats, so we are having some difficulties with the budget," he said. The ambitious three-hour narrative feature was conceived about two years ago, and the film's executive board includes the subject's daughter, Suu Kyi. The board expects high production costs because it will require location shooting in several different countries including England, India and Japan, and realistic accessories such as clothing, décor and World War II-era weaponry. "We started filming one scene last week, which takes place just before the Japanese occupation. Bogyoke sent his family—his wife, who was then pregnant with Suu Kyi, and two sons—from Rangoon to the Irrawaddy Delta where they would be safe," said director Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi. He said that the last of the four forthcoming episodes wouldbe about the assassination of Aung San while he met with his cabinet members on July 19, 1947, in Rangoon's Secretariat building. "We chose the scenes that we thought would most interest people," he said, "and we have selected a talented actor and actress to play the roles of Aung San and his wife, Khin Kyi." Hundreds of hopefuls auditioned for the roles in 2012, and the board said the cast was chosen based not only on theatrical skill, but also physical appearance, intelligence, attitude and political awareness. "The script is complete," Zaw Thet Htwe said, "the protagonists are ready and the artists are standing by. We have everything we need to make this film except the money." Additional reporting by Sat Suu. The post Bogyoke Biopic Suffers Funding Shortfall appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Activists: Burma Govt Clinging to Political Prisoners  Posted: 30 Oct 2014 02:21 AM PDT Activist Htin Kyaw holds up a sign protesting Burma's government after his trial in September. He has been sentenced to 10 years in prison. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma has freed more than a thousand political prisoners since former military rulers handed over power three years ago, a move that has smoothed the former pariah state’s international rehabilitation. Now the government says the job is done. Human-rights activists and the U.S. say, not so fast. President Thein Sein is preparing to disband a committee that determined which inmates were eligible for pardons and amnesties, even though its most outspoken member says more than two dozen prisoners still deserve to be released, including a monk who angered many fellow Buddhists and an air force pilot who complained about mistreatment. As Burma prepares to host the Nov. 12-13 East Asian Summit, to be attended by President Barack Obama, the fate of the remaining prisoners is one of the nagging international concerns over what’s proving a bumpy change to democracy, also troubled by sectarian violence against minority Muslims and the military’s continuing grip on politics. Meanwhile, jails are again filling up with hundreds of dissenters, including writers, peaceful protesters and farmers who stood up against land grabs by the rich and powerful. Among the most prominent cases: four journalists sentenced to seven years for a story about a weapons factory. The detentions are just part of the mixed human-rights record under Thein Sein, a former general who was elected in 2010 to end a half-century-long era of military dictatorship in the Southeast Asian country. Burma gained praise, and shed many international sanctions, as it lifted restrictions on speech and the press and set more than 1,300 political prisoners free. But crackdowns in recent months have revealed the limits of those changes. Early last year, at the urging of the U.S., Burma set up a "scrutinizing committee" — consisting of government officials and representatives from civil society and political parties — to determine which prisoners should be released. Now it intends to replace the committee with a task force that would be controlled by the Home Ministry — the very institution that controls prisons. One of the committee’s members, Hla Maung Shwe, said the work of the panel is now complete. The government says only true criminals remain behind bars. Bo Kyi, the committee’s most outspoken member and a former political prisoner, disagrees. Since the late 1990s, he has compiled a list of political prisoners and supported the families of detainees. He said at least 28 are still held, and that the government has obstructed efforts to visit prisons and get information about inmates. The U.S. State Department puts the number at around 30 to 40. "Until these cases are resolved, I can’t agree with the opinion of other committee members," Bo Kyi said. "We haven’t finished our work. We cannot forget these men." He said the remaining junta-era inmates include: —Moe Pyar Sayardaw, a 75-year-old monk arrested in 2010. He is serving 20 years in the Myitkyina prison in Kachin state for teaching a form of his faith that does not adhere to the official doctrine of the main government-controlled Buddhist body. —Air force pilot Chit Ko, serving 10 years, after arguing he was technically eligible for discharge after a decade’s service. When his request was refused, he took his complaints to the U.N. International Labor Organization and to the Internet, angering his superiors. —Win Naing Kyaw, a former army captain accused of planning to leak military state secrets that were discovered on his laptop during a trip to Bangkok. He later claimed innocence, saying he only confessed after 42 days of being beaten, drugged and threatened. —More than a dozen villagers from Shan, Kachin and Karen states. Burma’s former military rulers claimed they were ethnic rebels, even though Bo Kyi said there was no evidence of that. Bo Kyi said the government considers the outstanding cases sensitive and worries that, by releasing the prisoners, it would endure a backlash from military hardliners and increasingly politically powerful Buddhist extremists. Minister of Information Ye Htut did not respond to questions from The Associated Press about remaining political prisoners. In the past he has said all of them have been freed. But it’s not just a legacy issue. New arrests and detentions continue into Thein Sein’s third year in office. Around 200 people have been detained in the last year, including peaceful protesters, journalists and activists, according to Dave Matthieson, senior Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch. Bo Kyi says another 500 to 1,000 farmers are reportedly behind bars for working land they say was unlawfully seized by the army, private corporations or cronies. "New political prisoner cases have continued to arise due to restrictive laws remaining on the books," said Chanan Weissman, spokesman in the U.S. State Department’s bureau of democracy, human rights and labor. Yanghee Lee, the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, reported to the General Assembly this week that the application of outdated security laws and a new flawed law on peaceful assembly serves "to criminalize and impede the activities of civil society and the media." She said sentences imposed are "disproportionately high." Lee cited the case of Dr. Tun Aung, a community leader arrested after being called in by authorities to try to help calm Rohingya Muslim crowds who were leading riots against Buddhists in northern Arakan State in June 2012. Accused of inciting the violence, he was sentenced to 17 years in jail. Thanks to strong international pressure, Tun Aung is now scheduled to be released next year. Ahead of Obama’s visit, U.S. officials are urging Thein Sein to pardon four journalists from the journal Unity who were charged under a colonial-era security law for a story in January about an alleged chemical weapons factory. They are currently appealing their seven-year sentences in Burma’s Supreme Court. The outlook looks less favorable for the junta-era detainees, particularly if scrutiny of their cases diminishes. Bo Kyi said he’s been told by the government he won’t be included in the new prisoner task force. "I’m being sidelined," said Bo Kyi, who lives in Burma but still relies on the Czech travel documentation from his exile years. "They say it’s because I’m not a citizen, but that’s nonsense, it’s just an excuse." The post Activists: Burma Govt Clinging to Political Prisoners  appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Justice With Strings Attached Posted: 30 Oct 2014 12:38 AM PDT The post Justice With Strings Attached appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Hanthawaddy Airport Contract Goes to Singaporean-Japanese Consortium Posted: 29 Oct 2014 11:55 PM PDT A worker signals a pilot near airplanes at Rangoon's existing airport. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — A Japanese-Singaporean joint venture has won the contract to build the US$1.5 billion Hanthawaddy International Airport north of Rangoon, according to Win Swe Tun, director-general of Burma's Civil Aviation Department. The winner—a consortium comprised of Singaporean firms Yongnam Holdings Ltd. and Changi Airport Planners and Engineers (CAPE), as well as Japan's JGC Corporation—was announced at a press conference about the project at the Aerospace Engineering University in Rangoon on Wednesday. The contract for the airport was put out to tender in February 2013 for the first time, but was retendered a year later after the Burmese government was unhappy with the terms proposed by the initial tender winner. Incheon Airport Consortium, a South Korean conglomerate, won the first tender in August 2013, but negotiations on lending terms for the project broke down and the government rescinded the contract. Incheon had estimated the value of the project at more than US$1.5 billion, and said it would apply for a loan of more than $1 billion, nearly 70 percent of the project's value, with an interest rate of more than 7 percent. The Korean consortium planned to implement the project on condition that the Burmese government agreed to put up collateral on behalf of Incheon to guarantee the loan. The Yongnam-CAPE-JGC Consortium has estimated the project value at about $1.45 billion and said it would request a loan of $706 million, at a low interest rate from the Japanese government's aid arm, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). The consortium will seek another $517 million loan at an interest rate of 4 percent from private lenders, investing $222 million of its own money to implement the project. The consortium has not asked the Burmese government to put up collateral on behalf of them to get the loans. The DCA director-general on Wednesday said the latter's offer was more attractive to the Burmese government. "Comparing the two, Incheon wants the Burmese government to put up collateral. But the government can't do so for a private company. So, the deal was cancelled and we selected Yongnam," Win Swe Tun said. "Yongnam said it would take around four years to construct the airport and the airport can begin operating in December 2019," he added. Hanthawaddy International Airport will be located at the site of an old airport near the town of Pegu, about 50 miles north of Rangoon. Rangoon International Airport lacks available space for a major expansion and the government says a new international airport is needed as the country hosts growing numbers of tourists and businesspeople. Upon completion, Hanthawaddy International Airport will have the capacity to handle 12 million travelers a year. Rangoon International Airport is also being upgraded, and will be able to handle up to six million travelers a year when complete. The post Hanthawaddy Airport Contract Goes to Singaporean-Japanese Consortium appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai PM says New DNA Tests Can Be Done in British Probe Into Koh Tao Murders Posted: 29 Oct 2014 10:12 PM PDT Two Burmese migrant workers suspected of killing two British tourists on Koh Tao stand with Thai police officers during a re-enactment of the alleged crime. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha on Wednesday challenged critics of a police investigation into the murder of two British tourists saying new DNA tests can be done as concern grows that two men arrested over the killings might have been framed. Two Burmese men—migrant workers Zaw Lin and Win Zaw Htun, both 21— were charged with the murder of Britons David Miller, 24, and Hannah Witheridge, 23, whose bodies were found on a beach on the southern island of Koh Tao on Sept. 15. Post-mortem examination results showed the British backpackers died from blows to the head and Witheridge was raped. Police said the Burmese men confessed to the crime and their DNA matched samples taken from Witheridge’s body—despite the fact that the two had yet to appear in court to face any charge and speak for themselves. They later retracted their confessions and said they were tortured into confessing. Police deny that. "We will not block the right of the suspects to fight the case and we can even test their DNA again if there is suspicion that they are not the culprits," Prayuth told reporters. "If people think that there is no justice in this case then we will be happy to test again." His comments come amid growing diplomatic concern that the two Burmese men may have been abused during interrogation. Thailand’s human rights commission has launched an inquiry into allegations of police torture. Police were under intense pressure to solve the high profile case and were widely accused of bungling the investigation in the days following the attack. The murders have dented tourism, which accounts for nearly 10 percent of gross domestic product, at a time when Thailand is still under martial law after a May military coup that had already kept some tourists away. The post Thai PM says New DNA Tests Can Be Done in British Probe Into Koh Tao Murders appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

From Duck Eggs to Fiscal Deficit, the Journey by Indonesia’s Economics Minister Posted: 29 Oct 2014 10:01 PM PDT Indonesia’s new economics minister once sold duck eggs on the street to pay school fees; now he's managing Southeast Asia's biggest economy. JAKARTA — Born in poverty in a rebel stronghold, Indonesia’s new chief economics minister once sold duck eggs on the street to pay his school fees. Sofyan Djalil later studied law in Indonesia and then went to Tufts University in the United States where he received two masters’ degrees and a doctorate. A decade ago, he became a minister in the cabinet. He will need all that ability to overcome disadvantages as he takes on the uphill battle to revive Southeast Asia’s biggest economy from its worst slowdown in five years. When President Joko Widodo announced on Sunday the little known 61-year-old technocrat would be his economic "captain at the helm," markets were unimpressed and reacted little the following day. Investors were hoping an experienced economist would take the reins, such as World Bank Managing Director Sri Mulyani Indrawati or central bank Governor Agus Martowardojo. "[Djalil] is reportedly close to Vice President Jusuf Kalla, and might have to work doubly hard to prove that his appointment is not purely on that basis alone," said Wellian Wiranto, an economist at Singapore’s OCBC Bank. Kalla and Djalil were both in the first administration of former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, but neither figured in his second 2009-2014 cabinet. When Kalla was elected as Widodo’s running mate, many expected Djalil would make it to the cabinet, but his wife said the appointment came as a surprise. "He found out he was going to be appointed chief economics minister three or four days before the announcement," said Ratna Megawangi, Djalil’s wife for 32 years. "It was last minute." Djalil is known for achieving results from people and getting rid of those who perform poorly, colleagues said. As minister, he placed newly hired company directors on one-year probationary periods, and worked to remove political appointees from the boardrooms of state-owned firms. "He is a person who doesn’t have any hesitation to replace people because he is very honest, his integrity is high and he doesn’t compromise. That is one of his greatest strengths," said Tanri Abeng, a former state-owned enterprises minister who Djalil assisted in 1998-99. Approaching Disaster In his current job, Djalil has his work cut out for him, with a potential fiscal disaster fast approaching. A huge shortfall in tax revenue threatens to bust a legal limit that could place his new boss into a political crisis in his first two months in office. The quickest solution is to cut ballooning fuel subsidies, a politically difficult move that in the past has led to violent protests and contributed to the downfall of long-time autocrat Suharto in 1998. As economics supremo, Djalil will have to deal with the fallout of a potential fuel price hike and ensure the 10 ministries that he oversees, from finance and trade to agriculture and state-owned enterprises, keep to the president’s vision. While slashing the deficit, he also has to revive economic growth and crank up Indonesia’s creaky infrastructure. Gross domestic product grew by 5.1 percent on an annual basis in the second quarter, the slowest pace for five years. Indonesia’s inadequate roads, ports, electricity and other basic services, along with its corruption and daunting bureaucracy, have begun to disenchant foreign investors, who are essential for the resource-based economy to grow. "The configuration of the cabinet suggests that President [Widodo] plans to lean on Sofyan very heavily," said John Kurtz, head of Asia Pacific for the consulting firm A.T. Kearney. "He is a skilled and diplomatic operator, who listens, chooses his own inner circle well, and shows support and loyalty to those he respects." Reading Scraps Djalil didn’t have many books growing up in a small village, and Megawangi said he told her he would instead read the newspaper scraps that covered the food brought home by his father, who was a barber. "Every day he would wait for his father so he could read," she said, recalling Djalil’s description of his childhood. "He was always disappointed when he would start reading articles and the end would be torn off." His strong desire to educate himself opened up the opportunity to leave his village and get a degree at University of Indonesia in Jakarta, and study at Tufts in Massachusetts. Djalil, an expert on corporate governance, returned to Indonesia to work as a consultant for state-owned companies like flagship airline PT Garuda Indonesia Tbk and PT Telekomunikasi Indonesia Tbk. The father of three eventually became the communications minister in 2004 and state-owned enterprises minister in 2007. Colleagues said he found the latter job frustrating. In his two years as minister, Djalil led a major campaign to set up a large holding company, along the lines of state investors like Singapore’s Temasek Holdings and Malaysia’s Khazanah Nasional Berhad, but he failed to get the backing of the finance ministry and parliament. "He attempted to create holding company structures to leverage on the scale of the SOEs but didn’t receive much in the way of political backing," said Keith Loveard, head of risk analysis at Jakarta-based security advisory company Concord Consulting. "It remains to be seen whether he will be any more influential in his new job." Djalil’s supporters say he likes the challenge of being underestimated and unpopular and his biggest success in government reflects that. He was the senior government negotiator in talks in the 2000′s with Acehnese rebels to end a 30-year-old insurgency in his home province. After years of being considered a traitor by some in Aceh, Djalil was able to return home to visit his mother for the first time in a decade after helping to reach a landmark peace accord in 2005. "It was an emotional reunion with the villagers and his mother as they felt the freedom from fear," his wife Megawangi said. "It was a spiritual moment for him that he played a role in all of this." The post From Duck Eggs to Fiscal Deficit, the Journey by Indonesia’s Economics Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Youth Fear Junta’s School Reforms Will Dim Job Prospects Posted: 29 Oct 2014 09:50 PM PDT Students have their pictures taken at a Thai army post near an anti-government protesters' encampment in central Bangkok in January 2014. (Photo: Reuters)c BANGKOK — Sixteen years old and studying 13 hours a day, high school pupil Worapot doesn't have time to waste matching up to a military-led government's idea of what makes a good Thai. The generals who led a coup in May have prioritized school reforms to inculcate a strong sense of national identity—or Thai-ness—in a country whose traditional values hinge on unquestioning respect for the monarchy, religion and elders. For Worapot, the son of junior civil servants who together earn US$1,800 a month, a more practical goal would be creating an education system that commands respect in the job market. "Now the system might get even worse," said Worapot, as he sat on the steps of a language school in a bustling Bangkok shopping district where he is taking extra lessons in English. Still to lift martial law, the junta has given education the biggest slice of the 2015 budget, raising teachers' pay and redrawing the national curriculum with the aim to introduce it at the start of the next school year in May. Aside from giving Thai history and culture more emphasis, classes in "moral soundness and virtues" will be introduced. Worapot's frustration with the new policies is magnified by the prospect that the job market will become tougher once a trade pact, due to start next year, brings together 600 million people in Southeast Asia. He wants to be able to compete with better-off Singaporeans and Malaysians rather than be patronized for quaint moral codes or nationalist sentiments. "I want to be their equal or better. Not to be ridiculed," he said, while using a Thai-to-English application on his iPad. ADMIRAL PLOTS COURSE For years, education in Thailand has been handicapped by a reliance on rote-learning and stress on skills that support basic jobs but just do not cut it for a booming middle class that aspires to better jobs and better pay. Technocrats have long called for changes to put more stress on developing critical thinking skills rather than conformity, whereas Thais often shy away from showing individuality for fear of "losing face," or causing embarrassment. The reforms envisaged by the junta—including civic duty and morality classes to promote "a sense of pride in being a Thai"—do not appear to be the answer. "The way the government promotes certain values may not fit well with the development of 21st century skills," said May Sripatananskul, education initiative project manager at the Thailand Development and Research Institute (TDRI), a Bangkok-based independent think tank. Multinationals based in the kingdom already complain of a shortage of skilled and professional labor. "Most graduates may not have basic skills adequate to the needs of the company—for example, practical command of the English language, communication, time management and behavioral skills," Krisda Utamote, director of corporate communications at BMW Group Thailand, told Reuters. Thailand's education system is routinely ranked as one of the worst in Southeast Asia. Attempts by previous governments to bring students up to speed with their Asian peers—from free, "Made in China" computer tablets for primary school children to foreign exchange programs—have proved ineffective or disastrous. In the UN Development Program's 2014 human development index, Thailand ranks 89th out of 187 countries for education. Taking over an economy laid low by months of political unrest and martial law, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former army chief, has said he will do "everything" to ensure Thailand remains a hub for foreign investors. The policymakers chosen to oversee the school reforms have raised some eyebrows, however. Prayuth's education minister, Narong Pipathanasai, was chief of Thailand's navy until September. And Art-ong Jumsai Na Ayudhya, the aristocrat tasked by the Office of Basic Education Commission (OBEC) with re-drafting the curriculum, believes in UFOs and the paranormal powers of ancient Egyptian pyramids. A petition calling for his removal has gathered over 3,000 signatures. Art-ong did not reply to a Reuters request for an interview, while OBEC said it was "under orders from the highest level not to comment on education policy." Going Downhill As a percentage of gross domestic product, Thailand already spends more on education than Germany, but that has not brought success. TDRI's May bemoaned the amount wasted through inefficiency, and the failure of higher pay to translate to better quality teachers. The largest chunk of the budget is spent on the primary and pre-primary segments. Yet, Thailand ranked 90th out of 144 countries for the quality of primary education, the latest World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report showed. Neighboring Malaysia, whose per capita GDP is double Thailand's $5,779, ranked 17th. Past studies by UN agencies have noted that while access to primary education is fairly equal across Thai society, more should be invested in secondary and tertiary levels, where both access and quality need improvement. Better-off families avoid public schools if they can. The well-heeled, living in Bangkok, have the choice of sending their children to international schools where annual fees average 400,000 baht ($12,300), according to a 2013 survey. "I can do without patriotism and morality classes," said businessman Krissada Pornweroj, while waiting for his son outside a British school in the capital. "We want him to get into a good English boarding school." The negative economic implications of the country's weak classroom performance will be compounded by a shift in Thailand's demographics. While most of Southeast Asia will enjoy relatively young populations decades from now, Thailand bucks the trend. It currently has a population of around 66 million people. Once the working-age population starts to decline in 2020, according to UN estimates, economic growth could suffer. "Thailand does run the risk of losing competitiveness," said Rahul Bajoria, an economist in Singapore at Barclays Plc. "Historically, the Thai labour force has been more productive than Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia, but without sustained focus, that productivity gap can narrow." The post Thai Youth Fear Junta's School Reforms Will Dim Job Prospects appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

No Hope for Survivors in Sri Lanka Landslide, Over 100 Dead Posted: 29 Oct 2014 05:35 PM PDT Rescue teams from the Sri Lankan military engage in rescue operation work at the site of a landslide at the Koslanda tea plantation in Badulla October 29, 2014. HALDUMMULLA, Sri Lanka — All hopes of finding survivors under the mud and rubble of a landslide in south-central Sri Lanka had run out by first light on Thursday, though a government minister cut the estimated death toll to more than 100 from 300 the previous night. "I don't think there could be any survivors," Disaster Management Minister Mahinda Amaraweera told Reuters, after visiting the disaster site in the tea-plantation village of Haldummulla, 190 km (120 miles) from the capital, Colombo. "It is about 100 people who have been buried as there were some children and some estate workers who were not at their houses at the time of the disaster," he added, explaining why the death toll could be lower than feared the day before. However, the Disaster Management Center's last estimate for the number killed was still 300. The center said 150 houses were buried in Wednesday's landslide, which stretched 3 km (2 miles) and engulfed the village after days of heavy monsoon rains. Children who left for school before the earthfall returned to find their clay and cement houses had been buried. Nearly 300 people, most of them children, spent the night at a nearby school after warnings of further landslide. Villagers had been advised in 2005 and 2012 to move away because of the threat of landslides, but many did not heed the warning, Amaraweera said. There have been a number of landslides since the onset of heavy rains in mid-September resulting in damage to roads, but there had been no casualties until Wednesday. Some roads in the central districts of Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, and Badulla were blocked due to landslides. President Mahinda Rajapaksa tweeted that military heavy machinery had been sent to speed up search and rescue operations. The people living in the affected hilly area are mostly of Indian Tamil origin, descendants of workers brought to Sri Lanka from South India under British rule as cheap labor to work on tea, rubber and coffee plantations. The post No Hope for Survivors in Sri Lanka Landslide, Over 100 Dead appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Story, Told by One Crumbling Building Posted: 29 Oct 2014 05:10 PM PDT Rangoon's 41st Street offers a portrait of Rangoon at a time of great change for Burma. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The little apartment building was graceful once. Maybe even beautiful. There is an elegance in the arched windows now covered with grime. It's there in the ornamental pillars, coated with paint so faded that it's hard to say if the building is yellow or white. It's there in the wide windows kept open through the endless hot months, bringing in the breeze from the nearby Rangoon River. The building whispers of a past. Of solid middle-class lives. Of a cosmopolitan, colonial city that was once a great Asian crossroad, the capital of a country once called Burma. But that was a long time ago. These days, in the late afternoons when the breeze starts to pick up, two old friends carry out plastic chairs to sit in front of a building now battered by time and monsoons and history. They talk about the neighborhood and their children. They worry about money. Tin Win has spent 67 years in the building on 41st Street, moving in when he was 6 years old. His friend Round Namar isn't sure how long it's been. Sixty-five years? Seventy? "All I know," Namar says, shrugging, "is my mother told me I was born here." All those years, the two have lived next door to one another, in narrow ground-floor apartments, each a little bigger than a shipping container. From here, they watched the birth of an independent Burma, the first coup d'état and the rise of the military juntas. They watched as generals turned Burma into a poverty-battered international pariah, and as 2010 semi-democratic elections nudged a few generals aside. In the past couple years they have seen construction cranes blossom across this city, a place which had seemed frozen into a crumbling echo of British colonial life. They have also watched the building's residents change around them. Today, there's the strutting young print-shop manager and the sweatshop workers who look as young as 11. There's the housewife, the barely employed physicist and the hotel laundress who came from the countryside, riding a bus for 12 hours in search of something more than grinding farm work. Some are close friends. Many barely recognize one another. This is the story of one apartment building, two stairwells, 12 tiny apartments and the 60 or so people who live in them. In many ways, it is little different from hundreds of other buildings scattered across Rangoon. But listen closely enough in these apartments, and you can hear the story of a country caught at a historical precipice, wavering between a decades-long era of brutal military rule and the promise of some vague new golden age. On 41st Street, it is a moment so complicated that even the most basic questions are confounding. Differing Perspectives The handsome young man leans over a small desk on the building's ground floor, absently surfing the Web as printing presses clatter around him. Aung Phyo Win has a life that many young Burmese would envy. He goes to dance clubs at expensive Rangoon hotels and spends much of his time at work playing on the computer. He races cars with his friends in the city's streets. He is 28 and dreams of promoting hip-hop shows. His family, by the building's standards, is well off. Some own cars. They come to 41st Street only to work, living in nicer neighborhoods. He believes fiercely in the new Burma. His country is democratic, he'll tell you. Look at the elections of 2010 and the new political parties. Look at the protests. Small protests are now regular occurrences in front of Rangoon's City Hall, with a couple dozen people railing against illegal land seizures or high electricity rates. Just a few years ago, those protests would have been met with arrests or even gunfire. Yes, Aung Phyo Win acknowledges, the army could end the protests anytime it wants. It still wields immense power. "They just don't want the bad publicity overseas," he says. As he talks, an elderly employee who sweeps the press-shop floor sits transfixed in front of a television. She's watching "Psycho" on cable TV, the sound turned up loud. Janet Leigh is screaming. Yes, he acknowledges again, some people are still too frightened to talk politics. Not him, though. The young men who go clubbing with him offer Burma-style protection. "I don't worry," he says. "I'm friends with the sons of generals." But one after another, his neighbors in the building turn conversations away from anything political or ask that their names not be used. Many still talk about politics in whispers, and only with their closest friends. "The generals, they still control everything," said one resident, an older man. "There is democracy the world over today. But Burma?" He paused, and shrugged. "Maybe someday." So much in Burma's history has been about fear. During the five decades of junta rule, tens of thousands of people were imprisoned for political crimes. Torture was commonplace. Activists disappeared into prisons, reappearing years later as twitching shadows. Foreign journalists were effectively barred. Protests were crushed. For three generations, children were taught not to speak about anything sensitive. Informants, they were told, were everywhere. But the junta was also increasingly desperate for international respect and an end to crippling trade sanctions. Quiet discussions about democratic changes led to the release of the Nobel-winning pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi, and then to the carefully orchestrated 2010 elections, when former Gen. Thein Sein was elected president. Four years later, the country's political culture can appear upended. Those protests are now regular occurrences, and a welter of independent newspapers have opened. Opposition parties are growing. While some political prisoners still sit in Burma's jails, hundreds have been freed. The junta's former spymaster, once a deeply feared man known as the Prince of Darkness, now runs a small Rangoon art gallery and cafe where cappuccino sells for US$2.50 a cup. But despite all that, the military-backed party remains in control and the army has the constitutional right to dissolve Parliament. A mysterious circle of current and retired generals is widely thought to weigh in on all important government decisions. While press freedoms are theoretically protected, journalists are regularly harassed by the authorities and sometimes arrested. Reporters also acknowledge avoiding certain topics, including the wealth of the generals and the often-raucous behavior of their sons and grandsons. The confusion is evident on 41st Street. Most often, it is evident in what is left unsaid. Even between friends. "We come out here to talk about everyday things," says Namar, her voice rising nervously, as she and Tin Win sit in front of the building late one afternoon. "We don't talk about politics." Her extended family, 11 people crowded into an apartment carved into closet-sized rooms, is among the building's poorest. They depend on what she and two daughters earn selling snacks on the street, and a son-in-law's work as a mechanic. They have almost nothing, but she will not risk losing any of it with some stray political comment. When Namar isn't around to get nervous, though, Tin Win sometimes wades into questionable territory. He's a cheerful dandy, a former neighborhood playboy who dons a clean shirt and carefully oils his combover before his afternoon gossip sessions. He married late in life, and he flirts with passing women as his much younger wife rolls her eyes. Talking politics one afternoon, he points to the narrow but well-paved road that runs in front of the apartment. For decades it was little more than a swath of potholes and pitted cement. But just before the 2010 elections, the military-backed USDP party came through the neighborhood, announcing they would fix it. The repair may have improved his neighborhood, but he sees it as a betrayal. "They did it for the votes," he growls, and spits out a final word. He makes it sound like a curse: "Elections." An Ethnic Tapestry The oldest residents of 41st Street can remember back to World War II, and hearing their parents whisper about the Japanese soldiers who then occupied the city. They remember the return of the British near the war's end, and the celebrations at independence in 1948. What they don't remember are many Burmese. Rangoon was then barely one-quarter ethnic Burmese. The city's top hotel was run by Armenians; the best bakery was German. The city had Jews from Baghdad and teak traders from Azerbaijan. The British were at the top of the social pyramid, but the city's largest populations were Chinese and Indian. The British, long accustomed to Indians from their largest colony, brought thousands to take low- and mid-level jobs in Burma's bureaucracy, and to work in British companies. Chinese immigrants dominated the business world. The Burmese were shunted aside, their anger quietly festering. In those days, 41st Street was the heart of Rangoon's Indian Quarter, where middle-class immigrant businessmen and civil servants lived in apartment buildings that often echoed the Edwardian extravagance of the British colonials. Inside, though, families often followed traditions that stretched back centuries. "We lived in the old ways," says Fawrile. She's about 68, and sits in a chair with her legs pulled beneath her. She has only one name. Her father was a wealthy trader in timber and spices, a modern man with a business empire, extensive real estate holdings and armies of servants. But as a Muslim woman, she was rarely allowed to leave the house. "I didn't even know what was going on out there," she says. The rise of the junta upended that world. Bitterness against the Indians and Chinese was often encouraged by military governments looking for scapegoats for the country's slide into poverty. Starting in the 1960s, thousands of Indians were expelled from the country or, like Fawrile's father, had their businesses nationalized. Anti-Chinese riots shook the city starting in 1967. Today, Fawrile lives with her nephew, a taxi driver, in the family's last apartment, a top-floor place where the breeze blows through a thin curtain and a grand-nephew sleeps on a mat on a lazy morning, wearing pajamas that say "Dog-Ass Tired." The building, like Fawrile's family, is far from what it once was. With each decade, gentility gave way a little more. The sprawling apartments were divided, and often divided again. Poor Chinese moved to the neighborhood, then poor Burmese. The 137 steps leading to the top floor became worn, grass sprouted from the rooftop. With every monsoon, more leaks opened in the roof. These days, there's a tangled mix of ethnicities inside. At times, the building it has witnessed profound tolerance, like when Namar's family hid Tin Win's during waves of anti-Chinese violence. But the building, like Burma itself, is no happy melting pot. The country's divisions are byzantine, producing everything from jingoistic political parties to ethnic armies. Now, years of ethnic distrust are being magnified in Rangoon by the city's growth, as poor villagers flood in from the countryside in search of work. On 41st Street, that distrust echoes. Ma Yi Win came to Rangoon three years ago, moving into a tiny top-floor apartment with her husband and two roommates. All are ethnic Burmese, refugees from rural villages. "We don't know the neighbors," says Ma Yi Win, a small friendly woman worn by exhaustion. "And the whole street is full of Indians, so I don't want to be friends with them." In Ma Yi Win's apartment, the linoleum floor is worn away. Buckets catch leaks from the ceiling. On one wall, earlier renters have written a message in English: "I wish you were here with me, just this moment." Taped to another wall is a glossy poster showing a mansion with an impossibly green lawn. Her husband, a thin man given to long silences, lights a cigarette. They dreamed for years of escaping the drudgery of home, where a year of work brought just a few hundred dollars at harvest time. "Where I come from, in my village, there's only farming," she says. "If you want to do anything else, then you have to leave." A few years ago that began to change. The 2010 elections marked a watershed in Burma. Sanctions fell away and tourists poured in. The city, where for decades nothing seemed to change, began stumbling into the global economy. Rangoon now has a Ford dealership and a 10-story-tall Coke billboard. It has jetlagged American executives spilling from the airport, dreaming of a vast untapped market. It has sketchy businessmen who build sprawling mansions and high walls. But on 41st Street, the newcomers' dreams are far more modest. A job. A salary. Maybe some savings. Ma Yi Win found work at the laundry of a nearby hotel catering to businessmen with limited expense accounts. The hours are long, but she earns about $100 a month, an enormous salary back in the plains. The city both thrills her and frightens her. It has everything: wealth and poverty, gangsters and holy men. It has those Indians who make her nervous. "When I was young, back in the village, I didn't know about anything," she says. Pride fills her words: "Now I know about so much." Such talk is common among the building's newcomers, most of them recent arrivals from the poorest parts of Burma. They don't hope for much, but they still see the city as a way to get ahead. The older families, though, are often lost in happier memories. They barely see the new buildings and the new cars. Their dreams are of somewhere else. If not for themselves, then for their children. "Our smart young people want to go abroad. To Singapore, or Malaysia," says Cho Win, a gray-haired resident living on the second floor. "They know what life is like here." He talks in careful sentences and keeps his eyeglasses on a chain around his neck. His laugh is bitter. His parents were government servants, middle-class people who expected him to move up in the world. Once, long ago, he hoped his physics degree would earn him a place in academia, or maybe work as a scientist. But he graduated from college in the 1970s, when Burma's economy barely functioned at all. He spent almost a decade unemployed before becoming a tutor for high school students. Today, he and his wife survive on his earnings as a freelance tour guide, and her $100 monthly salary as a middle school teacher. Their son is 21, a seaman's apprentice on a cargo ship. Last they heard he was in Panama. Life, they say, is better out there. They don't want him to come back. Old and New So much has changed in Burma. So much has not. Every few months, change also comes to 41st Street. Aung Phyo Win, the print-shop manager, left his job after a series of family arguments. The gold workshop moved away. Ma Yi Win and her roommates, the rural émigrés, are gone. They didn't tell their neighbors where they went. But when the hot weather comes, Tin Win and Namar can still be found out front, often sitting there deep into the night, talking to one another or to people passing by. Sometimes, they just sit silently. There are only a couple streetlights on 41st Street, and those rarely work. So at night, the only light outside is what spills from the apartments. But the two friends don't mind the darkness. The street is quieter then. More like the old days. And now when they do go inside, there is electricity most of the time. They can change for bed without lighting a lantern. They can watch TV long into the night. Just a few years ago, they couldn't depend on that. It's hard to see that as an accomplishment, they say, but it is something. It's one tiny change in a new Burma, a country shuffling awkwardly away from its own uneasy history, one building at a time. The post Burma's Story, Told by One Crumbling Building appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘We Will Show How Much Women Are Capable of Through This Party’ Posted: 29 Oct 2014 05:00 PM PDT Layaung Mon is the chairperson of the Women's Party. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) A group of politically minded women in Mon State recently formed a party to contest the general elections in 2015, with the express goal of securing more seats for women in both houses of Burma's Parliament. The Women's Party applied to the Union Election Commission (UEC) in Naypyidaw on 14 Oct. to register as a political party. Party chairperson Layaung Mon talked to The Irrawaddy about Burma's first ever Women's Party, which she said is founded on the principle of gender equality and aims to increase female representation in politics by creating a space for women of all ethnicities to participate in governance. Question: Why was the Women's Party established? Answer: Mon women have been engaging in women's activities under the name of the Shin Saw Pu Organization in Mon State. Some of them are interested in business and some in social welfare works. They engage in the works they are interested in. Then, some are interested in politics and the idea of establishing a political party came into our mind. Looking at the Parliament, the role of women is very limited. In many areas, women can outperform their male counterparts. Therefore, with the aim of advancing women, the party was formed on 8 October. Then, we officially applied to Union Election Commission on 14 October to register as a political party. Q: What is the main objective of the party? A: We aim to contest the general election in 2015 for the advancement of women. In certain cases, women do better than men. Women are not inferior to men as regards education. But women are rarely given the chance to take up decision-making positions. Women will be able to prove their importance if they enter politics. We will work to ensure true gender equality. Q: What difficulties did you encounter in forming a party for only women? A: There were many difficulties. We received no assistance from any organization. Again, there is no financial support for us. We run the party with the money from our businesses. Only a few have helped us with forming the party. Perhaps, they think women can't do it. [But] we'll show how much women are capable of through this party. Q: Why was the party named the Women's Party? A: At first, we thought of giving it the name 'Mon Women's Party' as it was founded by Mon women. Then we realized that the name would be limited to Mon nationals. We give the name women's party because we want to represent all ethnic women. Since we are the first party representing women, we will cooperate with all women and then invite ethnic women and women's organizations to join our party. Q: Are women very interested in the party? A: Many women in all 10 townships in Mon State who have heard about our party are interested in it. In some townships, some have already showed their interest in joining our party. We plan to form township committees in those townships. After we map out the detailed organizational structure, we'll launch campaigns to increase membership. We'll also rally support of women in other ethnic regions. Q: Have you drawn up the organizational set-up of the party? A: We've roughly developed the party's structure and will continue to work on details. We will draw up an inclusive structure as we represent not only Mon women but all ethnic women. We are willing to change our organizational structure if some women organizations that would communicate with our party in the future don't think it is good. Q: In which major constituencies will your party contest the coming election? A: We'll contest the coming election, representing entire Burma. We will mainly contest in Mon State and Tenasserim Division where there are many Mon people. If women from other ethnic regions join the party, we'll help them contest in their home regions. Q: What difficulties did you face in registering the party? A: No particular difficulties. The UEC only asked us to submit documents to certify that party executives are real ethnic people. Q: Where is the party's head office? A: Our party is temporarily headquartered at Shin Saw Pu Company in Moulmein, Mon State. The post 'We Will Show How Much Women Are Capable of Through This Party' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

US, UK Embassies Urge Govt Inquiry Into Journalist’s Killing Posted: 29 Oct 2014 09:07 AM PDT Demonstrators carry signs bearing slogans and pictures of Aung Kyaw Naing, a journalist who went missing in Mon State last month and was reportedly killed by the Burma Army. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The embassies of the United States and Britain have called on the Burmese government to launch a transparent investigation into the recent killing of a local journalist by the Burma Army. The US Embassy said in a statement that it is "deeply concerned and saddened" by the reports of the death of journalist Aung Kaw Naing, also known as Par Gyi, while in custody of the Burma Army in early October. "We have raised serious concern with the government on the matter," the embassy said. "We call on the government to conduct a credible and transparent investigation into the circumstances surrounding his death, and to hold the perpetrators accountable." The statement added that the recent killing signaled the need for better protection for journalists exercising press freedom in Burma. The British Embassy told The Irrawaddy in a comment, "We are concerned by the circumstances of his death, and think that a full investigation would help re-assure people about what happened." Unesco's office in Burma, which has programs to supporting media organizations in the country, did not immediately reply to a request for comment. Last Friday, the Interim Myanmar Press Council said it received a letter from the military stating that the journalist had been arrested by soldiers in Mon State on Sept. 30, interrogated and later killed. The letter claimed Aung Kaw Naing belonged to a Karen rebel group and that he had been shot when he tried to seize a weapon from a soldier. Than Dar, the wife of Aung Kyaw Naing, has said he had been reporting on an outbreak of clashes between the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) and the military in southeastern Burma. She denied that he belonged to the DKBA, as did a representative of the armed group. Aung Kyaw Naing was a rights activist and a body guard of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi for many years before becoming a freelance reporter contributing to several Rangoon-based news publications. In recent days, several international human rights groups and media freedom organizations have condemned the murder and called for a full investigation. Senior government officials have, however, been silent about the killing. The Irrawaddy has repeatedly tried to contact Minister of Information Ye Htut since news of the murder emerged, but emails and phone calls to the minister have gone unanswered. Myanmar Press Council members contacted on Wednesday declined to answer questions on behalf of the council on whether the government was taking appropriate steps to deal with the killing. They referred back to a council statement from Sunday, which merely said the slain journalist "is a citizen of Myanmar and the Myanmar Press Council believes that he deserves the same rights as any citizen." Pho Thauk Kya, a veteran local journalist, said there was a need for the government to soon announce that it would conduct a transparent investigation. "I want to tell my government that they need to take action immediately," he said. "The responsible person, responsible government official for this case should speak out." The post US, UK Embassies Urge Govt Inquiry Into Journalist's Killing appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

NLD Reject USDP Plan for PR Voting System for Central Regions Posted: 29 Oct 2014 08:58 AM PDT The Lower House parliamentary commission to discuss Burma's electoral system met for first time on Thursday, July 31, 2014. (Photo: Hluttaw Channel / Facebook) The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party have been holding a heated debate in recent days about the ruling party's new plan to introduce a proportional representation voting system in the central regions of Burma. Since June, both Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) and a number of ethnic minority parties, which together hold a small number of seats in Parliament, have fiercely opposed a USDP proposal to change the voting system ahead of the 2015 elections, which will be Burma's first democratic vote in 25 years. Under a proportional representation (PR) system, the number of seats won by each party is proportionate to the number of votes received. Under the current first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, the winning lawmaker in each constituency takes a seat to represent the whole area in Parliament. In August, USPD lawmakers voted to set up the Lower House Electoral System Review Committee to study eight different electoral systems for Burma, including keeping the FPTP system, changing to PR and a mixture of the two voting systems. Last week, the committee presented its findings and advised Parliament to introduce a mixed system whereby the ethnic states keep the FPTP system while the Burman-dominated central divisions would change to a PR voting system. Burma's ethnic states and the Naga self-administrated region represent about 126 of the total 330 constituencies in the country. This week, dozens of opposition and ruling party lawmakers have been debating over the proposed change, with NLD members opposing changes to the voting system ahead of the 2015 general elections. Khin San Hlaing, a NLD lawmaker from Pale Township constituency in Sagaing Division, said the USDP chairman of the committee had pushed through the proposal to change the voting system, even though the Burmese public would not understand the change and its political implications. "Now there is little or no awareness. No information is provided to the public about the new electoral system [proposal]. That's why we have been urging on behalf of our voters not to introduce it," she told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. The NLD has adopted the position that the public should be consulted about the proposed change to the voting system through a referendum as it would represent a change to the Constitution. "If Parliament decides to practice a new electoral system, a referendum would need to be held with over 75 percent of public support" for the change, Zaw Myint Maung, an NLD member who is on the Electoral System Review Committee, told Parliament, according to a post on the NLD's Facebook page. The USDP maintains the change to the voting system is not a constitutional change and that a public referendum is not required. USPD representatives could not be reached for comment on Wednesday. The USDP lawmakers have made few attempts to publicly explain why Burma should switch to two voting systems ahead of the 2015 elections, and the initiative raises the question what the ruling party of ex-generals and the bloc of military MPs stand to gain from the change. Aung Zin, a lawmaker with the National Democratic Force, a small party supporting the USDP, told The Irrawaddy last week that there was no need to consult the public on the changes, claiming that Parliament could decide. Aung Zin, who is also committee member, said the proposal to change the voting system had the support of Union Parliament Speaker and USDP chairman Shwe Mann, adding, "The Speaker said more voting systems should be added to allow the MPs to have more discussions." Ethnic party representatives had previously opposed a switch to the PR system, but seemed more divided after a meeting with Shwe Mann, who promised them that the ethnic states would not be affected by any change to the voting system. With the committee's proposal outlining that the voting system change would not affect ethnic regions, opposition among ethnic MPs subsided and only a few spoke out in Parliament against the proposed switch in recent days. Nang Say Awa, an ethnic Karen MP from the Phalon Sawaw Democratic Party said, "We already said that we prefer the FPTP and the Speaker [Shwe Mann] already supported it." NLD member Khin San Hlaing warned, however, that the USDP's plan to introduce two voting systems in Burma ahead of the 2015 elections was a ploy by the ruling party to divide the NLD and the country's different ethnic regions so that the USDP could make political gains. "Practicing different electoral systems would lead to more division amongst the highland and remote ethnic states, and other regions," she said. Khin San Hlaing added that it was unclear whether Shwe Mann would put the proposed change to Burma's electoral system to a vote in Parliament soon. The post NLD Reject USDP Plan for PR Voting System for Central Regions appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Monks Plan Rally to Demand Interfaith Marriage Law Posted: 29 Oct 2014 08:46 AM PDT Buddhist monk Wirathu speaks to the public about the interfaith marriage bill in Sagaing Division on May 5, 2014. (Photo: Wirathu / Facebook) RANGOON —A powerful group of Buddhist nationalist lobbyists has planned nationwide rallies in support of a controversial bill that some say would effectively outlaw interfaith marriage in Burma. Organizers said that they are demanding immediate passage of the Interfaith Marriage Bill, which they first proposed in 2013. The Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, locally referred to as Ma Ba Tha, said that a successful gathering of about 500 supporters last Saturday in Rangoon would be followed by a similar event in Mandalay "very soon." Mandalay-based monk U Wirathu, a member of the Ma Ba Tha and leading proponent of the anti-Muslim 969 movement, told The Irrawaddy that he expectedto draw about 1,000 supporters at the next round of demonstrations. He said that the legislation has stagnated in Parliament, and the Ma Ba Tha wishes to see decisive action on the bill, which would enact conversion requirements for interfaith couples wishing to marry. The bill has been heavily criticized by civil society and international observers alike for enacting discriminatory boundaries that could create disadvantages for minority faiths and women. "Parliament has been silent on this bill, and we want to put some pressure on the government and the Parliament to approve it immediately," said Wirathu, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. "Ideally, this bill would be passed by 2015, before there are changes in the government. If it is delayed, the future of our Buddhist women will suffer under threat of forced conversion," he added, referring to a common belief among Burma's Buddhist community that women are routinely being coerced to join Muslim families. This belief has been broadly denounced by women's rights groups, who claim that the law creates unnecessary restrictions for women who are capable of choosing their own partners. "If people prefer that others not marry outside their faith, religious leaders can educate people about their options. But this law is unnecessary," said HtarHtar, founder of the Rangoon-based advocacy group Akhaya Women's Network. HtarHtar added that she does not support the legislation and believes that it would ultimately do more harm than good. "We also want to request that the president not enact this law, because it will only create problems and misunderstandings between people with different beliefs," she said. "We are trying to build peace, stability and democracy in this country." The draft legislation would require Buddhist women to receive permission from parents and authorities before marrying a man of another faith, who would then be forced to convert to Buddhism. It is part of a package of four bills drafted by the Ma Ba Thaon the premise of preserving racial and religious norms. The other three bills would ban polygamy, enact population control measures and restrict religious conversion. Ma Ba Tha proposed the package in mid-2013, and a drafting committee was created to rewrite the bills and push them through Parliament.The legislation was submitted to lawmakers earlier this year with assistance from a member of the National Democratic Force, but it is still unclear when it will come up for a vote. "We've waited several months for the result," said Dama Sakka U MaungMaung, a chairperson of the Htayrawada Buddhism Network. "We want these bills to be passed as soon as possible. As for those who oppose this [marriage] bill, we urge them to read it carefully and not just oppose it for political gain," he added. The draft legislation has not officially been made public, which could pose some difficulties for those wishing to read it.The Irrawaddy has previously reported that several outspoken members of Burma's civil society have been physically threatened or otherwise harassed for their opposition to the legislation. The post Monks Plan Rally to Demand Interfaith Marriage Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Major Political Players to Meet in Naypyidaw Posted: 29 Oct 2014 08:40 AM PDT Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein at their first meeting in Naypyidaw on Aug. 19, 2011. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The first-ever meeting among Burma's top government officials, major political parties and ethnic alliances is scheduled for later this week in Naypyidaw, where participants are expected to attempt to resolve the country's political deadlock and address the direction of future reform. The government officials joining the meeting on Friday are President Thein Sein, Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, military Commander in Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Union Election Commission (UEC) chairman Tin Aye. Representatives from political parties will include opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) Vice Chairman Htay Oo, and leaders from alliances representing ethnic minorities' interests. A senior member of an ethnic alliance invited to the meeting told The Irrawaddy that he had received a phone call about the meeting from the President's Office on Tuesday, and said the list of those summoned to the meeting included more than four additional parties or ethnic alliances. "They didn't tell me anything specific about the theme of the meeting," he said, adding that he was told not to leak the news to the media before the meeting. "Given the current situation in Burma, we think that the topics of the meeting will be the country's political crisis and internal peace," he added. Khin Maung Swe, leader of the Federal Democratic Alliance (FDA), confirmed the date and venue of meeting, but said he too was not aware of its agenda. The FDA was invited, as was the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), headed by Khun Htun Oo. Since late 2013, the NLD's Suu Kyi has called for a quadripartite meeting among herself, Thein Sein, Shwe Mann and Min Aung Hlaing, with a focus on discussing amendments to Burma's controversial Constitution. The president turned down her request, saying Parliament's Constitutional Review Joint Committee had not yet come forward with proposals to change the 2008 charter. Observers have warned that the meeting should not be used as a political ploy to appease US President Barack Obama, who will travel to Burma next month to attend the Asean and East Asia summits. Rather, the high-level gathering should serve to lay down a road map for Burma that could lead to long-term national reconciliation, internal peace and democratic reforms. "They all should know that the people of Burma will hopefully be monitoring the meeting and its outcomes," said Rangoon-based political observer Yan Myo Thein. Aung Zaw, founding editor of The Irrawaddy magazine, said if the meeting happens ahead of Obama's visit, the gathering would serve the shared interest of the US and Burmese governments: reassuring the business community in the West and, for Washington, taking credit for a foreign policy success, having failed elsewhere in the world, from Iraq to Syria to Afghanistan. "If there is no binding, written statements about the meeting and firm agreement to achieve peace, reconciliation, democracy and freedom in the country, it will only be good PR for the government and military to win the West's approval and support for the continued illegitimate rule [of the Thein Sein administration] and to ease rising tension and disapproval of the government in domestic politics," he said. Burma expert Bertil Lintner told The Irrawaddy that he thought the meeting was not really about breaking political deadlock, and was instead about putting pressure on the various armed ethnic groups to sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement—an achievement the Thein Sein administration has been seeking in vain since he took office in 2011. "They would like to present Obama with a ceasefire agreement. To be able to say, 'Look, now there's peace in the country," the Swedish journalist said, adding that Naypyidaw's push for a ceasefire before initiating a political dialogue to address ethnic groups' concerns was "an upside-down process." "Normally, in any peace process anywhere in the world, you announce a ceasefire—you don't need to sign anything—you just say, 'I'm not going to shoot you if you don't shoot at me.' … You announce a ceasefire, you talk, you reach a consensus, you sign an agreement." Instead, the sequence set by the government amounted to "a trap," Lintner said. "They'll have a meeting and they'll say, 'OK, yeah, had a good meeting, let's meet again in six months, and let's meet again in [another] six months.' And gradually they will wear them down, the ethnic constituents, and defeat them by political means rather than military means, and this I think is the ultimate aim of the military." The post Burma's Major Political Players to Meet in Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Karen Leadership Puts Problems on Hold Posted: 29 Oct 2014 08:27 AM PDT KNLA Chief of Staff Gen. Saw Johnny and Vice Chief of Staff Lt-Gen Baw Kyaw Heh talk during the KNU central standing committee meeting in Law Khee Lar in October 2014. (Photo: KNLA Vice-Chief-of-Staff's Office) SONE SEEN MYAING, Karen State — A recently concluded meeting of the Karen National Union (KNU) revealed a dominant element within the group's fractured leadership, as it announced on Wednesday that it will postpone the unification of Karen armed forces and remain on leave from Burma's main ethnic coalition, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). The KNU, which is the leading political organization of Burma's ethnic Karen population, suspended its membership from the UNFC after some leaders walked out of the bloc's most recent congress in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Aug. 31. Several members of the KNU said at the time that the sudden departure was caused by dissatisfaction with UNFC policy and structure. The decision to temporarily leave the bloc indicated widening disagreements within the KNU, as those who supported the move are largely viewed as supporters of a nationwide ceasefire agreement. The UNFC, which is the most recent incarnation of a coalition of ethnic armed groups, resolved to reserve two vacant seats in its leadership for KNU members in hopes that they would return. But at the KNU's Central Standing Committee meeting, held in Law Khee Lar, Karen State, KNU representatives decided not to assume the vacant seats of vice chairperson and central committee member, and to remain indefinitely suspended from the group. Lt-Gen Baw Kyaw Heh, vice-chief-of-staff to the KNU's armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), told The Irrawaddy that the issues leading to the suspension of UNFC membership are still unresolved. "[The majority of Karen leaders] don't like the current policy of the UNFC. They will see if they can negotiate a restructuring of the alliance. The current position is to keep our membership suspended," he said, adding that the KNU would continue to cooperate with the group on some issues. Also prominent on the meeting's agenda was a recent proposal to unify disparate Karen armies into an allied force under the name of Kawthoolei Armed Forces (KAF). Baw Kyaw Heh said that the KNU has agreed in principle, but that it cannot make a decision on the matter until the issue is tabled during its next congress, scheduled for "sometime in 2016." "We agreed on the idea to reunify all ethnic Karen armed groups," he said, "but we agreed that we need further discussion about the group's name and how to implement this." Baw Kyaw Heh was one of four signatories to the original proposal to create the KAF, an idea floated earlier this month. On Oct. 13, he and several other military leaders issued a public announcement that the KNLA, the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO), the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council planned to cooperate under the military alliance. The KNLA and the KNDO are both affiliated with the KNU, while the DKBA and the KNLA/KNU Peace Council are splinter groups that broke away from the KNLA in 1994 and 2007, respectively. Despite shelving the issue until an unspecified date in 2016, the KNU insists it is committed to unification. Sources close to the discussions said that leaders of both the KNLA and the KNDO agreed with the KNU's decision, reiterating that the organization already has a "Unity Committee," established during the 15th congress, held in 2012. On Wednesday, several KNLA representatives announced the KNU's decision at a conference of Karen ethnic armed groups hosted by the DKBA at its headquarters in Sone Seen Myaing near the Thai-Burmese border. DKBA sources said that the meeting was held to seek public opinion on unification, and that the event was attended by about 200 civil society representatives. Some attendees, particularly members of the DKBA and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council, were displeased with the decision, claiming that waiting up to two years for the KNU to convene will prolong disunity and risk subjecting rebel armies to the "divide-and-rule" tactics of the government. "What will Karen people do about this in the meantime? Within two years, even the president will be replaced, the KNU will have a new chairperson," said Col. Saw Kyaw Thet, commander of DKBA's 5th Brigade. "All Karen people need to work hard to form this alliance as soon as possible." Saw Yan Naing reported from Chiang Mai, Thailand. The post Karen Leadership Puts Problems on Hold appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

1,500 Acres of Rice Paddy Lost to Flooding in Irrawaddy Division Posted: 29 Oct 2014 04:12 AM PDT A sign indicates the entrance to Labutta Township in Irrawaddy Division. (Photo: Facebook / Labutta News) PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — Local farmers in Labutta Township, Irrawaddy Division, are facing hardship after their rice paddies were flooded by saltwater, wiping out several farmers' entire harvests. Seawater inundated the paddy fields after a sluice gate burst near Thinganlay village in Labutta Township in late August. Standing seawater remained in many paddy fields for more than a month, destroying the plants. "My farm was inundated since the 10th of September. I have 40 acres of farmland and 20 acres were destroyed by the flooding, which lasted for more than a month," said farmer Hla Aye from Thinganlay village. "Around 15 farmers in the village have not harvested at all. Nearly 3,000 acres of farms were inundated and almost 1,500 acres were destroyed," he told The Irrawaddy. Farms in Thinganlay, Aungzangon, Nalinkyaw and other villages in Labutta Township's Sin Kyay Yar village tract were inundated with seawater, and financial losses are estimated at more than 80 million kyats (US$80,000), local farmers said. Farmers from Thinganlay village said that although they reported the case to the Labutta Township Irrigation Department under the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation, the department denied any responsibility for their losses. After asking the Irrigation Department to rebuild the sluice gate and build an embankment to prevent future flooding, the department replied that "it was not their business because we built the sluice gate on a self-reliant basis," said Thinganlay village local Aung Aung. However, the department did recently repair the sluice gate after the case was reported in a local journal, locals said. Myo Zaw, deputy head of the Irrawaddy Division Agriculture Department, said the relevant authorities had been instructed to assess the condition of the inundated paddy fields and help farmers pay back any outstanding agricultural loans in installments. "We'll coordinate with the concerned agricultural banks and authorities and make sure that the farmers can repay their agricultural loans in installments," he said. In August, more than 600 acres of farmland was destroyed in Yekyi Township, Irrawaddy Division, because fishermen had artificially dammed a nearby lake. The post 1,500 Acres of Rice Paddy Lost to Flooding in Irrawaddy Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Court Throws out Defamation Case Against British Rights Activist Posted: 28 Oct 2014 11:43 PM PDT British labor right activist Andy Hall with Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Hall has investigated numerous labor rights abuses against Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. (photo: andyjhall.files.wordpress.com) BANGKOK — A Thai court on Wednesday dismissed on a technicality a defamation case brought against a British human rights activist by a Thai fruit company. The case is the first of a series of criminal and civil lawsuits filed against rights activist Andy Hall, 34, by Natural Fruit Co. Ltd. The firm, a pineapple wholesaler that supplies to the European Union, accused Hall of libel over a report published in 2013 that he helped author for Finnwatch, a Finland-based watchdog group. The report "Cheap Has a High Price" pointed to alleged ill-treatment of migrant workers at a factory owned by the firm, including low pay and the confiscation of workers’ passports. Natural Fruit has denied the accusations. Natural Fruit is Thailand’s biggest producer of canned pineapples and is owned by Virat Piyapornpaiboon. Hall’s trial concerned defamation charges brought by Natural Fruit against him for an interview he gave to Qatar-based Al-Jazeera television, while he was n Myanmar, based on the report. "Hall gave the interview outside of the Kingdom of Thailand therefore the investigation into the case had to include a team of police and officials from the attorney-general’s office," a judge said in passing the verdict. "However, there was only one police officer at the time of his interrogation therefore we deem the investigation to be incomplete." The verdict comes as civil society groups voice increasing concern over the treatment of migrant workers in Thailand and a rise in the number of criminal defamation cases brought by the military against rights workers and journalists. The military, which ousted an elected government and took power in May, has no connection to the cases against Hall. Speaking before the trial, Hall said he was hopeful the case would be dismissed. "Based on the witness line-up that we had I felt the evidence we presented was very strong and showed that I never had intent to defame," Hall told Reuters. "We are very confident." Sonja Vartiala, executive director of Finnwatch, said in an emailed statement: "We are relieved and glad that justice has prevailed in this case." A lawyer for Natural Fruit said that the firm would appeal. "We accept the court verdict today," Natural Fruit lawyer Somsak Torugsa told reporters. "But we will appeal and this will need to be done within 30 days." A second, $10 million civil defamation case brought by Natural Fruit against Hall will begin on Thursday. Thailand is Southeast Asia’s third-biggest importer of migrant labor after Singapore and Malaysia. Workers from neighboring Cambodia, Laos and Burma often do jobs that most Thais are unwilling to do such as farm hands, fishermen, construction workers and domestic helpers. Determining the number of migrant workers in Thailand is difficult as there is no official data but most rights groups estimate there are between 2 and 3 million of them, most undocumented, which leaves them vulnerable to abuse. The post Thai Court Throws out Defamation Case Against British Rights Activist appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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