| Senior SNLD Leaders to Forgo Shot at Parliament Posted: 28 Jul 2015 06:21 AM PDT  Khun Htun Oo of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), second left, sits beside Aung San Suu Kyi at the National Endowment for Democracy awards in Washington in 2012. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — A handful of senior leaders from one of Burma's strongest ethnic political parties, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), will not contest in the country's upcoming general election, saying their abstentions will allow them to advance their political agenda outside the walls of Parliament. Party chairman Khun Htun Oo, vice chairman Sai Saw Aung, secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin, joint-secretary Sai Leik and party coordinator Sai Agga are all opting out of the poll due Nov. 8, according to Sai Leik, who also serves as party spokesman. "We need to have our people in Parliament, while we also need to politick outside Parliament, [for instance] if a political dialogue happens in 2016. Additionally, constitutional amendments in the Parliament are also unlikely to happen," he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, while adding that the party was not abandoning the legislative arena. "We cannot predict [changes] in the Parliament either, that's why it's impossible not to have people on the inside," he said. "On the other hand, attempts at constitutional amendment should also be addressed through political dialogue of the leaders of armed groups, who are engaged in peace talks [with the government]. Mainly, [the SNLD wants] to balance the ratio of political activities inside and outside of Parliament. "The results of the political dialogue could provide the basic principles to rewrite a new constitution. That's why we have reserved some people to work outside parliamentary politics." Sai Leik said the party plans to contest 160 seats in five states and divisions, and has so far finalized its selection of almost 100 candidates, racing to meet an Aug. 8 deadline for candidate submissions set by Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC). "The party will compete wholly [for all constituencies] in Shan State," Sai Leik said, as well as "four to five seats" in both Karenni and Kachin states, two Shan ethnic affairs minister posts in Sagaing and Mandalay divisions, and the Lower House constituencies of Mogok and Pyin Oo Lwin. Meanwhile, a meeting of eight political parties known as the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), of which the SNLD is a member, entered its second day on Tuesday. The alliance's members have gathered in Rangoon to discuss which races each party plans to contest, in an effort to avoid fielding competing candidates in some constituencies. Sai Leik said the National League for Democracy (NLD), not a UNA member, had failed to send representatives to the meeting despite being invited by the alliance. Burma's largest opposition party has not made a substantive commitment to work with ethnic political parties in the upcoming vote, saying only that it will not field candidates in races being contested by fellow former members of the now-defunct Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP). The membership of the CRPP, likely to include at most only a handful of non-NLD contestants in the 2015 poll, had been comprised of winners of Burma's 1990 election. Former CRPP member Khun Htun Oo and his SNLD competed in the 1990 election, in which the chairman won a seat in a vote that was ultimately ignored by the former military regime. The SNLD and NLD both boycotted Burma's last general election in 2010, ceding political space in Shan State to the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), which picked up two seats in Upper House of the Union Parliament, 17 seats in the Lower House and 32 in the state legislature. The post Senior SNLD Leaders to Forgo Shot at Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma, Thailand Ink Long-Awaited Visa Exemption Deal Posted: 28 Jul 2015 05:50 AM PDT  Burma's foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin shakes hands with his Thai counterpart General Tanasak Patimapragorn before their meeting on Tuesday in Chiang Mai, Thailand. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A visa exemption agreement between Burma and Thailand will come into effect in the next two weeks after the foreign ministers of both countries signed off on the deal during a meeting Tuesday in northern Thailand. Following the meeting with his Thai counterpart General Tanasak Patimapragorn in Chiang Mai, Burma's foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin told The Irrawaddy the exemption agreement would offer the citizens of each country the opportunity for quick and easy travel. "[The agreement] will come into effect in the next 14 days. Ordinary passport holders of both countries entering via international airports will receive visa exemption," he said. The deal will apply to Thai and Burmese passport holders travelling by plane and entering either country for a period no longer than 14 days. There are currently seven airlines running services between the two countries. Respective embassies will issue the necessary information, Wunna Maung Lwin said, but the process for air travellers is simple. "Travellers… will [no longer] need to go to embassies to ask for a [tourist] visa," he said. According to Burma's ambassador to Thailand Win Maung, the two ASEAN neighbors have similar numbers of tourists shuttling between either country. Burma already has visa exemption agreements with six other ASEAN nations: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Vietnam. At Tuesday's meeting, the two officials turned their attention to other economic matters, including the long-stalled Dawei special economic zone that both governments are eager to implement with Japanese assistance. Burma's foreign minister also flagged the possibility of establishing other special economic zones, with Thailand's assistance, in the near future. "Thailand [is already] running other special economic zones," Wunna Maung Lwin said. "We had initial talks on implementing special economic zones on Myanmar land as there are many potential areas for it, but there was no discussion on the exact location yet." The foreign minister said both sides were keen to implement these zones to facilitate trade and enhance mutual relations. The post Burma, Thailand Ink Long-Awaited Visa Exemption Deal appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Shwe Mann Target of Impeachment Campaign Posted: 28 Jul 2015 05:41 AM PDT  Shwe Mann, speaker of Burma's Union Parliament, talks during a six-party dialogue at the Presidential Palace in Naypyidaw on April 10, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann has been targeted in a petition campaign calling on the senior political figure's impeachment—despite the country having no established impeachment procedures and the petition being referred to an authority with no powers to sanction sitting lawmakers. A petition drive beginning on July 24 and spread on the internet has collected 1700 signatures from Shwe Mann's Naypyidaw constituency of Zayarthiri. The campaign calls on the Union Election Commission (UEC) to impeach the speaker, claiming he violated the law by not respecting the military's role in the Union Parliament. The petition comes after Naypyidaw's deliberations on amendments to Burma's 2008 Constitution last month, which amongst other measures would have ended the military veto of charter reform by lowering the parliamentary vote threshold to 70 percent. One quarter of all seats in the Union Parliament are reserved for the military. The amendments, which failed to pass on the back of an apparent bloc vote by military lawmakers, appear to have been overwhelmingly supported by the USDP and other parties in the legislature. The petition claims that Shwe Mann did not inform his constituents about plans to hold constitutional discussions, leading to a 'misunderstanding' between the public and the military. Thaung Hlaing, a UEC director, confirmed to The Irrawaddy on Monday that the commission had received two letters calling for the impeachment of Shwe Mann and USDP central committee member Thein Zaw, but refused to provide further information about the letters. Burma does not have any established laws on impeachment proceedings against lawmakers, which in any case would fall outside the UEC's purview. Prominent legal activist Robert San Aung told The Irrawaddy that the petition was legally inconsequential. "There is no law," he said. "They are playing games. I think they are doing this to divert people's attention. The UEC can do nothing, but these people are sending letters which can't be actioned." USDP lawmaker Win Oo told The Irrawaddy he was unsurprised that a rift between the speaker and other parliamentary players had emerged ahead of the election. "The election is here soon. These sorts of power struggles are normal, even in other countries," he said. "They are trying to give him a bad image or spread bad news to humiliate him." Shwe Mann is widely seen as a moderate who has sought cordial relations with the office of President Thein Sein, opposition parties and the military. He is highly regarded by other civilian members of parliament, both within and outside his party. He is also considered to be a leading contender for Burma's presidency in the aftermath of November's elections. The USDP has yet to announce its candidate for the position. A former Burma Army general and at one point the third most powerful man in the country during the military regime, Shwe Mann is now seen as a fervent advocate for political reform. The military, meanwhile, have been reluctant to concede to reform pressure since the initial efforts led by Thein Sein in the first half of the current parliamentary term. Last month's constitutional debate and the current efforts to signal displeasure with Shwe Mann now appear to be driving a schism between the USDP and the military. "We understand we cannot achieve all the reforms needed at once and we need to take things step by step," Win Oo told The Irrawaddy. "For [the USDP] we will all work together with other political parties and even the military…but if the military only let their members run the country, we will not support them." The post Shwe Mann Target of Impeachment Campaign appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Veteran Burmese AP Reporter Announces Retirement Posted: 28 Jul 2015 05:29 AM PDT  The Associated Press reporter Aye Aye Win with her dad picture behind. (Photo: Khin Mg Win / The Associated Press) RANGOON — Veteran Burmese journalist Aye Aye Win has announced she will retire this week from The Associated Press after an illustrious 25-year career. The recipient of four international journalism awards, the 61-year-old announced her retirement on Facebook on Tuesday. "I want to have my own time. I want to be my own boss," she told The Irrawaddy. She added that she would spend her retirement on a personal project involving records left behind by her late father Sein Win, a renowned reporter who championed press freedom in Burma and endured three stints in prison while chronicling several decades of the country's turbulent history. Sein Win, who died in 2013, was the recipient of the Golden Pen of Freedom award from the International Federation of Newspaper Publishers. "I have a cupboard-load of documents that he saved, I still don't have time to browse them. I just want to share with people some interesting information of his life and times," said Aye Aye Win. Despite the retirement, she said she has always been proud of pursuing a career in journalism and said she would remain a journalist at heart. Aye Aye Win received international honors in 2004, 2008 and 2013, including the Honor Medal for Distinguished Service in Journalism from the Missouri School of Journalism, for her "life-long dedication to honest and courageous journalism, often at the risk of personal safety." The post Veteran Burmese AP Reporter Announces Retirement appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Heavy Rains Expected as Depression Looms over Bay of Bengal Posted: 28 Jul 2015 05:09 AM PDT  A man delivers emergency supplies by boat in Sagaing Division's Kawlin Township. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A tropical depression over the Bay of Bengal is unlikely to make landfall in Burma, the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology announced on Tuesday, warning that the storm could still trigger flash floods and landslides across the country. State-run Global New Light of Myanmar reported that the storm, which has been issued a yellow alert, is now about 225 kilometers (140 miles) from Maungdaw on Burma's Arakan coast near the border with Bangladesh. Meteorologist Tun Lwin predicted on social media that "the storm cannot pass Myanmar's coastal places," adding that it was unlikely to increase in strength and will eventually head toward India. Heavy rains are expected to continue, however, in most parts of the country, particularly on the coast, where many people live in poor, remote seaside villages and internal displacement camps. "Nearly [the entire] western part of Burma will be flooded," Tun Lwin posted on his Facebook page. Most at risk are Arakan State, southern Chin State, lower Sagaing, Irrawaddy, Magwe, Pegu and Rangoon divisions. According to NASA satellite data recorded on Monday evening, parts of Arakan State received seven inches of rainfall in the 24 hours prior, while levels reached between three and seven inches in other parts of the country. Rainfall in southeastern Burma's Karen and Mon states ended up under three inches on Monday, as did the levels in the northern reaches of the country in Kachin and Shan states. The death toll continues to rise as flooding over the past week has swept away houses and bridges and left thousands stranded in monasteries and other emergency shelters across the central plain. At least seven rescue workers reportedly died during initial response operations last week, and state media has reported at least 11 other flood-related deaths in Mandalay Division and Shan State. Three were killed and three others are still missing after a bridge collapsed in Shan State's Hsipaw on Saturday, while in Sagaing Division's Kawlin Township about 88 villages remain inundated, casting some 6,000 people into emergency shelters where aid workers are struggling to deliver supplies. The Department of Meteorology and Hydrology said heavy rains are expected to continue for the next three days. The post Heavy Rains Expected as Depression Looms over Bay of Bengal appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rangoon’s First Electric Tram to Launch in October Posted: 28 Jul 2015 04:45 AM PDT  A train idles at Rangoon Central Railway Station. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's Ministry of Rail Transportation has partnered with Japan's West Corporation to launch an electric commuter tramcar line in downtown Rangoon in efforts to tackle traffic congestion in the country's commercial capital. Phase one of the project will run along an existing route on Strand Road from Pansodan in Pabedan Township to Htawlikwe in Ahlone Township, and is expected to be operational by early October of this year. The second phase will run from Pansodan to lin Sadaung in Botahtaung Township, and should launch in December, the ministry said. West Corporation is a global trading company supplying railroad cars and hardware from Japan. The ministry's Director Thaung Lwin said the initial rollout was planned for Strand Road as a pilot project due to its long reach and lack of flyovers. If successful, more tram cars could be installed in other parts of the city. "We will have to consider avoiding overhead bridges for this project, that's why we chose Strand Road first," Thaung Lwin said. Strand Road passes through several of the city's busiest townships, running alongside the Rangoon River. In 2011, the road was upgraded by the Yangon City Development Committee in partnership with domestic conglomerate Asia World Group. The redevelopment included widening the throughway and installing a dual track railway spanning nine kilometers (5.6 miles) from Botahtaung to Kyimyindaing townships. Thaung Lwin said initial works will focus on installing electrical lines along the length of the route to power the trains, though he did not detail how the ministry will ensure uninterrupted service in the city, which experiences frequent power shortages throughout much of the year. Tun Aung Thin, general manager of state-owned implementing partner Myanmar Railways, said the project is already underway, commencing swiftly after the signing of an MoU on Monday. Earlier this year, Tun Aung Thin estimated that some 2.5 million commuters enter Rangoon daily for work and trade, about 100,000 of them arriving through ports along Strand Road from Dala Township and Irrawaddy Division. Once in Rangoon, transport times are often infuriating as an influx of cars following the relaxation of import regulations in 2011 led to cluttered roads filled to the brim with taxis, private vehicles and buses. The new electric tram project is one of several proposals by the city government and urban planning experts to relieve the city's congestion, though some have argued that the project will do little to curb the problem. Urban planner Than Moe doubts the effectiveness of the costly plan, urging the government to "think about who will benefit from this, and who will pay the costs." He recommended instead upgrading the city's circular train line, which is used daily by farmers from various townships bringing their goods to market, and improving connectivity between the train and city buses. "The weakness is the government hasn't considered connecting the train and bus stops," Than Moe said, suggesting that "if there are connections, people will take the trains." The existing railway along Strand Road currently serves mainly as a transit route for cargo, with about 300 trains traversing the line monthly to move goods from Rangoon's ports. Late last year, Myanmar Railways began operating a commuter train along the rail in an attempt to curb congestion, though Than Moe said the line is unlikely to dramatically reduce traffic as it doesn't serve the densest transit routes. The post Rangoon's First Electric Tram to Launch in October appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| $110m in Methamphetamines Seized in Rangoon, Tachileik Posted: 28 Jul 2015 03:58 AM PDT  A large stash of methamphetamines is reportedly pictured, discovered inside a shipping truck in Rangoon's Mingaladon Township on Sunday. (Photo: thithtoolwin.com) RANGOON — Burmese authorities reportedly seized more than $110 million worth of methamphetamine tablets over the weekend in two separate drug busts near the Thai-Burma border and in the commercial capital Rangoon. The larger of the two hauls came on Sunday in Rangoon's Mingaladon Township, where authorities became suspicious of a small abandoned shipping truck and searched the vehicle, finding it packed with nearly 27 million methamphetamine tablets worth an estimated 133 billion kyats (US$110 million), according to state-run daily The Mirror. Deputy police chief Khin Maung Thein from the Myanmar Police Force's anti-narcotics unit confirmed the massive seizure, but declined to say whether any suspects had been detained in connection with the drug bust. "It is too early to say who has been detained," he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "If we make information about this available to the public, all those traffickers [still at large] will escape to the border. We will make information about this [available to the] public later." In a separate case in Tachileik, Shan State, Khin Maung Thein also confirmed state media reports that three men had been detained and authorities were continuing to hunt for additional accomplices after police there on Saturday seized a stash of 181,000 methamphetamine tablets and equipment used to produce the drug. The Mirror said the pills had an estimated value of 50 million kyats. The production and use of methamphetamines has risen sharply in eastern Burma over recent years as anti-narcotics efforts targeting the region's expansive opiate trade have taken hold. According to a May 2015 report on synthetic drugs in Southeast Asia by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Burma "is perceived to be the main country of origin for methamphetamine tablets seized throughout the Mekong sub-region and to some other parts of East and Southeast Asia." Burma's illicit drug syndicates are believed to involve an amalgam of ethnic armed groups, state-backed Border Guard Force personnel and an unknown degree of government officials' complicity. The post $110m in Methamphetamines Seized in Rangoon, Tachileik appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| In Myanmar, Doing Aid Better Posted: 28 Jul 2015 03:00 AM PDT  Lahpai Seng Raw is cofounder of the Metta Development Foundation and a 2013 Magsaysay awardee. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) Around the world, the way foreign aid works is coming under wider scrutiny. Criticisms of an increasingly privatized international aid "industry" include claims that many of its approaches are too top-down, inflexible and ineffective. Reformers also question the relationships between large international aid organizations and their local "partners." Who decides how aid money is spent? With whom does the power lie? Often, the big decisions about local aid are not made by locals. Magsaysay award-winner Lahpai Seng Raw, one of Myanmar's leading civil society voices, echoes growing international calls to "do aid differently," in an email conversation with The Irrawaddy. Myanmar has received a large influx of aid since 2011. What is your view of the current aid system? Years of mismanagement by successive authoritarian governments and unabated armed conflicts have paralyzed it. There is no shortcut to reverse this. But the fact remains: Getting civilians to make their own choices, and getting civilian voices back, are the deciding factors in bringing about lasting peace in our country. The way we—local NGOs, community-based organizations and international donors—respond to community needs will determine whether or not we can help regenerate them. Sadly, since 2011, there is less and less room for local agendas to determine eventual programming. Too often local NGOs and community-based organizations are approached by big donors to implement their own pre-formulated programs according to their own agendas and foreign policies. These practices effectively exclude the local organization and undercut local initiatives. This means a big gap arises between donor requirements and real development needs. For us, development needs are about people's lives, and social processes—they are not about a project "market" and its related administrative bureaucracy. It is ironic that now that the country has become more open and more money is flowing in, civil society is facing more challenges. I have seen that international agencies have become either very project-focused or sector-oriented, and that talk of strengthening civil society is meaningless. Why do international agencies support Myanmar civil society? Is it because they need to disburse lots of money and are not allowed to give it to the government? Is it because community organizations have access to places that the UN and INGOs do not? These reasons for working with community organizations are not helpful. That's because as soon as circumstances change, their support will revert to others—the government, the UN, international NGOs, etc. This is already happening right now. I want to see all our donors continue to support civil society for the right reason. That reason is about recognizing that civil society is a critical actor with a critical role in Myanmar's future. Reinforcing and building a strong civil society should be the aim, not using civil society as a transitional instrument to deliver aid. Also, it still happens that calls go out [for local and international NGOs to apply for] proposals on projects that are not fully funded. In reality, this gives an advantage to international NGOs to be the legal holders of those projects. The worst part is that funds are given to international NGOs and UN agencies that we are then to partner with. I strongly believe this is too top-down. Local applicants must be given preference, and we must have a choice about with whom we want to partner. We definitely need and want to continue working with our international partners. Frankly, as a person from an ethnic minority group, I never thought that we would have to fight for equality with our international donors, when, after all, they are the champions of democracy. We must find a way to resolve these problems. Do you have suggestions for improvement in the approaches taken by international organizations? We would like to urge them to be considerate in the strategic design of their funding mechanisms; to design systems and formats in local languages; and to avoid complex blueprints and mechanisms that preclude supporting the communities' own efforts. It is also essential to recognize that local NGOs need core funds for direct or indirect support of their activities. For example, maintaining and enhancing professional standards, including good financial control and accountability, good prioritization of aid, and with the right quality and independence, to name a few aspects of local organizations' work. We need to have enough funds to retain our staff … or otherwise, however committed our staff are, they leave for better conditions. Without core funds, we also lose continuity for strategic planning after a project period ends. It's also important to realize that before any proposal is produced, we carry out assessments and discussions with all levels of stakeholders, from the grassroots to policymakers, leading to several planning workshops. What I am trying to say is that this involves sowing social commitment. We are obliged then to meet the expectations of all involved. So for example, when the European Commission puts out calls [for applications for large aid projects] it must recognize the above sequence of inputs and communication. Donor organizations don't expect to survive themselves without core funding, yet local organizations are expected to do so. Are there any signs the donors are starting to see this problem from the local perspective? I am afraid it is getting worse as more big donors come in and set up more offices across the nation. Internal organizational changes in some of our international partners also result in changes in how they work with us. Sometimes these reasons cause them to adjust their costs at the local partners' expense. The challenges of not having adequate, reasonable core funding is no small matter for local organizations. Revitalizing communities will be more difficult if the local NGOs themselves have become paralyzed. There seems to be a reluctance among international agencies to accept local leadership in development programs. What do you think are the reasons for this? Some international agencies are very close to the UN and donors' agendas. Others are closer to the reality and are supporting local actors. It is time for the international agencies to acknowledge the local NGOs and work hand in hand with them on joint strategies, and with mutual recognition. You made a statement in a number of places last year that 'armies can sign ceasefires, but only the people can create a peace.' Do you see signs that this is better understood now? Yes, I have been emphasizing repeatedly the need to recognize the difference between ceasefires and peace. 'Peace' is a social state and cannot be developed by military men, and cannot be developed without the leadership and will of the people—they must build it and live it. That is why I talk about a unified front. All ethnic nationals within the Union must come together to resolve the root causes that led to the present conflict. We need to break the cycle of armed conflict, militarization, human rights violations, displacement, resettlement, poverty, illegal migration, low wages, human trafficking, illicit drugs and corruption—the list could go on—or it will never be broken and continue to drag down the next government, which will be unable to stop exporting its own difficulties and crises to the whole region. Encouragingly, there are processes taking place now and the civil society network is better than at any time in our country's history. The current ceasefire process is looking uncertain. What are your views on this? The turmoil that Myanmar has witnessed during the last four years could be doubled or even tripled in 2015 if efforts towards peace and reform do not succeed. I am, therefore, gravely concerned about the recent situation and believe in building a robust civil society as the most effective response to the challenges that we are facing. Whatever happens, even if national institutions in government and politics become weakened, with a strong civil society we can surely overcome this and rebuild. I have been saying all along that, in the Myanmar context, strengthening civil society and building peace are interdependent. All efforts should be made to ensure that the future to come will be built from today onwards: by providing quality education, dignified sustainable livelihoods, and respect and promotion of the rich cultures that define our identities across the different ethnic nationals that compose the mosaic of the Union of Myanmar. What is the main focus of your work these days? The central purpose of my life will always be to support people's processes to build a strong and sustainable civil society, in peace, and with full entitlement to their rights; that is true justice. I have been advocating for aid agencies' need to continually assess their capacity to follow their mandate and to reflect on the current humanitarian system in Myanmar. I have used the US$50,000 prize money that came with the 2013 Ramon Magsaysay award as a seed fund to launch a new initiative that will ensure that the Ayeyarwaddy River continues to flow far into the future, and that just as the mighty river connects all diverse ethnic nationals, it will inspire us to come together in unity in striving for the peace and prosperity of our nation. This interview originally appeared in the July 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post In Myanmar, Doing Aid Better appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Strong Earthquake Rocks Indonesia’s Papua Province Posted: 27 Jul 2015 10:16 PM PDT  Papuan people hold a rally in Jakarta, December 1, 2014, to mark the 53rd anniversary of the Free Papua Movement. (Photo: Reuters) A strong earthquake has rocked Indonesia's easternmost province of Papua early Tuesday, but there are no immediate reports of injuries or damage. The US Geological Survey said the magnitude 7.0 underground quake struck at 6:41 am Tuesday and was centered 247 kilometers (153 miles) west of Jayapura, the provincial capital of Papua. Its depth was measured at 52.9 kilometers (32.8 miles) beneath the remote mountainous region of the island. Hendra Rahman, an official of Indonesia's Meteorology and Geophysics Agency said the quake was felt across the province and that the strongest hit area was Sarmi, a town on the northern coast of the island, but there were no immediate reports of injuries or damage. But it did cause panicked residents to run out of their homes, said Sutopo Purwon Nugroho, a spokesman for the National Disaster Mitigation Agency. Indonesia is prone to earthquakes due to its location on the so-called Pacific "Ring of Fire." A massive earthquake off Sumatra island in 2004 triggered a tsunami that killed 230,000 people in a dozen countries, mostly in Indonesia's Aceh province. The post Strong Earthquake Rocks Indonesia's Papua Province appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| US Softens View of Malaysia, Cuba in Human Trafficking Report Posted: 27 Jul 2015 09:50 PM PDT  United States Secretary of State John Kerry (right) hosts a State Department ceremony to release "The 2015 Trafficking in Persons Report" in Washington, July 27, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) The United States took Malaysia off its list of worst offenders in human trafficking on Monday, removing a potential barrier to a signature Asia-Pacific trade pact despite opposition from human rights groups and nearly 180 US lawmakers. The US State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons report also upgraded Cuba from its lowest rank for the first time since it was included in the annual report in 2003. South Sudan, Burundi, Belize, Belarus and Comoros were downgraded to the lowest rank, Tier 3, where Thailand remained for a second year, alongside countries with some of the world's worst trafficking records, including Iran, North Korea and Zimbabwe. Egypt was downgraded, to the so-called "Tier 2 Watch List" status, while Cuba, Saudi Arabia and Uzbekistan were upgraded to "Tier 2 Watch List." Malaysia's expected upgrade to the "Tier 2 Watch List" from Tier 3 removes a potential barrier to President Barack Obama's signature 12-nation Trans Pacific Partnership trade agreement, or TPP, which Washington hopes to conclude this year. Congress approved legislation in June giving Obama expanded trade negotiating powers, but prohibiting "fast-track" approval of a deal that included Tier 3 countries, as Malaysia then was. After a July 8 Reuters report on plans to upgrade Malaysia, 160 members of the US House and 18 US senators wrote to Secretary of State John Kerry urging him to keep Malaysia on Tier 3. They said there was no justification for an upgrade and questioned whether the plan was motivated by a desire to keep the country in the TPP. US Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy and Human Rights Sarah Sewall rejected the notion that any political considerations had influenced Malaysia's ranking. "No, no, no," she told a news briefing when asked whether the upgrade was connected to the TPP. She said it was based on standards for how well Malaysia was dealing with trafficking. Sewall said Malaysia had made efforts to reform its victim-protection regime and legal framework, and had increased the number of investigations and prosecutions compared to 2013. Even so, she said: "We remain concerned that low numbers of trafficking convictions in Malaysia is disproportionate to the scale of Malaysia's human trafficking problem." Sewall said Cuba, with which Washington reestablished diplomatic relations on July 1 after more than 50 years of Cold War estrangement, was upgraded due to progress in addressing sex trafficking, although Washington remained concerned about its failure to battle forced labor. Rights groups said Malaysia's upgrade undermined the credibility of the US report. "Malaysia's record on stopping trafficking in persons is far from sufficient to justify this upgrade," Human Rights Watch said. "This upgrade is more about the TPP and US trade politics than anything Malaysia did to combat human trafficking." Obama Accused of Putting Politics Ahead of Facts Members of Congress who protested against the plan to upgrade Malaysia reacted angrily and accused Obama's administration of putting politics ahead of facts. Sander Levin, a Michigan Democrat who has campaigned against TPP over labor rights, called Malaysia's upgrade "extremely concerning." Representative Chris Smith, a New Jersey Republican who was one of the authors of the law that brought the US trafficking report into being, criticized the upgrades of Malaysia and Cuba as well as relatively lenient ratings for Vietnam and China. He said the report had "careened off into a new direction where the facts regarding each government's actions in the fight against human trafficking are given almost no weight when put up against the president's political agenda." Democratic Senator Robert Menendez, who authored the trafficking-related trade amendment, said he was "profoundly disappointed." He said that by upgrading Malaysia and Cuba the administration had "elevated politics over the most basic principles of human rights" and vowed to do all he could "from hearings to legislation to investigations" to challenge the moves. International scrutiny and outcry followed the discovery in May of scores of graves in people-smuggling camps near Malaysia's northern border with Thailand. The report also described conditions under which migrants were still forced into labor, and women and children coerced into the sex trade. Thailand, a key US ally, whose relations with Washington have cooled since a military coup last year, said it "strongly disagrees" with the decision to keep it on the lowest ranking. A Thai embassy statement said this failed to take account of "significant efforts undertaken by the Thai Government on all fronts during the past year." At a ceremony to honor individuals for their anti-trafficking work, Kerry highlighted a report in Monday's New York Times about a Cambodian man who had been trafficked into Thailand and forced to work on fishing boats, including one on which he was shackled by his neck to prevent him escaping. "We must never, ever allow a price tag to be attached to the heart and soul and freedom of a fellow human being," Kerry said. Kerry is due to visit Malaysia, current chair of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Thailand is also a member, from Aug. 4-6. Washington is seeking to promote ASEAN unity in the face of China's increasingly aggressive pursuit of territorial claims in the South China Sea, a subject of US criticism. The US report organizes countries into tiers based on trafficking records: Tier 1 for nations that meet minimum US standards; Tier 2 for those that make significant efforts to do so; Tier 2 "Watch List" for those that deserve special scrutiny; and Tier 3 for countries that fail to fully comply with the minimum US standards and are not making significant efforts to do so. In its upgrade of Cuba, the report said Havana was making "significant efforts" to comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, including sharing data, improving cooperation, and offering services to trafficking victims. It said there remained reports of forced labor in Cuba's government-backed overseas work missions that send 51,000 workers to more than 67 countries. The post US Softens View of Malaysia, Cuba in Human Trafficking Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Singapore’s Ruling Party Contends with New Voting Majority Posted: 27 Jul 2015 09:36 PM PDT  Children in the audience of Singapore's Southeast Asian Games on June 4. (Photo: Edgar Su / Reuters) SINGAPORE — When Singapore celebrates its 50th year of independence on Aug. 9 and its older citizens eulogise the country’s economic feats, its ruling party founded by the late Lee Kuan Yew faces an unprecedented wave of young voters who may not be as nostalgic. For the first time, citizens born after the country’s independence in 1965 will likely account for the majority of voters in a general election due to take place by January 2017. As of 2014, almost 54 percent of citizens above 20 were born in 1965 and later, compared with 46 percent born after independence in 2010. Singapore’s voting age is 21. Voters born after 1965 grew up in an era of economic ascendancy as Singapore’s pioneer leaders turned the former British colony into a First World business hub. While they acknowledge the economic miracle engineered by the People’s Action Party (PAP), they are unhappy about the rising cost of living and an influx of foreign workers, particularly from China. Those issues took centre stage in the last poll in 2011. The PAP won its smallest ever share of votes since 1959, when it became the ruling party of a semi-independent Singapore. (Britain still had sway over external matters.) Young Singaporeans are generally happy with the PAP-led government, but are less satisfied than older Singaporeans with public transport, population management and civil liberties, according to a survey in June by Singapore-based Blackbox Research. “To be fair, since the last GE (general election), the PAP has done very well,” said 38-year-old Chung, who declined to disclose his full name. Nonetheless, he would not vote for the PAP and would like to see a greater presence in parliament of opposition lawmakers, who currently have just 10 percent of seats. Local political commentator Catherine Lim told Reuters that younger people do not have the same sense of gratitude towards the government, which is a very powerful force with older people. That sentiment will be tested in an election without PAP founder and Singapore’s first prime minister Lee, who died in March. Philip Teo, a 35-year-old entrepreneur, said he will most likely vote for the PAP, but is concerned about the prospect of the government bowing to short-term populist demands. “Now that Mr Lee Kuan Yew is gone, I’m especially worried about the current government losing the political will to do what is the right thing to do for the long term, and give in to people’s short-term gratification,” Teo said. The post Singapore’s Ruling Party Contends with New Voting Majority appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Victims of Student Crackdown Meet Human Rights Commission Posted: 27 Jul 2015 06:50 AM PDT  A handcuffed student kisses his mother while he is brought to the Letpadan courthouse for trial on April 7, 2015. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Myanmar Human Rights Commission (MHRC) on Monday met with a group of students who were victims of a high-profile crackdown earlier this year on education reform protestors in Letpadan, Pegu Division, a week after the commission released a statement in response to a complaint lodged by the Myanmar Lawyers' Network. Students from the Democracy Education Initiative Committee—which helped organize the protest—say they plan to sue the authorities who ordered the March 10 crackdown on the peaceful protestors, according to Aung Nay Paing, a leading member of the committee. Thirteen out of the 18 students that undersigned a complaint to the MHRC met with commission members on Monday, with four of the no-show signatories currently evading arrest warrants and the fifth incarcerated in Mandalay. Aung Min Khaing, a high school student from Shwebo, Sagain Division, was one of Monday's attendees and recounted the March 10 crackdown for MHRC members in Rangoon. The 18 students had filed a case with the MHRC on July 8, providing testimony from victims of the crackdown and making a case that authorities' brutality was unlawful and in violation of the Constitution's Article 354, which guarantees the right to peacefully assemble. The students also object to prosecutors' decision to charge the students under Burma's Penal Code. "If one does not have permission to protest, one is only due to be sentenced for [a maximum] six months under Article 18 of the [Peaceful] Assembly Law," said 16-year-old Aung Min Khaing. "But we are being charged with five articles from the Penal Code instead of Article 18. … Although they should have brought us to police station and charged us first, we were brought to prison straightaway after brutal beatings. We lost our rights when they sent us to prison." Members of the MHRC told Aung Min Khaing that the commission would proceed in accordance with the law covering its mandate, and the MHRC said it would release a statement about the crackdown and its aftermath on Wednesday. Aung Min Khaing is currently studying in Pegu Division's Paungde Township for his final year of high school, Grade 11. Separately, the Myanmar Lawyers' Network also filed a case on July 6, urging the MHRC to look into reports of poor conditions and rights abuses perpetrated against student protestors detained at Tharrawaddy Prison, also in Pegu Division. Students and their parents have said some of the detainees have been subjected to solitary confinement; that insufficient medical treatment is being provided; and that authorities are arbitrarily confiscating personal effects, among other complaints. The MNRC released a statement on July 20 in response to the Myanmar Lawyers' Network's complaint, saying that three members of the commission had visited Tharrawaddy Prison on July 13-14, when they conducted interviews with 25 detained students and their supporters and five prison staffers, as well as speaking to a patient at Rangoon General Hospital on July 15 who was previously imprisoned at Tharrawaddy. The MNRC statement largely downplayed the allegations leveled against prison authorities, noting that medical treatment was provided to the detainees on several occasions and regular checkups were being made available, and contending that confiscation of personal items, including cigarettes and betel nut, was justified under the 1894 Prison Law and a 2011 directive by the Ministry of Home Affairs, which oversees the nation's prison system. The statement confirmed that seven detainees had been placed in solitary confinement for two weeks beginning in late June, but said authorities were within their rights to mete out the punishment under the Prison Law, after the detainees were caught multiple times in possession of contraband. Thirty-five men were prohibited from seeing their families for between two and six weeks after smuggling in cheroots, cigarettes, lighters and betel nut, but the MHRC statement said that too was lawful under Article 784 of the Prison Law. Robert San Aung, a leading member of the Myanmar Lawyers' Network who is representing the detained students, expressed dissatisfaction with the commission's findings. "The MNRC statement does not reflect the current situation and is incomplete," he told The Irrawaddy, noting that no interviews were conducted with the lawyers who filed the case. "The directive is superseding the law in this case," he said, referring to the 2011 Ministry of Home Affairs directive that the MHRC noted appeared to contradict the Prisons Law, which does allow inmates to possess cigarettes. "Why is smoking and betel nut prohibited? This is a violation of human rights." The students who smuggled in prohibited items have also been charged under Article 42 of the Prison Law, but the MHRC asked that prison authorities "kindly reconsider" those charges. Regarding allegations that authorities were arbitrarily confiscating the possessions of some of the student detainees, Robert San Aung said action could be taken under Article 409 of the Penal Code, covering the loss of personal property entrusted to a public servant. The MHRC in its statement did make a handful of recommendations to prison authorities, including bolstering the prison hospital with more staff and supplies; implementing a more precise system for logging which items have been confiscated by prison officials; and the return of items "unconcerned" with trial evidence or otherwise prohibited. The post Victims of Student Crackdown Meet Human Rights Commission appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Slow Uptake on Election Candidate Submissions Posted: 27 Jul 2015 06:36 AM PDT  (IMG_6743) Union Election Commission chair Tin Aye holds a sample ballot at a Rangoon election meeting on June 8. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A week after submissions opened for candidates in this year's general election, Burma's electoral body has seen only 46 individuals put forward from seven parties and independents. Of the nearly 1200 seats up for grabs on Nov. 8, the Union Election Commission (UEC) announced on Monday that in the last week they had received 10 candidate applications for the Lower House, four for the Upper House, 23 for state and divisional parliaments and nine for seats allocated to ethnic representatives. The National League for Democracy (NLD), has so far fielded only one candidate for a divisional legislature, while the incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has put forward five candidates nationwide. Tha Win, secretary of the USDP's Rangoon Division branch, told The Irrawaddy that the party had already finalized candidate selection across all constituencies and would announce its full candidate list soon. Other candidates to have lodged their applications hail from the National Unity Party, the political grouping formed by the remnants of the Ne Win socialist era to contest the 1990 constitutional plebiscite, and the National Democratic Force, the party formed to contest the 2010 elections in the wake of an NLD boycott. The Kayin Unity Democratic Party, the Chin National Democratic Party, the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State and 13 independent candidates have also made submissions to the UEC. The NLD had asked the commission to extend the Aug. 8 deadline for candidate submission, claiming that a window of less than three weeks to finalize its candidate list was too short. Commission chairman Tin Aye told reporters at the press conference last week that he could not permit an extension of the submission period because of the timeframe required to publish ballots and arrange advance voting. "It is impossible to extend the period, since I already gave them enough time and I said when the election would be held in advance. So I can't give it to them," he said. Once submissions close on Aug. 8, parties will have three days to withdraw nominees before the UEC begins scrutinizing candidates between Aug 12-21. The post Slow Uptake on Election Candidate Submissions appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ethnic Leaders Call on Govt for Inclusion, Cessation of Hostilities Posted: 27 Jul 2015 06:06 AM PDT  Representatives of the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army at an ethnic leadership meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand on July 27, 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burma's ethnic leaders convened this week in northern Thailand following lackluster peace talks in Rangoon, reaffirming their commitment to an inclusive nationwide pact that would bring all major non-state armed groups into the fold. The country's main ethnic coalition, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) on Monday issued a public statement calling on the government to end offensives against minorities, accept all stakeholders in a forthcoming peace deal and allow international observers as signatories to the pact. The statement said that ongoing offensives in northern Burma's Kachin and Shan states, as well as conflict in southeastern Karen State, were "obstacles" on the path to achieving a nationwide pact, which has been in the works for more than 18 months. Moreover, the statement said, "the government must stop denying the ethnics' proposal for an all inclusive pact," referring to ethnic negotiators' request that three groups currently ineligible to sign be accepted as full participants in the peace process. The ethnic negotiating bloc, newly reconstituted as the Senior Delegation in June, is set to reconvene with the government's Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) in early August as the two sides inch closer to a nationwide ceasefire. Delegation member Pu Zing Cung said the team has received recommendations from the ethnic leaders regarding whether they are ready to move forward with the pact, which the government has expressed a desire to secure before elections set for November. A decision will be made tomorrow, he said. Three items in the draft remain contentious after a dozen revisions were made at the request of the delegation. At present, the pact excludes several non-state armed groups that have recently been in conflict with the government, and which are not officially recognized as legitimate: the Myanmar National democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Arakan Army (AA) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). Several other UNFC members also remain outsiders, including the Arakan National Council, the Wa National Organization, and the Lahu Democratic Union, which negotiators also want to bring into discussions. The government has thus far agreed to include 14 armed groups that have reached bilateral ceasefires and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which has not yet done so. KIA Deputy Chief of Staff Gen. Gun Maw told The Irrawaddy on the sidelines of this week's talks that the group's political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), "has prioritized work on the nationwide pact over reaching a state-level ceasefire." Southeast Split? While the north seems committed to ending hostilities through an inclusive pact, new troubles are brewing in southeastern Burma's Karen State, where clashes between government troops and the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army have disrupted trade and led to several casualties in recent weeks. As the conflict drags on, however, a military newspaper claimed that 17 members of the DKBA had defected to the government-backed border guard force with which they were fighting over the militarization and taxation around the new Asia Highway linking Burma with Thailand. Myawaddy newspaper reported on Sunday that the rebel soldiers "had come under the law enforcement by joining the Tatmadaw [Burma Armed Forces] columns monitoring military operations in Thay Thaw Boe village in Wallay Township." The paper also accused two DKBA leaders—Kyaw Thet and San Aung—of abetting the production and trafficking of narcotics. The allegation remains unconfirmed, as is a fast-spreading rumor that both men were expelled from the DKBA last week. When contacted by The Irrawaddy on Monday, DKBA Gen. Saw Moe Shay declined to comment on the allegations. Speculation abounds in the remote and conflicted area along the border with Thailand, with some social media users claiming that the DKBA was also facing off with the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), of which it is a breakaway faction. Regarding reports of conflict between the two Karen groups, Saw Mo Shay told The Irrawaddy that "we are not in clashes" with the KNLA. A spokesperson for the Karen National Union (KNU), the political wing of the KNLA, also denied clashes between the two rebel armies. The post Ethnic Leaders Call on Govt for Inclusion, Cessation of Hostilities appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| 3 Kachin Villagers Still Missing a Month After Burma Army Arrest Posted: 27 Jul 2015 04:50 AM PDT  Tu Ja, above, and the family of Than Lwin. (Photo: Courtesy of Mar Khar) RANGOON — More than a month after the disappearance of three ethnic Kachin villagers in northern Burma, their families are struggling to get by while searching for elusive answers from local authorities. Tu Ja, Than Lwin and Pho The were arrested by the Burma Army's Light Infantry Battalion 250 in Hpakant Township on June 19, accused of association with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Their lawyer, Mar Khar, said they were apprehended at home in the evening, and that Tu Ja's wife had alerted the state's chief minister shortly after his disappearance. The men have not been seen or heard from since, according to Mar Khar. When contacted on Monday, the commander of LIB 250, Ye Kyaw Thu, told The Irrawaddy that the men had long since been released from custody. "We released them just a day after we detained them," Ye Kyaw Thu said. "We thought that they had links with the KIA, but they did not, so we released them." Mar Khar said that Ye Kyaw Thu had met with the families of the missing men, offering them money, rice and tea to ease the strain of lost income as the men had not come home.
"It's not compensation," Mar Khar explained, "It's just to help provide for the family." Mar Khar said the commander advised them to contact the battalion if they needed assistance because the men had not come home. The families of the three men believe that they were killed, Mar Khar said. "They are very worried now about this crime as it is now up to the public to find justice," he said. "For us, we believe that they were already killed." Tu Ja's family initially attempted to open a police investigation in their village, Ka Mai, but were told to appeal directly to the battalion commander. Local policeman Tun Aung La confirmed that he had redirected the complaint, telling The Irrawaddy that he "advised them to go to the battalion because the battalion arrested those three people." The officer said the family could opt to open a missing persons case with the police, though Mar Khar said they had met with difficulties in trying to do so because the case involved senior military figures. The presence of the Burma Army has increased in parts of Kachin State since the 2011 breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire between the government and Kachin rebels. Intermittent conflict has erupted in various parts of the resource-rich northern territory, displacing more than 100,000 civilians over the past four years. The post 3 Kachin Villagers Still Missing a Month After Burma Army Arrest appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| An Appeal to the Keepers of the Keys in Burma’s Drive to Democracy Posted: 27 Jul 2015 04:37 AM PDT  Military commander in chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing looks to Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during top six-party talks at the Presidential Palace in Naypyidaw on April 10, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's upcoming election must be different, in that unlike the country's previous two nationwide votes, it must respect the will of the people. Such an outcome, perhaps contrary to conventional wisdom, would ultimately benefit all stakeholders, including the ruling party and military establishment. At stake is the credibility of the succession of generals who have ruled Burma for more than 50 years. Their previous two disingenuous attempts at democratic reform, in 1990 and then in 2010, ended in different but equally disappointing outcomes. In the 25 years since that first vote was annulled, the country has lost much in terms of international reputation and economic clout, the latter already badly bruised by the economic mismanagement of Gen. Ne Win, who seized power in 1962. Ironically, it is those people brought to power in a 2010 vote widely viewed as fixed who have initiated a series of democratic reforms over the last four years that have seen the country win international plaudits and the lifting of crippling Western economic sanctions. Those leaders, however legitimate their claims to having been chosen by the people may be, are now among the key participants in the next great test of Burma's reform process. Fundamentally, three things are necessary to ensure the country's democratization continues, at a time when many are saying the process has stalled or even backtracked: the electoral hijinks of 2010 must be avoided; the results of a free and fair vote must be honored, in contrast to the annulled 1990 vote; and last but not least, the military must not interfere in the election or its outcome. Failing to carry out a credible election will deal a major blow to the hopes of millions of people at home and abroad who have for decades wanted to see a Burma ruled by the people, for the people. The question then becomes, who is responsible for making things different this go-around? Generally speaking, everyone. From voters to election observers to the media and opposition political parties, as well as those in power, all have a stake in this election—and are accountable for ensuring its success.  Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of The Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org. To be sure, there are some who are more responsible in this electoral endeavor than others. Namely, the current government, whose political will to see the effort through has been called into question four years after it set reforms in motion; its hand-picked election commission, which will not truly see its impartiality put to the test until November; the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which was widely accused of fraud in the 2010 election; and the military, which is constitutionally permitted to seize power if a vaguely defined "state of emergency" should emerge. If we have to name names from among those institutions (all of whom were members of the former military regime), there are a handful of men with outsized influence over how the electoral process will play out: President Thein Sein, Union Election Commission (UEC) chairman Tin Aye, top leaders of the USDP and again, last but not least, the military's commander in chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. If these leaders commit to ensuring the election's credibility, the vote will pass scrutiny. There should be no excuses. Indeed, the constitutional requirement to elect a new government every five years is one provision of that deeply flawed charter that we can all agree on the need to abide by. What many are concerned most about is the possibility of the military interfering in the election or ignoring its outcome if opposition parties win a majority. For his part, Min Aung Hlaing told the BBC in a recent interview that he would respect the result. People will wait and see if he keeps his promise, mindful of a similar pledge made by Snr-Gen Saw Maung, who led the ouster of Ne Win in 1988; ahead of the 1990 vote, the senior general made an official promise to hand over power to whoever won the election. But something odd happened after the National League for Democracy (NLD) routed the competition in that May poll. Within one year, Saw Maung was forced to retire, reportedly by his deputies Snr-Gen Than Shwe and the powerful Military Intelligence chief Khin Nyunt. The man who made the promise vanished, and with it any hope of that pledge being honored withered. On the same day Saw Maung was officially removed from his position as chairman of the junta, his successor Than Shwe's regime announced that it would hold a national convention to draw up a constitution for the country. The regime came up with an excuse—a lie, quite simply—that the election was not to hand over power to the winner, but rather to draft a constitution for the country. Though it was 25 years ago, Burmese voters still remember it and will be worried that history may repeat itself in the aftermath of the upcoming election. Also important will be that Min Aung Hlaing keeps any presidential ambitions he might be harboring in check, given the country's long history of martial rule. As commander in chief of an institution that is virtually synonymous with repression, the people's distrust runs deep, and any nominally civilian government with Min Aung Hlaing at the helm would be deemed a serious setback for democratic reforms. At risk would be the national reconciliation that Burma so desperately needs, as many Burmese have, in the past and still today, regarded the military and especially its leadership as the "enemy." To make a play at the presidency, especially in light of the military's already sizeable constitutionally guaranteed prerogatives, would be an act of sheer greed. Ultimately that's a decision that is in the hands of Min Aung Hlaing, or perhaps it rests with ex-supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who is believed to still have influence over leaders of the government, the military and the ruling party. So far, Min Aung Hlaing has not ruled out the presidency in multiple interviews with the media. It is not difficult to interpret this as indication that he is entertaining the idea. Meanwhile, for opposition parties, the election should not be viewed as a zero-sum political game. Assuming the election is free and fair, and that opposition parties win a majority, the victors would be wise to avoid adopting an uncompromisingly antagonistic approach to the USDP. Burma's political situation is unique, and whoever takes the spoils in November will need to include all stakeholders if the formation of a functional government is to occur. For better or worse, national reconciliation necessarily will involve those who were members of the previous governments responsible for so many of the country's woes. But all this, to be clear, is contingent on a few men—Thein Sein, Min Aung Hlaing, Tin Aye and the USDP's top leadership—accepting the likely prospect that Burma will see shifting power dynamics in the post-election period. They have all vowed to carry out the election to the best of their abilities, and all we can do is hope Burma's electoral past is not prologue to a disappointing November. The post An Appeal to the Keepers of the Keys in Burma's Drive to Democracy appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Govt Seeks Final Telco Operator from Local Firms Posted: 27 Jul 2015 04:21 AM PDT  A year after two foreign operators revolutionized Burma's mobile market, the government is seeking a local company to spearhead the fourth and final telco license. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A year after two foreign operators revolutionized Burma's mobile market, the government has called on local companies to put forward bids to become the country's fourth telecom operator. The Ministry of Communications and Information Technology announced on Monday that the government would issue the fourth and final telecom license—which will target bids from local companies in joint venture arrangements with foreign firms—with contenders to submit expressions of interest by Aug. 24. Chit Wai, a director from the ministry, said that firms would be required to demonstrate possession of adequate financial capabilities and capital reserves to form a new public telecommunications company. "We can't say that how much capital would be needed, but interested parties would need at least 3 billion kyats (US$2.5 million) under our rules," he told The Irrawaddy. He added that the ministry expects to finalize the new operator before the end of the current government's term in November, and the initial license will be valid for 15 years. Local companies interested in the tender will not be given the opportunity to choose their overseas counterparts, with the successful bidder expected to abide by a selection committee decision on any foreign partner. The local company would also be responsible for providing technical services, market strategies, and a share of both the license fees and consultancy fees to assist in the selection of a foreign joint venture partner. Lwin Naing Oo, managing director of the Shwe Pyi Takon telecom company, said that his firm would apply for the fourth license and expected to be a leading candidate for the tender, on the back of its experience as a contractor providing mobile phone towers for other operators. "It poses a big challenge for investors [at this stage], he said. "We have been a public company for two years, so I hope we stand a chance." Late last year, rumors abounded that the fourth license would be issued to the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), a sprawling military-owned conglomerate with interests in manufacturing, agriculture and alcohol production. Chit Wai denied on Monday that MEC was in contention for the final license. "It is not true that the government considered MEC as the fourth operator," he said. "It has been our aim to call on local public companies to take a license since before licenses were issued to the previous three operators." State-owned Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT) has retained its dominance over the local mobile phone market despite the introduction of foreign operators Telenor and Ooredoo in 2014. MPT had reached 11 million subscribers in January, well ahead of Telenor's 3.4 million customers and Ooredoo's 2.2 million subscribers at the end of last year. All three firms are concentrating their resources on expanding telecommunications infrastructure into the country's northern hinterlands and border areas, with combined funding commitments currently totalling around US$4 billion. The post Govt Seeks Final Telco Operator from Local Firms appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| No Relief in Sight for Burma’s Flood Ravaged North Posted: 27 Jul 2015 03:47 AM PDT  An aerial view of Kawlin, Sagaing Division, after heavy flooding last week. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Burma's flood-ravaged northern regions are bracing for another deluge, after the Department of Meteorology warned of possible heavy rains due to a storm in the Bay of Bengal. The announcement, issued by the department on Monday, warned that the storm was gaining strength and was expected to lead to torrential rain in several locations across the country. "Within 24 hours, the upper Sagaing region, Pegu, Rangoon and Irrawaddy divisions, and Shan, Chin, Arakan, Mon and Karen states will receive heavy rain for about three days," the department said. "Locals living in mountainous and low-lying areas should beware of possible landslides and sudden rises in the water levels of rivers and streams." Though water levels have dramatically receded in many areas hit by flooding last week, locals remain displaced from their homes and in need of relief. "What we need now is clean water, foods and medicine," said Tin Tun, a resident of Kawlin in Sagaing Division. "We currently still stranded at the monastery as our homes are still underwater, while some other homes have been washed away." Locals said that government and private volunteers had been attempting to provide relief, but some villages in Sagaing still remain out of reach. Much of the area in the upper part of the division is still inundated, and thousands have taken refuge in monasteries and schools after evacuating their homes. According to the locals, tens of thousands of crop fields have been flooded in Sagaing Division. Dams and dykes located in the region are reportedly still overflowing, while roads remain blocked and a length of the Mandalay-Myitkyina rail line has washed away. "Recently, the Thaphanseik Dam in Kantbalu Township overflowed so the authorities opened all the gates to reduce the water. The rain keeps pouring. We who live in low-lying areas are worrying and some have even left," said Kyaw Khin, a resident of Khin-U Township. In Mandalay's Thabeikkyin Township, a creek broke its banks and washed out some homes, killing at least eight locals with five still missing. A bridge in the Shan State town of Hsipaw collapsed under the weight of a strong current on Saturday, killing three, wounding two and leaving three others missing. Further south in Namsang, a Sunday landslide destroyed at least 10 homes and displaced dozens of locals. To the west, dozens of homes were inundated in Kalaw, and volunteers have been distributing food and medicine to those displaced by the rains. Flooding was also reported in Kachin State townships of Hpakant and Moekaung, as well as the Mandalay towns of Mogok and Tagaung. The post No Relief in Sight for Burma's Flood Ravaged North appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Hands of Hardship: Artist Htein Lin Spotlights Political Prisoners’ Travails Posted: 27 Jul 2015 03:34 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — In the beginning, Htein Lin was not sure whether the public would have a chance to see his work, with the Burmese artist worried about finding an exhibition space large enough to house the sprawling project. Since 2013, he has been taking plaster casts of the forearms of Burma's former political prisoners while documenting their hellish experiences behind bars, and delving into how they managed to overcome interrogations and torture perpetrated by cadres of the former military regime. "If you break your arm, your bones heal thanks to the immobilization of the plaster, and the natural healing of your body. But it takes time to heal, and during that time you are immobilized," he said of the reason he chose plaster of Paris as a medium for the project. The 49-year-old added that more than 3,000 political prisoners were similarly immobilized by the prison cells to which they sacrificed years of their lives over the period from 1988 to 2012. "Three-thousand is just a number. But the visual impact of over a thousand arms will remind the audience of just how many people gave up their freedom of movement to try to fix Burma, which had been broken into pieces," he said. Over the last two years, Htein Lin has traveled across Burma and ventured abroad to visit hundreds of ex-political prisoners, to date collecting more than 400 plastered forearms and their stories. "Having a chance to listen to how they survived their suffering has been a significant experience for me. It made me more mature," he told The Irrawaddy recently. Now, with his "Story Teller" multimedia art exhibition at Rangoon's Goethe-Institut, Htein Lin is able to publicly share those experiences. Accompanied by sculptures, installation art, paintings, video and audio, the nearly one month long show for which "A Show of Hands" is one part will wrap up on Aug. 23. Separate exhibition booths tell some of the artist's personal experiences, display artwork he secretly created during his time in prison, as well as conveying the stories of his fellow political prisoners. The centerpiece of the exhibition is "A Show of Hands," the display of 405 plastered forearms of ex-political prisoners, accompanied by pictures and videos of the plastering process that each participant underwent while recalling their experiences behind bars. "I just want to leave stories for the next generation, to let them know that, 'your grandparents and dads did this for your country,'" the artist, who himself spent seven years as a political prison, said during the opening ceremony of the show last week. Since Gen. Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, Burma has never had a shortage of political prisoners, but the ranks of prisoners of conscience swelled dramatically after a failed democracy uprising in 1988 was followed by a nationwide crackdown on dissidents. Those who were arrested often endured inhumane treatment, including extra-judicial killings, solitary confinement and torture, for their political beliefs. Many of them were released in 2012 after the quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein came to power a year prior. Ko Ko Gyi, a former political prisoner as well as a leader of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, said the assembled plaster casts represented "a collection of hands that collectively tried to push the country forward with their lives." "Htein Lin, the artist cum former political prisoner, reflects Burmese politics with his art, because [he realizes] documentation is important for a country," Ko Ko Gyi told The Irrawaddy. Htein Lin said his project was part art, part community engagement, explaining that while some hands were cast in private locations, others were done in public spaces such as teashops or at Rangoon's Inya Lake, often drawing the attention of a curious public. "During the plastering process, on some occasions, people approached us with anxious looks and asked 'Are you guys OK?' "When I explained to them what we were doing and who my participants were, they showed admiration for the former political prisoners I was working on. Some people even said: 'Hold on. I have a friend who is an ex-political prisoner. Here is his number.'" Ma Thida, a former political prisoner turned editor and president of the freedom of expression advocacy group PEN Myanmar, said "A Show of Hands" offered a visual medium for exploring the country's dark past, adding that "we need to have something that documents what has happened." "It's not about revenge," she said. "It's something that recognizes people who took part in the country's democracy movement." And indeed, the exhibition is arguably as relevant to present day realities as it is to the recent history of Burma, where hundreds of people still languish in jail serving prison terms or awaiting trial for offenses that political prisoner advocacy groups say qualify them as prisoners of conscience. Other exhibition highlights may be the paintings that Htein Lin secretly created on prison uniforms when he was in jail, and a piece of installation art featuring a map of Burmese made up of soap bars of the same brand as that issued to inmates by prison authorities. A closer inspection of the artwork reveals that each bar has been chiseled to portray a solitary confinement cell with an inmate inside. Htein Lin said the "A Show of Hands" project is not yet completed, given the large number of ex-political prisoners in Burma. Even over the course of the exhibition at Goethe-Institut, he plans to cast the forearms of additional former political prisoners. Among the list still to be cast is Burma's pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who promised Htein Lin that she would make an appearance to have mold of her forearm join "A Show of Hands." Asked about his expectations for the exhibition, Htein Lin is modest: "You can't expect big things like peace from a work of art. If you do so, you are too greedy." "But if you want to reflect on what has happened in the past, art is very effective." The post Hands of Hardship: Artist Htein Lin Spotlights Political Prisoners' Travails appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| NLD Would Renounce Power if Public Withdrew Support: Suu Kyi Posted: 27 Jul 2015 03:10 AM PDT  A signboard of Aung San Suu Kyi in Mawlamyinegyun, Irrawaddy Division, where the opposition leader addressed a rally of 10,000 people on Sunday. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy) PATHEIN — Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has told a weekend rally that her National League for Democracy (NLD) would renounce power and step down from cabinet positions if it won power in the coming election and subsequently lost the support of the Burmese people. The Nobel Laureate's claims came during a public appearance in the Irrawaddy Division town of Mawlamyinegyun on Sunday, attended by more than 10,000 people from the town and surrounding villages. "If people do not want us after they have elected our party to government, we will step down willingly and we won't stubbornly keep our grip on power," Suu Kyi told the jubilant crowd. She went on to say that the results of the November election would shape the future of the country and called on voters to give their complete support to the NLD if they wanted to see positive changes in Burma. Suu Kyi said that national reconciliation would remain her party's top priority and said the NLD was ready to form a new government as soon as it wins the election. "Even if we won 100 percent of the vote and formed government, we will never forget the need for national reconciliation," she said. "Our goal is to join hands with other organizations and work in cooperation, instead of oppressing or conquering them." Suu Kyi told the crowd that Article 59(f) of the country's 2008 Constitution, which prohibits those with relatives in possession of foreign citizenship from contesting the presidency, is a deliberate attempt to prevent her from becoming head of state, and her party would continue in its attempts to amend the provision if it won the November poll. "Only after we ensure a total victory in the election will steps be taken to change Article 59(f)," she said. "I am not passionate about the presidency. I will be satisfied if I have a role that can serve the interests of the people and the country." On a tour through the southern districts of Irrawaddy Division over the weekend, the NLD leader also met monks and elders from Kyaiklat and Mawlamyinegyun townships before returning to Rangoon on Sunday afternoon. The post NLD Would Renounce Power if Public Withdrew Support: Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
