| Students Seek Four-Party Dialogue on Education Law Posted: 18 Nov 2014 05:49 AM PST  Students stage a protest against the National Education Law in Rangoon on Sunday. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Student activists have requested that the government convene a quadripartite meeting to discuss the National Education Law, which has prompted street protests and an outcry from education groups in Burma. The students' 15-member Democracy Education Initiative Committee requested that its members, the National Network for Education Reform (NNER), the government and parliamentarians sit down to address their grievances. "We requested the four-way meeting because the NNER held nationwide conferences to collect the desires of the public and ethnic representatives, and drew up an education policy. The government's Education Promotion Implementation Committee (EPIC) produced the education bill, Parliament has the Education Upgrading Committee—the students should be involved," Phyo Phyo Aung, a member of the students' committee, told The Irrawaddy. After students on Monday gave the government 60 days to respond to their demands, the Ministry of Education held a press conference on Tuesday and urged the students to come to the negotiating table with EPIC, which drafted the legislation. "I want them to negotiate freely and transparently," Minister of Education Khin San Yee said at the press conference. "Every parent cannot fulfil all of the demands of their children. So think of us like the parents and demand and negotiate with us and we will do. But if the parents can't afford it, the children should understand it." Among other concerns, the student activists say the law will deprive universities of autonomy and fails to recognize the right of students to form unions. They also say the drafting of the bill lacked input from education stakeholders. More than 300 representatives from students' organizations across Burma began a four-day protest against the legislation starting on Friday. On Monday, the protesting students announced that they would suspend their demonstration and would give the Burmese government 60 days to respond to their demands, with the student activists threatening to turn out in even greater numbers if they did not hear from education officials in that time. The National Education Law was passed by Parliament in July and sent back to the floor by President Thein Sein, who suggested 25 amendments to the legislation. Despite strong criticism from education activists, Parliament passed the Education Law in September, approving 19 of the president's amendments and rejecting six. In the coming months, Parliament will discuss a number of so-called "sectoral laws" that will supplement the Education Law and outline further education reform details. The NNER, also vocal in its criticism of the education legislation, is a network that includes the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, members of teachers' unions, Buddhists monks and ethnic education groups. The network formed in 2012 and has held seminars across the country to discuss education reform. In June last year it organized a national conference attended by 1,200 participants. After that, it sent a report with recommendations to lawmakers and the government. The post Students Seek Four-Party Dialogue on Education Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| No Constitutional Amendments Before Election: Shwe Mann Posted: 18 Nov 2014 05:27 AM PST  Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann speaks during a meeting of Parliament in Naypyidaw last year. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann has nixed hopes for swift reforms to controversial electoral laws, telling a press conference on Tuesday that any changes to the military-drafted 2008 Constitution can only be enacted after next year's general election. The comments from the Union Solidarity and Development Party representative and potential presidential contender came a day after most military lawmakers rejected amending Articles 59(f) and 436 of the Constitution, which bar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from contesting the presidency and give the military a veto over constitutional amendments. "We will finalize [constitutional debates] on November 25," Shwe Mann said. "The draft laws submitted by Union Parliament will be decided and approved next week in parliament." "Some changes will need a referendum, which will be held in May 2015. Where this results in amending the Constitution, they will be approved after the 2015 election." The Burmese Constitution has onerous barriers to change. An amendment must have the support of more than 75 percent of both houses of Parliament, giving the military, with a reserved allocation of 25 percent of all parliamentary seats, an effective veto over any proposal. Many provisions of the Constitution, including Articles 59(f) and Article 436, require any accepted proposal to then be put to a nationwide referendum, with the amendment carried if it receives a yes vote from more than half of the eligible voter population. Chapter 12 of the Constitution, which details the process for the proposal and adoption of constitutional amendments, does not specify a timeframe for the Parliament to ratify successful amendments. Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the United Nationalities Federal Council, told The Irrawaddy that delaying constitutional amendments until 2016 will undermine the integrity of the next election. "If none of articles of the 2008 Constitution can be amended and the 2015 election is held based on the current Constitution, it will be very hard to expect that the election will be a free and fair one," he said. Shwe Mann has defended the decision by stressing the need for administrative continuity, arguing that the proximity of the next election precludes any radical changes to electoral laws or the structure of government administration. "It's impossible… the current administrative landscape will be changed if amendments are enacted during this [parliamentary] term," he said. Min Thu, a Lower House lawmaker for the National League for Democracy, said that he agrees in principle that any proposals for constitutional amendments can only be practically implemented after the next election. Speaking to The Irrawaddy, Min Thu stated his belief that Article 59(f) can still be repealed in the first parliamentary session following the election, subject to a successful passage through parliament and approval in a national plebiscite, allowing Aung San Suu Kyi to assume the presidency after 2015. Additional reporting by Saw Yan Naing and Kyaw Myo Htun The post No Constitutional Amendments Before Election: Shwe Mann appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| The House on an Island Posted: 18 Nov 2014 04:41 AM PST  The palace left behind by Lim Chin Tsong features a mix of Eastern and Western architectural styles. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) YANGON — When the writer and former British civil servant Maurice Collis decided to return to Myanmar in 1937 to visit Shan State in the north, he first stopped in Yangon where he was invited to stay at a "house on an island." In his book "Lords of the Sunset," Mr. Collis described enjoying excellent paintings by famous Myanmar painter U Ba Nyan in a house with porcelain, Persian carpets, bronze drums, a waxed floor and a white poodle. The house was built by the well-known Chinaman Lim Chin Tsong, the author briefly noted. Lim Chin Tsong was a Chinese tycoon who successfully built a business empire on rubber cultivation, textiles and the oil, rice trading, mineral mining and banking sectors. He was the son of a Chinese Hokkien migrant from Fujian province in China. His father, Lim Soo Hean, came to Yangon in 1861 and began trading rice and selling agricultural products. Lower Myanmar was then ruled by the British who were preparing to take over the upper part of the country still ruled by King Mindon. In British-ruled Yangon, business was competitive and Lim SooHean soon discovered his main limitation: a poor education. He was unable to communicate in English with foreign merchants—either Indians or Europeans. He then sent his 16-year-old son, Lim Chin Tsong, to St Paul's College in Yangon to study but did not live to see his beloved son take over his work and build one of the most successful businesses in Southeast Asia. At 18-years-old, Lim Chin Tsong assumed his father's business after Lim Soo Hean passed away in 1885—the year British troops marched into the grand Mandalay Palace and detained the king and queen before sending them into exile. The whole of Myanmar was then under British control. The young and energetic Lim Chin Tsong began to grow the business empire, buying ocean-going vessels, exporting rice and expanding his shipping business to Singapore, Penang, Hong Kong, Guangdong, and Amoy (now known as Xiamen). Among businessmen of that era, the Chinese tycoon was regarded as talented and strategically minded, using the trademark "Xie De" to denote many of his business ventures and products. He soon managed to secure a deal with Burma Oil Corporation (BOC), a large oil company based in the United Kingdom, and was appointed as the exclusive product agent for the region. His involvement in the oil industry saw his wealth flourish and he became one of the richest Chinese tycoons based overseas. Lim Chin Tsong was flamboyant and showy but he was also known to be generous in his philanthropy projects, donating money to establish schools for students to learn English and to build a hospital for women in Yangon. In 1905, he and his business partners established Anglo-Chinese Boys' and Girls' Schools in Yangon. Two years later, he built his own school officially known as the Lim Chin Tsong School. One is delighted to learn of the Chinese tycoon's genuine efforts to upgrade education at the time, particularly when many in Myanmar today learn only about the exploitative practices of greedy Chinese businessmen in the country. The Lim Chin Tsong School, located in downtown Yangon, employed teachers from England on decent salaries and produced many English-trained graduates, some of whom were Chinese students from Hong Kong and Macau pursuing their education in Yangon, according to some historical records. Lim Chin Tsong also served as a member of the Legislative Council of Myanmar. In 1919, he was awarded the Order of the British Empire for his fundraising efforts during World War I. He was also a prominent member of the Rangoon Turf Club and the Lim Chin Tsong Polo Cup endured even after his death. In 1917, Lim Chin Tsong began to build a magnificent and lavish residence in Yangon near Kokkine Road, now Kaba Aye Road. The five-storey structure of red bricks and green tiles was built to resemble the Fu Xiang pavilion in the Yihe Yuan (Summer Palace) of Beijing but in fact, the building featured a blend of Eastern and Western architectural designs. It took more than two years to build at great cost—some reports suggested a figure of around 2 million rupees. Materials and craftwork for the residence were imported from China and Italian designers, as well as famous British painters, were invited to design the interior. Ernest Procter, an English designer, illustrator, painter and husband to the artist Dod Procter, were among those invited to decorate the residence. The opulent house was then known as the Lim Chin Tsong Palace and among locals it was called "Chin Chaung Nan Daw" or Chin Chaung palace. There were no records of how many fancy parties were thrown at the palace but when Georges Benjamin Clemenceau, a French statesman, visited Southeast Asia, including Myanmar, in 1920, Lim Chin Tsong was known to have entertained him at the residence. Lim Chin Tsong's success hit a speed bump when in 1921 the British government banned the sale of rice, except to India, and soon the market collapsed. Some also suggested that his flamboyant ways caused the BOC to withdraw his exclusive agent rights, which incited him to seek ways to undermine the company. Suddenly, he was broke. He sold his possessions—even his Rolls Royce cars—and began borrowing money from friends. In his final days, the once rich Chinese tycoon was a broken man. In 1923, three years after the inauguration of the Chin Tsong residence, he passed away. The palace first went to a Japanese creditor (under Japanese rule in Myanmar from 1941-45, the residence housed the All Burma Broadcasting Station), then to Indian businessman and then to the Myanmar government in 1950 when it was turned into a state guesthouse named Kanbawza Yeiktha. Currently, the Fine Arts Department under the Ministry of Culture maintains an office and an arts school within the building. The house that saw Lim Chin Tsong's downfall, and many ups and downs in the country, has stood throughout the decades. Now children who live in the area play nearby and stray dogs harass the odd curious visitor. Some nervous officials at the Ministry of Culture would not allow visitors to take pictures. Inside the hall and on the second floor, one can no longer see paintings and other decorations that have perhaps been removed. Lim Chin Tsong's former residence seems ready for a genuine facelift. Recent news suggests that the Ministry of Culture will grant Chin Tsong Palace heritage status and renovate the building as it approaches its 100th anniversary, Kyaw Nyunt, director of Yangon Region's Archaeology, National Museum and Library Department, recently told The Irrawaddy. The late Lim Chin Tsong who made a significant contribution to colonial Myanmar, not least through some outstanding education projects, would be delighted to learn of the recognition. This article first appeared in the November 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy Magazine. The post The House on an Island appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Mitsubishi, Jalux and Yoma to Operate Mandalay Airport Posted: 18 Nov 2014 04:10 AM PST  A worker signals a pilot near airplanes at Rangoon airport. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Japan’s Mitsubishi Corp and Jalux Inc will partner with Burma's Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd to operate Mandalay airport, the country's second-largest airport, and expand it into a regional hub, an official from Department of Civil Aviation (DCA) said on Tuesday. The companies established a special purpose company, MC-Jalux Airport Services Co, to run Mandalay airport in central Burma for 30 years, trading house Mitsubishi said in a statement issued on Monday. Company officials were not immediately available to comment on the value of the contract. "The airport in the future will be booming," Than Min, an official with the DCA, told Reuters. "It will be a center for international flights." Burma is also planning to privatize operations at smaller domestic airports and is currently accepting applications, said Than Min. Only local companies have so far applied. The Mandalay airport partnership will "generate further expansion of domestic and international flights" beginning around March next year, Mitsubishi said. Mandalay airport currently has capacity to handle three million passengers a year, but only serviced 750,000 in 2013, it said. Of that number 190,000 were passengers on international flights and the rest were domestic. The airport currently connects to four international and 11 domestic destinations. The airport privatization plan is part of an overhaul of the country’s air network. Burma has an air accident rate nine times the world average, aviation authorities say. The Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA) has provided a grant to install safety equipment at six airports, with Japan’s Sumitomo Corp picked as the prime contractor, said Akihito Sanjo, a Yangon-based representative of the agency, in an interview on Tuesday. He said the DCA has also asked JICA to install a wide-ranging radar system at the main airport in the commercial capital, Yangon, a request the agency is evaluating. Sanjo said aviation authorities were unable to provide information about whether Malaysia Airlines’ flight 370, which disappeared on March 8, passed over Burma airspace because Rangoon International Airport’s radar does not extend over the ocean. On Oct. 29, Burma said it had chosen a Japan-Singapore consortium to build its fourth international airport, a $1.5 billion project north of Yangon. The post Mitsubishi, Jalux and Yoma to Operate Mandalay Airport appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Villagers to Protest Over Grisly Death of Kachin Jade Picker Posted: 18 Nov 2014 03:37 AM PST  A vast wasteland of denuded hills and mountains has been created by jade mining around the once-verdant hinterland of Hpakant. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Hundreds of villagers will protest this week after a jade scavenger was allegedly murdered and mutilated in Hpakant, a resource-rich area in northern Burma's Kachin State. Nineteen-year-old Gum Ja Awng, also known as Ze Lum, was found dead on the site of the Blue Star Mining Co. in late October. His family claimed that they unearthed his severed body parts from various parts of the worksite. "His body was found chopped up and scattered on the grounds of the Blue Star Company," one of the protest organizers, Sar Gyi, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, adding that the victim's family has implicated the company and demonstrators will demand a full investigation when they convene on Thursday in the streets of Hpakant. Gum Ja Awng is survived by his wife and their 2-year-old son in Wa Jade Maw village, about three miles from the Blue Star site. Like many poor, ethnic villagers in the area, he made a living by sifting through waste near commercial mines, collecting bits of raw jade. Many peruse the rubble at night, when the dark and dangerous dumping grounds are untended. "[Gum Ja Awng] left his home around 9pm to collect raw jade where the company dumps their waste," said Sar Gyi. Traditionally, he explained, locals have collected raw stones in small-scale mines with poor technology and a high risk of injury. In recent decades, however, commercial mining operations have been granted land concessions in some of the richest areas, leaving locals to scavenge their leftovers. Picking is illegal on company grounds, but for many it is still worth the risk. "Since the companies came, we have little opportunity," said Hla Maung, another protest organizer. "They took our land. Now they have killed and cut up a Kachin man. We want to show that we no longer feel secure with these companies here." Hpakant's large-scale mining operations were suspended in 2012, not long after the breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire between the government and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), an ethnic armed group that has long been at odds with the government over regional autonomy. Since mining was suspended, only illicit small-scale excavators have worked in the Hpakant hills. Conflict continued between the government and the KIA, though both sides have participated in a series of peace negotiations geared toward an eventual but as yet elusive ceasefire. The KIA is the only major ethnic armed group in Burma that has not reached a bilateral pact with the government, even as negotiators continue their push for an inclusive, nationwide agreement to conclude the country's myriad other insurgencies. In July, the Ministry of Mines announced that mining would resume in Hpakant as of Sept. 1. A senior official said that about 700 mining companies worked in Hpakant and nearby Lone Khin before the hiatus. Those whose licenses were still valid could resume work, while the others would need new permits before re-entering their former sites. Fighting resumed near Hpakant when government troops entered rebel-controlled territories in mid-August, local sources told The Irrawaddy. About 200 villagers were displaced by the skirmishes, the sources said. The government said they would allow the resumption of mining as planned. Tensions escalated since the re-entry of commercial miners, as militarization increased after the KIA demanded taxes from large-scale operators. No conflict has been reported in recent weeks. Kachin State is one of the world's last remaining sources of jade, and is also rich in other gems, minerals and valuable timber. Resource extraction has long been both a major cause and source of revenue for conflict in the remote ethnic state bordering China. The post Villagers to Protest Over Grisly Death of Kachin Jade Picker appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| The Life of Burmese Male Sex Workers in Chiang Mai Posted: 17 Nov 2014 05:00 PM PST  Male sex workers in white briefs drink with customers at one of Chaing Mai's gay 'show bars'. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — In the backstreets of Chiang Mai near a roadside bar, a man in a dark suit stood and smiled, and then discreetly pointed us to a door dimly lit up by a red light. He opened it and ushered us in; as we entered we were welcomed by upbeat disco beats. On a small stage, around 20 young men in tight white briefs were dancing under disco lights. They were good looking and appeared young; the oldest ones were perhaps 25 years of age, while some of them looked like they could be teenagers. Dozens of customers sat at tables around the stage drinking, smoking and reveling in the lively maneuvers of the dancers. Most of the customers appeared to be Western men, others were Asians, and at some tables sat some Asian women. During a pause in the music, some of the dancers came down from the stage to chat with the guests, who offered them free drinks. Often, the club's clientele also ask to pay them for sex and the young men will accept. During a break, four dancers joined our table, all came from neighboring Burma and we spoke with them in Burmese. Their heavy accents quickly revealed their Shan background and the young men said they came from Shan State's Panglong, Loilem and Mong Nai townships. "The boss [of the club] is English. All the dancer boys are from Myanmar; most of them are Shan and some are ethnic Lisu, Lahu and Akha," said one of the dancers, adding that all had come to Thailand and entered the gay bar scene in order to support their families in their impoverished native villages. Thailand is home to between 2 million and 3 million Burmese migrant workers, and northern Thailand has long been a destination for many seeking to leave Shan State. Migrant workers often perform low paid, unskilled labor in sectors such as construction, manufacturing, tourism and fishing. Many are at risk of running afoul of the law because they lack proper legal documentation and working permits. The dancers in Chiang Mai's gay "show bars"—of which there are four, according to one guidebook for same-sex visitors to northern Thailand—are at constant risk of arrest by police as their work is illegal under Thai law. They can get fined when caught. Asked about the age of the dancers, the young man at our table quickly replied that all are older than 18 years. Suddenly cheers from the crowd focused our attention back to the stage, where a well-built, tall dancer going by the show name Ai Long was doing a naked solo dance to a slow melody. A little later, he came to our table and the 23-year-old said he grew up in Loilem Township in an area under control of Shan ethnic rebels. When he was about 14 years old, his parents feared that he might get conscripted by the rebels and they sent him to live with a relative in Chaing Mai. Five years ago his financial situation became dire and he entered into sex work at the bar. "I've been here for a long time and no one here speaks Burmese. As the time passes, I've begun to forget some words," he said. Ai Long said he is the top earner among the dancers and popular among the bar's Western visitors due to his physical characteristics and good looks. "If your body is small, I mean, if one does not meet the standard of body structure and penis size they set, you can't entertain in a one man show. As I can do a one man show, I earn more," he explained, adding that he earns a salary for his dancing act of around US$1,500. The other dancers earn salaries of $600 to $1,200 per month, while many earn more from selling sex, for which they charge around $100 per night, according to Ai Long, who said that the owner the club also earns a $10 charge for such services. The income from the work represents a large sum of money for a Burmese migrant worker in Thailand, most of who earn about $100 to $300 per month. Ai Long explained that a wealthy Swedish man regularly visits and lavishes gifts and money upon him; the Swede matches his 23-year-old's salary and demands he spends all his time with him. He also bought Ai Long a motorbike. Not Gay Later in the conversation Ai Long revealed that he is married and has a wife and a four-year-old son in Loilem. Like most of the Shan men at the club, he is not gay and only does the work because it pays well and allows him to send money to his family, adding that five of the club's 20 dancers are married. Ai Long said he and many of the dancers do enjoy the work and are not proud of it—he has told his family and friends that he works as a waiter in Chaing Mai. "We don't accept to take the passive role, but most of the Westerners demand that sort of exchange of roles," explained another dancer, who goes by the show name Sai Han. Ai Long said he hopes to start his own business in his native Loilem region someday to support his family, adding that he has already bought a plot of land and built a house there. "Uneducated people like me can find no way to lead a decent life, even if we work very, very hard. When I have a capital to start a business, I will go back to Loilem and live with my family," Ai Long said. He held up a photo on his smartphone showing a picture of his wife and son. "I will send my son to the school in Loilem. I will make him an educated person; I don't want my son to lead a hard life like me," he said, holding back his tears. Health Risks The sex work is not only a difficult job; it also exposes the young men to serious health risks, such as infection with sexually transmitted diseases (STD) and drug abuse. Some of the men use cheap methamphetamine tablets, also known as yaba, to help them stay awake during the night time dancing or sex work. "Most customers do not like quick sex and don't want to give money and won't call you next time if they are not satisfied. If customers are satisfied, they give tip money. So, some [sex workers] use yaba to last longer," said Ai Long, adding that it was common practice. The dancers said most customers will have protected sex, but it's not unusual for customers to try and force the dancers to have unsafe sex, exposing them to the risk of contracting STDs. Sai Han said he contracted unspecified STDs on four occasions, twice from having unprotected sex with male customers during nights of heavy yaba use, while he also contracted STDs twice while paying for sex himself with female prostitutes. "Now, I always use condoms, either when having sex with male customers or female sex workers, and I rarely use yaba now," he said. The dancers said they knew of no case where a fellow male sex worker had been infected with HIV/Aids, although infection with other STDs was common. Mplus, a Chiang Mai-based organization working for the rights of same-sex couples and raising HIV/Aids awareness, often visits the gay show bars to educate sex workers about the health risks. A staff member at the NGO said HIV/Aids infection had occurred in the past among workers, but no case had been reported in the past year or so, possibly as a result of the expanding awareness-raising programs. The NGO worker, who asked not to be named, said he was conducting a survey among male sex workers to research health issues and he had found that many of the young men who became infected failed to seek proper health treatment. "Male sex workers are too shy and fear having their occupation exposed, so are reluctant to go to a clinic when infected with sexually transmitted diseases. Everyone says they are not infected with HIV/Aids, but no one wants to have their blood tested," he said. The post The Life of Burmese Male Sex Workers in Chiang Mai appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Bangladesh Rescues Over 600 Trafficking Victims Posted: 18 Nov 2014 12:52 AM PST  Ethnic Rohingya refugees from Myanmar wave as they are transported by a wooden boat to a temporary shelter in Krueng Raya in Aceh Besar April 8, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) DHAKA — More than 600 trafficking victims from Burma and Bangladesh have been rescued off the South Asian coast, a navy spokesman in Dhaka said on Tuesday, in the single biggest operation of its kind by Bangladesh authorities. The victims were found aboard a 22-metre long trawler flying the Burma flag off Cox’s Bazar, about 400 km (250 miles) from the capital Dhaka, navy spokesman Commodore M Rashed Ali said. He said that the trawler had been awaiting another vessel which would carry the trafficking victims on the deep sea voyage to Malaysia. Fourteen crew members were detained. Bangladesh Coast Guards officials said people being trafficked expect their boats or ships to sail to Malaysia, but they are often kidnapped and taken to jungle hideouts in Thailand where they are held for ransom. The victims are usually held until relatives pay money as ransom to secure their release. If a ransom is not paid, the traffickers kill them or sell them as slaves. Thousands of Rohingya boat people who have left Burma in the past month have yet to reach their destinations, say relatives and an advocacy group for the persecuted minority, raising fears their boats have been prevented from reaching shore. About 12,000 Rohingya, a mostly stateless Muslim people, have left the western Burmese state of Arakan since Oct. 15, said Chris Lewa of the Arakan Project, which plots migration across the Bay of Bengal. Another 4,000 boat people, both Rohingya and Bangladeshis, left neighboring Bangladesh during the same period, said Lewa. The post Bangladesh Rescues Over 600 Trafficking Victims appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Americans Questioned for Shipping Human Body Parts Posted: 17 Nov 2014 09:04 PM PST  Policemen show pictures of body parts found in parcels as they address reporters in Bangkok on Monday. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters) BANGKOK — A parcel delivery company in Bangkok put three packages bound for the United States through a routine X-ray and made a startling discovery: preserved human parts, including an infant’s head, a baby’s foot and an adult heart. The body parts were stolen from the medical museums of one of Bangkok’s biggest hospitals, its administrators said Monday. Police Col. Chumpol Poompuang said the sender was a 31-year-old American tourist, Ryan McPherson, who told them he had he found the items at a Bangkok night market. Police tracked down McPherson after being alerted by the shipper, DHL. "He said he thought the body parts were bizarre and wanted to send them to his friends in the US," Chumpol said, adding that the man was questioned along with an American friend for several hours and released without charges. It apparently was not the first brush with notoriety for McPherson and his friend, identified by police as Daniel Tanner, 33. Photos of the two talking with police on Sunday closely resemble men by the same names and ages who were producers over a decade ago of a video series featuring homeless people brawling and performing dangerous stunts after being paid by the filmmakers, who were based in Las Vegas. They claimed sales of about 300,000 copies at $20 each, though their "Bumfights" videos were banned in several communities and generally shunned by retailers after criticism that the films’ subjects were being exploited. McPherson and Tanner exited Thailand into neighboring Cambodia on Sunday, and could not be contacted for comment. The three packages seized in Bangkok, which contained five body pieces, were labeled as toys, police said. They were being sent to Las Vegas, including one parcel that McPherson had addressed to himself. Police said they were contacting the FBI to get information about the would-be recipients of the items. In Washington, spokeswoman Minique Crump said the FBI was aware of the matter and was looking into it. Clinical Professor Udom Kachintorn, the dean of the Faculty of Medicine at Bangkok’s Siriraj Hospital, told reporters that the five human body parts were stolen from the hospital’s museums. Two of them belonged to the department of anatomy and the other three to the department of forensic medicine. He said the two Americans visited the museum last Thursday but that closed circuit television video did not show them taking any items away. Police Lt. Gen. Ruangsak Jarit-ake displayed graphic pictures of the five body parts and told reporters that the parts had been preserved separately in formaldehyde inside sealed acrylic or plastic boxes. Two of the parts were pieces of tattooed adult skin — one with a jumping tiger and the other bearing an ancient Asian script. In some Thai cults, preserved fetuses or spiritual tattoos are believed to give the owners good fortune or protection from evil. They can also be used to practice black magic. The district attorney’s office in San Diego, California, in 2002 filed felony charges including battery against McPherson and Tanner and two others in connection with production of the "Bumfights" videos. A judge reduced the counts to misdemeanors and the four pleaded guilty in 2003 to arranging a fight without a permit. They were fined $500 each and ordered to perform community service at a homeless shelter, but McPherson and one colleague were sentenced to 180 days in jail in 2005 for failing to complete their community service. The post Americans Questioned for Shipping Human Body Parts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Removal of Barricades Begins at HK Protest Site Posted: 17 Nov 2014 08:59 PM PST  A pro-democracy protester (R) and a worker remove a fence in accordance with a court injunction to clear up part of the protest site, after the arrival of bailiffs outside the government headquarters in Hong Kong November 18, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — Workers in Hong Kong on Tuesday started clearing away barricades at one site of the student protest that has rocked the city for the last two months. The removal comes after a Hong Kong court granted a restraining order against the protesters last week requiring them to clear the area in front of a tower in the central part of Hong Kong as well a separate order against a second protest site Mong Kok brought by taxi and minibus operators. The workers could be seen cutting plastic ties holding the barricades together. Students, who have been protesting for greater democracy in the former British colony, did not resist. Some protesters had already moved their tents to other parts of the protest zone ahead of the clearance operation. The protesters oppose Beijing’s decision that a panel will screen candidates for the inaugural 2017 election for Hong Kong’s top official. Chinese authorities have declared the gatherings illegal. It is not known what the students, who occupy several sites around Hong Kong, plan to do next. On Saturday, three students who have led protests for greater democracy in the former British colony were turned back in their attempt to go to Beijing to meet with top Chinese officials. Alex Chow, Nathan Law and Eason Chung — members of a student group that played a main role in organizing massive street protests that started nearly two months ago were denied boarding passes for a Cathay Pacific flight when they were told their documents that would allow them to travel to Beijing were invalid. In a news conference hours later, the student leaders said annulling their travel documents is an unreasonable move that deprives them of their rights to enter the country’s territory. Carrie Lam, chief secretary for the Hong Kong administration, said that it was unnecessary for the students to petition Beijing and that the central leadership of the ruling Communist Party was aware of their appeals. Pro-democracy lawmakers in Hong Kong are routinely denied entry to the mainland, and Beijing in the past has confiscated or refused to renew the travel permits commonly known as return-home cards for a number of Hong Kong activists. The protesters oppose Beijing’s decision that a panel will screen candidates for the inaugural 2017 election for Hong Kong’s top official. Chinese authorities have declared the gatherings illegal. The post Removal of Barricades Begins at HK Protest Site appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Indian Nobel Peace Laureate Calls for Global Action to End Child Slavery Posted: 17 Nov 2014 08:54 PM PST  Former child soldiers attend a ceremony marking their release from the Burma Army on Sept. 25, 2014. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) LONDON — Nobel peace laureate Kailash Satyarthi called on Monday for global support for a campaign to end child slavery that will be launched this week as new figures estimated almost 36 million people are living as slaves today. Satyarthi, who was the surprise co-recipient of this year's Nobel Peace Prize for his work fighting child slavery and exploitation in India, said not enough was being done to protect children from lives of servitude. His comments came as the second global slavery index by the Walk Free Foundation, an Australia-based human rights group, estimated 35.8 million are born into servitude, trafficked for sex work, trapped in debt bondage or exploited in forced labor. The International Labor Organization estimates that there are 21 million people in forced labor worldwide, of which 5.5 million, or 26 percent, are aged under 18. Satyarthi, 60, whose non-government organization Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA) has been credited with freeing over 80,000 child laborers in India over the past 30 years, urged global backing for an "End Child Slavery Week" campaign that will be launched at the Trust Women conference in London this week. "[We must] build new alliances and partnerships that help us march toward the goal of creating a society free from child slavery," he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on the eve of the conference on trafficking and other women's rights issues. "The fight against child slavery is the fight against traditional mindset, policy deficit and lack of accountability and urgency for children across the globe." The campaign is an initiative involving various groups including the Global March against Child Labor, Anti-Slavery International, Education International, International Trade Union Confederation, Kids Rights Foundation and the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Satyarthi was little known when he was awarded this year's Nobel prize along with Pakistani teenager Malala Yousafzai, who has become a global icon for girls' education after surviving an assassination attempt by the Taliban. When the prize was announced on Oct. 10 he only had 100 followers on Twitter. Now he has over 45,000. In India, however, Delhi-based BBA is known for staging often dramatic rescues of child laborers, many sold into servitude by poor families, and rehabilitating them in residential homes. Aware that 70 percent of child laborers come from villages, BBA has also created nearly 400 "model villages" in India which are free from child exploitation and promote children's education and address traditions such as child marriage. Satyarthi, who founded BBA in 1980 after quitting his job as an electrical engineer, said winning the Nobel Prize had created unprecedented attention for all forms of economic exploitation, violence, denial of education and other child rights. Satyarthi, who will address the Trust Women's conference organized by the Thomson Reuters Foundation on Wednesday and help launch the End Child Slavery campaign, said a major challenge was to maintain attention on this issue. As part of the End Child Slavery Week campaign, the Thomson Reuters Foundation on Monday launched #Choosetosee, a strategic initiative with a video and petition to fight child slavery. "As the anti-slavery community, we must together ensure that this attention is transferred into concrete action and results," Satyarthi said. The post Indian Nobel Peace Laureate Calls for Global Action to End Child Slavery appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Myths of Suu Kyi’s Mysterious Trip to China Posted: 17 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST  Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is seen during a meeting at the headquarters of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry in Rangoon on April 9. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Earlier this month, the National League for Democracy (NLD) announced that the party's chairperson, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, would visit China in December, generating much excitement and curiosity about the democracy icon's policy toward China and its implications for the 2015 elections. The announcement was made on Nov. 3 by a member of the NLD executive committee, U Win Htein. The next day, however, the information about her trip was quietly refuted by the Chinese Foreign Ministry when its spokesperson announced that they had no exact information about Suu Kyi's visit. Chinese vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenming further commented that the Chinese side only heard about the trip from the Myanmar [Burmese] media and he did not know about the arrangements. In the end, Suu Kyi herself had to acknowledge that the schedule for the visit was still unconfirmed. The inconsistency is rather embarrassing for Suu Kyi and her party. Apparently, consensus had not been reached about the trip at the time of the announcement. For the NLD to prematurely make the announcement only to be politely denied by China and retracted by Suu Kyi not only tarnishes the images of the NLD and its leader by making them appear incoherent and uncoordinated, but it also adds unnecessary noise to their relationship with China. China has extended the olive branch to Suu Kyi—often affectionately called the Lady—and the NLD since 2011. Former and current Chinese ambassadors have met with Suu Kyi a number of times to build ties and discuss China-Myanmar relations. This past February, the deputy chief of the International Department of the Chinese Communist Party, Ai Ping, also visited the NLD headquarter in Yangon [Rangoon]. In 2013, China invited and hosted four NLD delegations to visit China, the last of which—in December—was headed by NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win. From the Chinese perspective, NLD has become an influential political force in Myanmar and its domestic and foreign policies inevitably affect China's relationship with and national interests in Myanmar. To establish and maintain a positive and healthy relationship with Suu Kyi and the NLD is in China's interest. However, Beijing's position should not be interpreted as an endorsement of Suu Kyi's political ambitions. China prefers to develop ties with all political forces in Myanmar, a bitter and expensive lesson learned from its previous prioritization of relations with only the government. While China would like to lay the foundation and prepare for a bigger political role by Suu Kyi and NLD after the 2015 elections, it will not go as far as taking her side or supporting her campaign to revise the Constitution. As the constitutional revision to the restriction of her qualification becomes increasingly unlikely, her future political role is recognized, but in a constricted manner.  Yun Sun is a visiting fellow at the John L. Thornton China Center at the Brookings Institution in Washington. The recovery of China-Myanmar relations over the past year offers China some confidence that the bilateral relationship has stabilized and could withstand a change of leadership. Furthermore, it suggests that even if Suu Kyi were to become the new president, she would not damage the bilateral ties with China, as she has often reiterated her commitment to friendly relations. As the chairperson of the investigation committee of the Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mine, her conclusion eventually led to resumption of the project. The Chinese generally expect that China-Myanmar relations would not suffer major setbacks during and after the 2015 elections, a reasonable assessment considering the shifting priorities of the Myanmar domestic politics and foreign policy, as well as how China handled upheavals and turbulence since 2011. Suu Kyi's wish to visit China is understandable—at the very least she wishes to demonstrate that she could work with China, and any support she could muster for her domestic campaign would be welcome. However, she might want to set realistic expectations about how much China would support her political campaign and the constitutional revisions she desires. The goal of China is to build and maintain good relations with all political parties in the country so that no one is neglected or alienated. China sees neither need nor benefit of picking a side in what's literally a domestic political fight in Myanmar. The one fundamental and intriguing fact about China's relationship with Suu Kyi is that despite repeated statements from Chinese officials that she will be invited, to date that visit has not happened. The issue begs for explanation. Indeed, unofficial or semi-official Chinese organizations have issued these invitations, including one by the China Association of International Friendly Contact in 2013, but Suu Kyi seems to prefer to be invited by the Chinese government in her official capacity. In China, the International Department of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party is in charge of party diplomacy and the National People's Congress is in charge of congressional exchanges. In normal situations, they would be the proper government institutions to invite and host Suu Kyi as the leader of Myanmar's opposition party and a member of the parliament. The question is whether she would accept an invitation by the party or by the National People's Congress, or only by other more prominent Chinese authorities. Nevertheless, there are different views that she should not be too picky about the hosting organization if her primary goal is to reassure China and build ties. Suu Kyi has received royal treatment in other parts of the world. She was invited to visit the UK by Prime Minister David Cameron, to visit the United States by then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 2012 and to visit Japan by the Japanese Foreign Ministry in 2013. She received the Congressional Medal in Washington, addressed both houses of parliament at Westminster Hall in London and met with heads of states wherever she visited. Whether China will grant her such high status and match those diplomatic protocols is a question of political appropriateness for Beijing. Regardless of her international recognition and status as a Nobel peace laureate, Suu Kyi is an opposition leader and may Chinese believe she should be treated as such. Justifying the elevation of her diplomatic status to that of a democracy icon would be a difficult case to make in China. This begs the question of how Suu Kyi will handle the issue of democracy in China. If she wants to court Beijing's friendship, it would be unwise for her to promote Western democratic values. If she avoids the topic, it will tarnish her most valuable political capital—the democratic ideals that she represents. Even worse, if confronted with difficult questions such as the Occupy Central protest movement in Hong Kong, any position she takes will leave her vulnerable to criticism. Yun Sun is a visiting fellow at the John L. Thornton China Center at the Brookings Institution an American liberal leaning think tank based on Embassy Row in Washington. The post Myths of Suu Kyi's Mysterious Trip to China appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
