Thursday, December 31, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Anti-Smuggling Teams Abolished: Commerce Ministry

Posted: 31 Dec 2015 03:17 AM PST

Asia World port terminal seen in Yangon December 8, 2015. The United States is temporarily easing trade restrictions on Myanmar by allowing all shipments to go through its ports and airports for six months, an effort to boost the Southeast Asian country's opposition party after its landmark election win in November, U.S. officials said on Monday. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

Asia World port terminal in Rangoon, December 8, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — The government's mobile task force teams, which aimed to clamp down on the country's thriving illegal border trade, have been abolished, the Ministry of Commerce announced on Wednesday.

"All teams will stop, starting from today," Than Win, the director of the Ministry of Commerce, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. The directive was signed by Commerce Minister Win Myint on Dec. 30.

Since late 2012, the cross-departmental teams, including representatives of the commerce ministry, customs and police, have worked to intercept illegal overland trade, primarily in Shan State's Muse on the border with China and in Myawaddy, Karen State, on the Thai-Burma border.

Over the past three years, the roving mobile teams have seized more than 50 billion kyats (US$38.2 million) worth of smuggled goods in border areas, according to the commerce ministry.

As well as operating in major towns along the country's shared borders with China and Thailand, the teams also monitored major seaports and airports.

Commerce Minister Win Myint told a meeting of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) in September that officials had stopped the unlawful export of jade, timber, unlicensed automobiles, livestock and electronic goods.

The anti-smuggling teams had been subjected to attacks and ambushes by smuggling gangs seeking retribution for confiscated goods, according to Commerce Ministry director-general Nyunt Aung.

Representatives from the Ministry of Commerce will hold a press conference in Naypyidaw in early January to elaborate on Wednesday's decision.

The post Anti-Smuggling Teams Abolished: Commerce Ministry appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Who’s Who in Burma: 2015

Posted: 31 Dec 2015 03:00 AM PST

National League for Democracy supporters during a rally before Nov 8 general election (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

National League for Democracy supporters during a rally before Nov 8 general election (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — It was an eventful year for Burma, capped by a historic general election that saw the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) romp to a decisive victory that surpassed even their staunchest supporters' expectations. In an election year, high-profile leaders such as Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Aung Hlaing were naturally a near-constant presence in the news, along with Tin Aye, head of the commission that oversaw Burma's Nov. 8 poll. But other, lesser known groups and individuals also took their turn in the spotlight this year, including the youth who volunteered during the country's devastating floods and student activists who bravely led a protest march for education reform that was violently suppressed by the authorities. Here, The Irrawaddy outlines some of the country's most renowned, respected or notorious figures and groups, from politics, the military, business and other sectors, who were prominent voices in 2015.

The People of Burma

In 2015, Burma was again ranked the most charitable country in the world, according to an annual index published by London-based Charitable Aid Foundation. But this renowned generosity did not extend to the military-backed ruling party when Burmese across the country headed to the polls on Nov. 8 for the country's general election.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won almost 80 percent of the vote and the right to select the country's next president. It was a vote of defiance from millions of Burmese who demonstrated that their desire for change has been burning ever since the previous regime ignored the results of the 1990 poll which the NLD also won.

It was not simply the people's blind faith in Suu Kyi that compelled them to vote for the NLD, but also their bitter experience under decades of repressive military dictatorship. The NLD was resoundingly chosen as the party best placed to take the country forward.

The people's thirst for change was so strong that, so far, even the military has pledged to ensure a peaceful political transition to a new government. The election result also prompted The Economist to award Burma its "country of the year" honor. "The country's transition to something resembling democracy has come faster than anyone dared expect," the magazine said. The people's courage and determination is largely to thank for that.

 

Aung San Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD)

Aung San Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD)(Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Aung San Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD)

If the most significant event in 2015 was the November general election, it would be hard to look passed Aung San Suu Kyi as Burma's most influential and inspiring figure this year. Her party won a landslide victory on Nov. 8, although the NLD chairwoman is herself barred from assuming the presidency under a constitutional clause written expressly with her in mind. Despite this, Suu Kyi has repeatedly stated she would be "above the president." Following the election, she held separate meetings with President Thein Sein and Burma Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who promised to facilitate a smooth transition. Suu Kyi also met with former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who referred to her as the country's "future leader," according to the ex-junta head's grandson, Nay Shwe Thway Aung.

 

President Thein Sein

President Thein Sein (Photo: President Office)

President Thein Sein

Soon after the election in November, when the realization dawned that the ruling party had suffered a humiliating defeat, Thein Sein said the government would allow a new administration to continue the reform process, adding, "don't worry about the transition." His words went some way to soothing many concerned Burmese haunted by the memory of the 1990 election, when the then ruling junta refused to recognize the result in favor of the NLD. Thus far, the president has given no sign of breaking his promise. If the transition runs smoothly, Thein Sein will be remembered as the first military-backed Burmese head of state to hand over power to a democratically elected government.

 

Myanmar's army chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing addresses reporters during a news conference at the Defence Ministry in Naypyitaw September 21, 2015. (Photo : REUTERS

Myanmar’s army chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing addresses reporters during a news conference at the Defence Ministry in Naypyitaw September 21, 2015. (Photo : REUTERS)

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief of Burma's Armed Forces

Under the 2008 constitution, the military chief has powers rivaling the president. Before the election, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing urged service personnel to vote for a party that would protect race and religion. When the result was tallied, the army chief met with Suu Kyi and pledged cooperation. A statement read: "Both sides agreed to follow the people's wish to collaborate for the country's stability, rule of law, national unity and development during the meeting." The commander-in-chief turns 60 in 2016, the official retirement age for civil servants.

 

Former junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe. (Photo: Reuters)

Former junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe. (Photo: Reuters)

Ex-Dictator Than Shwe

Despite ostensibly stepping away from the political scene in 2011, many still speculate that the former dictator Than Shwe continues to wield influence. His meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi on Dec. 4 suggested the ex-junta leader still wields some political power. The NLD said the meeting could help ensure a smooth political transition in a country only just emerging from decades of repressive military rule. Observers suggest many in the military are still loyal to their former commander-in-chief. If so, the 82-year-old will likely remain an influential figure despite his withdrawal from public life. After his meeting with the NLD chairwoman, many wonder whether he may hold the key to enabling her to officially assume the country's top post.

 

Shwe Mann, Union Parliament Speaker

Shwe Mann, Union Parliament Speaker ( Photo :The Irrawaddy )

Shwe Mann, Union Parliament Speaker

 Shwe Mann, the speaker of Burma's Union Parliament, was dramatically removed from his post as chair of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in a midnight purge on Aug. 12. He has close ties with Aung San Suu Kyi and, despite being a former general, lost popularity in military circles after he expressed support for constitutional reform as Union Parliament Speaker.

Shwe Mann unsuccessfully ran for a Lower House seat in his native Pyu in the November poll. He swiftly accepted defeat and was the first senior member of the USDP to welcome the NLD's victory, meeting Suu Kyi soon thereafter. He was said to be a key facilitator of the meeting between former Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Suu Kyi in early December. The parliamentary speaker has not publically discussed his future plans, but there are suggestions he could be involved in some capacity with the incoming NLD-led government.

 

Nai Hong Sar, head of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT). Photo - JPaing / The Irrawaddy )

Nai Hong Sar, head of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT).( Photo:  The Irrawaddy )

Ethnic Leaders

It was billed as a historic agreement that would kick-start a sustainable peace in Burma for the first time since independence. However, only eight non-state armed groups signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in mid-October, with several major ethnic armed groups withholding their support. Alongside other prominent ethnic leaders, Nai Hong Sar, vice chairman of the New Mon State Party, a non-signatory group, has consistently called for the nationwide pact to be open to all armed groups. The ethnic Mon leader is a vocal proponent of autonomy and genuine federalism for all ethnic nationalities. Nai Hong Sar is also vice-chair of the ethnic alliance, the United Nationalities Federal Council. "He was the main leader who spoke for us," said Tar Bong Kyaw of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, an armed group that Naypyidaw refused to include in the ceasefire pact.

Zipporah Sein is another strong-willed ethnic leader who held her stand against the premature signing of the ceasefire pact despite pressure from the Karen National Union, of which she is vice-chair, whose leadership backed the deal. Prior to the signing, she wrote to key government negotiator Aung Min declining an invitation to attend the ceremony in Naypyidaw while fighting continued in Kachin and Shan states. "The NCA will not be nationwide," she wrote. Many ethnic Karen support Zipporah Sein for her willingness to stand against the KNU's leadership and stay true to her beliefs. She is also respected as one of the few prominent female voices in a peace process dominated by men.

 

Tin Aye, chairman of the Union Election Commission(Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Tin Aye, chairman of the Union Election Commission (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Tin Aye, chairman of the Union Election Commission

Few trusted Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman Tin Aye when the former lieutenant general and ex-lawmaker with the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) first took up the role in 2011. He has talked openly about his strong ties to the military and the party he served, fueling further doubt over his capacity to facilitate a free and fair vote in November. Tin Aye and the commission copped their fair share of criticism—particularly over voter list errors and the process for advance voting. However, following a peaceful poll that was widely regarded as the most credible vote since 1990, the chairman placated many of his critics.

 

U Nayaka

U Nayaka ( Photo The Irrawaddy )

U Nayaka

 Sayadaw U Nayaka, a leading Buddhist monk in Mandalay, founded the Phaung Daw Oo Monastic education school and developed a teaching method different from the typical rote learning education style encountered throughout much of the country. His monastic school was first opened in 1993 as a primary school for disadvantaged children. Ten years later, with renewed emphasis on critical and child centered learning methods, the school expanded to high school level and around 8,000 students were enrolled.

Although the school is under the control of Buddhist monks, there are no restrictions on enrolment based on race or religion. Sayadaw U Nayaka's vision is to provide opportunities for a high quality education to students from all walks of life, as well as promoting interfaith relations.

"My school aims to give free and better education for every child of different race and religions. It's not for religious study. If [the students] want to study religion, they can study after school," the abbot said. For his work developing and promoting a student-centered teaching method radically different to that usually encountered in the country's moribund public education system, Sayadaw U Nayaka has been shortlisted for the prestigious Global Teacher Prize.

 

Student Activists

Phyo Phyo Aung ( Photo :The Irrawaddy )

Student Activists

Student activists hit the headlines earlier this year during nationwide protests against a controversial National Education Law passed in September 2014. Their peaceful protest culminated in a standoff in Pegu Division's Letpadan in March which ended after a brutal police crackdown, leaving several students and their supporters injured and dozens detained. At least 50 students are still in prison, some with serious health concerns, as a drawn out court process continues. Among those under detention include student leaders such as Citizen of Burma 2015 award winner Phyo Phyo Aung, Honey Oo, Nanda Sitt Aung and Kyaw Ko Ko. Three fellow activists Min Thwae Thit, Mar Naw and Kyaw Swar Lin, also in police custody, have been hospitalized for injuries sustained during the violent police crackdown.

 

Aung Ko Win of KBZ

Aung Ko Win of KBZ ( Photo :The Irrawaddy )

Cronies in Changing Times

 Long notorious for their links to the former regime and their involvement in plundering the country's natural resources, many of Burma's well-known cronies have tried to improve their respective public standings by engaging in "philanthropic works" through various charitable endeavors.

Aung Ko Win, the chairman of Kanbawza (KBZ) Group, has often been in the headlines this year for his conglomerate's donations, including to those affected by floods that inundated much of the country in July and August. KBZ also provided free flights home for hundreds of trafficked Burmese fisherman who had spent years working in slave-like conditions in Indonesian waters. The group was also active in providing financial and technical assistance toward providing clean water supply systems to towns across southern Shan State. Since the shocking disaster of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the group has spent more than US$98 million on charity work.

Zaw Zaw, the chairman of the Max Myanmar Group, has not hidden his support for Aung San Suu Kyi and may be positioning himself to capitalize on new political realities that will take shape in Burma next year. Aside from his varied business interests in banking, construction, hotels and more, Zaw Zaw is also chair of the Myanmar Football Federation. It was this latter association that was most highlighted mid-year, as football fever in Burma was running high, with the country's stellar performance during the Southeast Asia Games capped with a finals appearance, where they ultimately succumbed to Thailand.

US blacklisted tycoon Tay Za, chairman of Htoo Group of Companies, is also cultivating ties with the NLD, with his Asia Green Development Bank set to fund training for newly elected NLD lawmakers. Suu Kyi has in the past rejected criticism of such funding offered by businesspersons accused of having close ties with the former regime. "Instead of spending their money on things that have no purpose, they have supported things that they should support," she told reporters in 2013. Some observers have suggested that, beyond politically motivated donations, such well-endowed conglomerates should pour more much-needed funds into charity projects.

 

Kyaw Thu, Founder of Free Funeral Service Society — Rangoon

Kyaw Thu, Founder of Free Funeral Service Society — Rangoon ( Photo :The Irrawaddy )

Kyaw Thu, Founder of Free Funeral Service Society — Rangoon

Burmese actor Kyaw Thu and his wife Shwe Zee Kwet co-founded the Rangoon-based civil society organization Free Funeral Service Society in 2001. The organization provides free funeral services for all those in need, regardless of race, religion or any affiliation. Through his organization, Kyaw Thu has also lent support to relief efforts in Burma, including after this year's nationwide floods.

The FFSS founder's acting career was stunted by the previous military junta following the 2007 Saffron Revolution. He has served as the president of the organization since 2008. Through his works and his well-earned reputation, the group is seen by many as one of the country's most reliable and hardworking charities.

 

volan

Rangoon-based Youth Volunteers' Network (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Rangoon-based Youth Volunteers' Network

The youth network was initiated in November 2011 after floods in the central Burma town of Pakkoku and has since continued its activities helping people in need around the country, with a membership now numbering in the thousands. Contributions are based on public donations and many local celebrities have joined the group's charity events. After flooding hit 12 states and divisions in Burma from July, leaving over 100 people dead and over 1 million affected, the network's contribution to relief efforts was vital. They were also among the first group that arrived at the Mawchi mine in Karenni State's Hpasaung Township after a landslide in October this year to assist with rescue efforts.

 

Artists perform at a rally organized in support of the National League for Democracy in Rangoon before Nov 8 general election. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Artists perform at a rally organized in support of the National League for Democracy in Rangoon before Nov 8 general election. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The Artists That Helped Turn Burma Red

The role of various prominent Burmese artists and performers in the NLD's election campaign cannot be underestimated. While over 90 political parties registered for the Nov. 8 poll, the NLD and the Union Solidarity and Development Party were the only real competitors at the national level.

While artists were seen at the rallies of both parties, those that graced NLD stages appeared of their own volition, while many ostensibly backing the ruling party were reportedly paid for their support. Among the latter group was "Zune Thinzar," a social media celebrity known for her racy photo shoots.

At NLD rallies, one song in particular was sung over and over again. Titled "May May Naing Mha Phyit Mhar Bar," which translates as "Our Mother has to win," in reference to Suu Kyi, the piece was written by local singer Saung Oo Hlaing for the NLD. It proved to be a hit among red-clad supporters of the opposition party. Along with many well-known local performers, Pan Ye Lan (Flower's Road), a musical volunteer group known for busking in order to collect donations for the needy, threw themselves into the NLD's campaign, traveling to remote areas of the country to drum up support.

 

Lawyers stage a demonstration in downtown Rangoon on Wednesday morning to protest the sale of colonial courthouse buildings to hotel consortiums. (PHOTO: Irrawaddy)

Lawyers stage a demonstration in downtown Rangoon to protest the sale of colonial courthouse buildings to hotel consortiums in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burma's Lawyers

As the ranks of Burma's political prisoners increased in 2015, brave local lawyers were as crucial as ever in a country with a notoriously defective judicial system. Well-known lawyer Robert Sann Aung, a nominee for the Martin Ennals Jury Award in 2015, kept up his tireless work defending activists, journalists and ordinary citizens who provoked the authorities' ire. He took on the case of freelance journalist Par Gyi, who was killed in military custody, and also defended Chaw Sandi Tun who was imprisoned for a Facebook post deemed insulting to the military. The Myanmar Lawyers' Network (MLN) has also been active, including in assisting students detained since March for involvement in a peaceful protest against the National Education Law, heritage protection and other politically motivated cases.

 

Hla Myat Tun, LGBT activist(Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Hla Myat Tun, LGBT activist(Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Hla Myat Tun, LGBT activist

Hla Myat Tun was one of several LGBT activists in 2015 that openly challenged prejudices and discriminatory practices in Burma, demanding equality and acceptance of LGBT persons across Burmese society. He leads an LGBT rights organization, Colors Rainbow, that co-organized Burma's inaugural LGBT film festival "& Proud," that aimed to create more space for the LGBT community and constructive conversations and engagement among the broader public. The activist has been working together with the country's Education Ministry to put gender identity and LGBT issues in high school curriculums. He is regarded as among the most prominent advocates on the issue, alongside Aung Myo Min. He spoke at the UN in Geneva in October on related issues ahead of Burma's Universal Periodic Review.

 

Nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu is greeted with respect at a monks' conference in Rangoon in June 2013. (Photo: The Irrawaddy).

Nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu is greeted with respect at a monks’ conference in Rangoon in June 2013. (Photo: The Irrawaddy).


U Wirathu

Burma's most outspoken monk is notorious for being labeled the "The Face of Buddhist Terror" by Time magazine in 2013. Ask him of his most prominent accomplishment this year and he would likely reference the set of four so-called "Protection of Race and Religion Laws," the last of which was passed by Parliament in August. Rights groups have criticized the laws as discriminatory against women and religious minorities. His name has become virtually synonymous with home-grown anti-Muslim nationalist group Ma Ba Tha, of which he is a leading member. So relentless is his Buddhist nationalist rhetoric that earlier this year, the 47-year-old monk infamously referred to UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee as a "bitch" and a "whore" after she criticized the race and religion laws. Though his remarks were widely condemned internationally, no such censure came from Burma's government. Thus far, the race and religion laws have had a perhaps unforeseen outcome, with the Monogamy Law being invoked in several cases by women against their unfaithful Buddhist husbands.

The post Who's Who in Burma: 2015 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kyaukphyu SEZ Tender Awarded to CITIC-led Consortium

Posted: 31 Dec 2015 01:43 AM PST

 Preliminary development at the Kyaukphyu special economic zone in 2014. (Photo: Ko Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Preliminary development at the Kyaukphyu special economic zone in 2014. (Photo: Ko Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — After a long-running tender process beset by delays, on Wednesday a government committee finally announced the successful bidders for development of the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Burma's Arakan State.

The project's bid evaluation committee announced that two tenders, one for development of the deep-sea port and the other for development of the industrial zone, were each awarded to a consortium led by CITIC, a Chinese state-owned conglomerate.

According to the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar, a tender for development of a "high-class housing project" was rejected as bids did not meet the project's requirements. A total of 10 bidders were considered for the three tenders, the evaluation committee said.

Burma's president Thein Sein met a delegation led by CITIC chairman Chang Zheng Min on Dec. 24 in Naypyidaw, just days after he called for the results of the Kyaukphyu tender to be promptly announced "so that the next government can continue to implement the project."

Lawmakers approved initial development of the Kyaukphyu SEZ on Tuesday, with over 400 MPs voting in favor of the 4,289-acre project, the first phase of which the government hopes to begin next year.

China's official Xinhua News Agency reported on Thursday that the CITIC-led consortium included five Chinese and one Thai company, Charoen Pokphand Group. Alongside CITIC are Chinese firms: China Harbor Engineering Company, China Merchants Holdings (International), TEDA Investment Holding and Yunnan Construction Engineering Group, according to Xinhua.

The project's bid evaluation committee said it would present contractual details to the government's central body overseeing special economic zones, as established under the 2014 Special Economic Zone Law, for approval.

Since the motion to approve the Kyaukphyu project was tabled in Parliament, local civil society groups in Arakan State have urged lawmakers to delay the project—citing its potential negative environmental and social impacts—until a new government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) takes office next year. More than 100 non-profit organizations have called for talks on the project with representatives of the new government.

The post Kyaukphyu SEZ Tender Awarded to CITIC-led Consortium appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Cartoons Celebrate Centenary in Rangoon

Posted: 31 Dec 2015 01:13 AM PST

A two-day event to mark 100 years of Burmese cartoons opened at the Myanmar Convention Centre in Rangoon on Wednesday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

A two-day event to mark 100 years of Burmese cartoons opened at the Myanmar Convention Centre in Rangoon on Wednesday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — An event to mark 100 years of Burmese cartoons kicked off in Rangoon on Wednesday, with a free exhibition at the Myanmar Convention Centre featuring cartoon books, souvenir stalls and demonstrations by prominent local practitioners of the art form.

Chairman of the organizing committee for the two-day event, cartoonist Maung Maung Aung, said the occasion was a rare moment that put local cartoons in the spotlight.

"Cartoons will survive as long as there are people in this world, because cartoons reflect people's desires and needs," Maung Maung Aung told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.

Despite his optimistic outlook, he acknowledged that cartoon books were at risk of being sidelined in an increasingly digitized culture.

The centenary is marked this year as, in 1915, Shwe Ta Lay (U Bagalay) first published a cartoon for the Rangoon College magazine.

"We hope this event will gather Burmese cartoonists together and create conversations about founding an Association of Burmese Cartoonists," Maung Maung Aung said.

Cartoonist Poe Zar, the creator of the famous fictional twin sisters Lay Mon and Htwe Mon, said youth today have so many interests that reading cartoons is often not high on the agenda.

"Cartoonists also need to know what kind of medium they should select to attract young readers. For example, online could be a very good medium," he said.

"But the nature of cartoonists is they prefer sketching on paper rather than drawing for the digitalized medium."

Young illustrator Edo Vader told The Irrawaddy that the event was an ideal opportunity for the country's cartoonists to discuss how to take the medium forward.

"The event can raise public interest in these kinds of cartoons which need to be restored, as this is also part of literature," he said.

The post Burmese Cartoons Celebrate Centenary in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clashes Continue Between Arakan Army and Govt Troops in Kyauktaw Township

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 11:48 PM PST

 The Arakan Army's 5th anniversary celebrations in Laiza, Kachin State, April 2014. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)

The Arakan Army's 5th anniversary celebrations in Laiza, Kachin State, April 2014. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Arakan Army said it has clashed with government troops on more than 20 occasions since fighting broke out in Arakan State's Kyauktaw Township on Sunday. At least one civilian was reportedly injured during ongoing fighting, according to a local relief group.

The Arakan Army (AA)'s Col Nyo Twan Awng said clashes had continued over four consecutive days near the Ram Chaung tributary in Kyauktaw Township, with several AA soldiers killed or wounded.

"Government soldiers are patrolling in the AA's operating area and that's why skirmishes broke out," Nyo Twan Awng said. "We need to ask the government why they are using excessive military force to fight us."

The AA colonel claimed at least 20 Burma Army troops had been killed, an assertion that could not be immediately verified by The Irrawaddy. Hla Thein, head of public relations for the Arakan State government, was contacted for comment but declined to be drawn on military matters.

The armed group also claimed government troops used mortars during attacks which first broke out near the Sittwe-Rangoon highway in Kyauktaw Township, northern Arakan State, on Sunday.

Tun Khin, a community leader in Kyauktaw Township, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that villagers in some conflict-affected areas of the township had fled their homes to escape fighting.

Maung Win of a Kyauktaw-based relief organization said a local of Thapyuchaung village, Maung Than Sein, sustained a bullet wound and was now being treated at Sittwe Hospital. Several local reporters have claimed that the victim was acting as a porter for the Burma Army at the time he was shot.

Burma Army troops clashed several times with Arakan Army forces in a number of areas in the western state beginning in late March.

The Arakan Army is also based in Laiza, Kachin State, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is headquartered, and has been active in conflict areas where the KIA, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) have clashed with government troops.

The government declined to allow the TNLA, AA and MNDAA to sign the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement concluded in mid-October, while the KIA, alongside several other major ethnic armed groups, withheld its signature.

The post Clashes Continue Between Arakan Army and Govt Troops in Kyauktaw Township appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Muslims Pin Hopes on NLD Government, Says Campaigner

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 05:14 PM PST

Yan Naing, a lawyer and candidate for the United National Congress in the 2015 election. (Photo: Htet Khaung Lin / Myanmar Now)

Yan Naing, a lawyer and candidate for the United National Congress in the 2015 election. (Photo: Htet Khaung Lin / Myanmar Now)

RANGOON — Former political prisoner Yan Naing is a politician and activist from the Irrawaddy Delta. A member of Burma's Muslim minority, he was a second generation supporter of the National League for Democracy.

As a campaign manager for an NLD candidate in the 2012 elections, he faced some resistance from inside the party. He left the NLD before the 2015 elections, in which the party failed to field a single Muslim candidate amid rising anti-Muslim and nationalistic rhetoric in Burma.

Yan Naing, a lawyer by profession, joined the United National Congress (UNC), a historically Muslim party, and ran in Thingangyun constituency for a Lower House seat. Like all his fellow UNC candidates, as well as many other non-NLD candidates, he lost.

He spoke again to Myanmar Now about his thoughts on the future of Muslims in Burma as the new NLD government prepares to take office.

Are you concerned that there will be less discussion on the rights of Muslims in parliament since no Muslim candidate was elected in the Nov. 8 elections?

 When it comes to discussing the issues concerning Muslims, perhaps the NLD will take up that responsibility. But they would only be able to say what they've heard, as they wouldn’t be able to feel exactly like a Muslim would.

What is the view of Muslims on the political parties that did not field Muslim candidates?

A lot of Muslims feel very sad about this, especially that the NLD didn't field a single Muslim candidate. But most of the Muslims voted for the NLD anyway in order to get democracy. They still have a lot of confidence in the NLD.

Communal and religious conflicts have broken out in recent years in Myanmar. Some in authority seem to favor nationalistic groups. Do you think the next government will challenge this?

It is good to protect your own religion. But I think it is not appropriate to misunderstand, attack and discriminate against other religions, especially Islam. Some accused the NLD of favoring Muslims and called them all sorts of names. I think the NLD needs to work hard to negotiate with these people. The new government needs to build up mutual trust among the people in different faiths.

There may be some people within the party who have a misunderstanding of Muslims. What do you think?

It depends on Aung San Suu Kyi. She needs to manage this. Our Muslim groups and parties also need to hold discussions with the NLD. In terms of my personal experience, there were people who objected to my appointment as the campaign manager of NLD in Myaungmya Township during the 2012 by-election. It was a shock—the people who protested included those who were close to me. It seems like they didn't want Muslims taking up important roles in the NLD.

Which kind of laws do Muslims think they will need to ensure citizen rights in the new government?

It is important to align Burma's citizenship law to meet international norms. The government needs to reform procedures of the immigration department which mention ethnicity and religion to ensure citizen rights for all nationalities. My family is of Indian descent and the third generation here. My grandmother was a Burmese citizen. Some say the colonial era law discriminated against Burmese nationals and favored Muslims, but it is unfair to exact revenge on us now. Today's Muslims in Burma are (often) descendants of Muslim men and Myanmar women. I think we need to make the new government understand this.

During the post-election period, some nationalistic groups used anti-Muslim rhetoric and claimed the Islamic flag was the flag of ISIS. Do you think this could lead to conflict?

Every Muslim home has the words of the prayer to Allah in Arabic. These words are misused by ISIS. Just because you have these holy words doesn't make you ISIS. Our Muslim community has the responsibility to explain this. Islamic leaders in Burma have issued statements declaring that ISIS is misusing Islam. We don't believe in ISIS or al Qaeda and we will not be influenced by them. But I am worried that these accusations of all Muslims being linked to ISIS would push them towards that. Burma's Muslims may be oppressed but we have no interest in rebelling against our country. The Prophet Mohammad taught us that loving one's birthplace is half of the faith to Islam.

Do you think statements and interfaith conferences are enough to resolve misunderstandings? What more can be done?

Those who misunderstand Islam usually do not attend these interfaith conferences so the impact is still limited. I think if we can really explain clearly what Islam is and isn’t, the misunderstanding would be reduced.

What is your view on recent attempts by Myanmar authorities to send Kaman Muslims to refugee camps in Ramree of Arakan State?

It is a violation of human rights and citizenship rights. They are Burmese citizens, and they have rights to visit any part of the country. I moved to Rangoon from Myaungmya more than a year and a half ago. But immigration officials have not allowed us to have our family registration in Rangoon. This is a human rights violation.

What reform plans should be made in immigration sector?

They need a lot of changes. The motto of "Your race will not disappear by the earth swallowing you, but by another (race) swallowing you" seems to target Muslims. This motto is quite extreme and aggressive. Due to unfair and corrupt immigration officers, those who cannot speak the Burmese language have national identity cards, but those who can speak it and have been living for many years in Burma are still holding foreigner registration cards. This needs to be resolved.

This interview first appeared at Myanmar Now.

The post Burma's Muslims Pin Hopes on NLD Government, Says Campaigner appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hope Renewed as a New Year Dawns in Burma

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 05:06 PM PST

National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters celebrating the NLD's win as the votes were counted after the poll on November 8. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters celebrating the NLD's win as the votes were counted after the poll on November 8. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Another year draws to a close, but it was far from 'just another year' in Burma.

In November, people from all walks of life across the country headed to their local polling stations to cast votes in Burma's general election. The National League for Democracy (NLD) was the beneficiary of an overwhelming mandate for change.

To the surprise of many seasoned Burma watchers, the poll was widely regarded as credible and, importantly, violence-free. The extent of the NLD's victory, which saw them claim majorities in both legislatures, was also unexpected but welcomed by many who have long fought for the democracy cause.

After the political vanquishing of the military-backed ruling party, the president and army chief vowed to facilitate a peaceful transition during separate meetings with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

With the drawn-out political handover still in motion, many observers will be keenly watching the process, with the memory of past, unmet pledges still fresh in the collective memory.

After decades of military rule, whether the country's slow transition toward democracy will continue, only time will tell.

Burmese politics is seldom without intrigue and the Nov. 8 vote was followed by an unexpected meeting between Suu Kyi and former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe.

That confab in Naypyidaw kicked off speculation that the former junta leader would support Suu Kyi as the country's "future leader" despite a clause in the military-drafted Constitution that effectively bars her from the role.

The word around Naypyidaw is that the 70-year-old NLD chairwoman is not out of the running to formally assume the country's top post. Just how this would occur is, again, an open question.

Backed by a stunning democratic mandate, Suu Kyi is the rightful leader of the country and has repeatedly said that, regardless of her official position in government, she would act as leader.

Internationally, there is renewed interest in Burma, not to mention renewed optimism, as reflected in The Economist's designation of Burma as its "country of the year."

The NLD-led government will no doubt have much goodwill behind it, but it will have to hit the ground running. A raft of issues awaits, including the peace process, the ailing crony and military-dominated economy, health and education reform.

While the election result ensured the year ended on a bright note, it wasn't all smooth sailing. Fierce fighting flared in the Kokang Special Region in February; deadly floods inundated swathes of the country mid-year; the ranks of Burma's political prisoners grew and religious nationalism simmered on, fueled by the outspoken Buddhist nationalist group Ma Ba Tha.

Trusting their hopes and rising above the politics of fear, Burmese people overwhelmingly voted for change.

In an ideal scenario for many, Suu Kyi would be able to assume the presidency in 2016. Regardless, the military will remain the country's preeminent institution, with a quarter of seats in Parliament and control of the home, border and defense portfolios.

Despite this, there are signs the military may be preparing for its own transition, with some leaders potentially viewing the army as needing to adapt to new realities.

The majority of Burmese have modest expectations for the year ahead, but broadly desire a better standard of living and more opportunities to secure a brighter future. Already, there are more smiles on the streets.

As the current government's term slowly winds down, many will bring in the New Year cautiously optimistic as to what lies ahead. After so many years of dictatorship and repression, hope is on the rise.

On that note, we wish our readers a healthy and happy 2016 and thank you for your loyal support. Stay tuned!

The post Hope Renewed as a New Year Dawns in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


NATIONAL RECONCILIATION: Is NLD treating the ethnic nationalities as insignificant?

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 06:50 PM PST

Actually Aung San Suu Kyi's plate is full even before her government in waiting takes up position. Aside from having to work on the transition of political power from quasi-civilian Thein Sein regime to her election winning National League for Democracy (NLD), thinking of ways to overcome the Section 59 (F) that bars her from becoming President and preparing personnel to run the government, ministries and so on, she still has to think of how to lay the groundwork and   formation of the national reconciliation government.

When one talks about national reconciliation it is meant the workable political power sharing formula between the ethnic nationalities, the military and the NLD. And this is also what Aung San Suu Kyi has promised on the eve of her NLD landslide election victory to be her first priority and has already taken steps to realize it.

To date she has met President Thein Sein, Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing and the retired Senior-General Than Shwe, who is believed to be the over all real boss of the military, better known as Tatmadaw.

It was believed that a deal has been struck between the military and Aung San Suu Kyi, for after meeting the trio separately, the power transfer procedure accelerated in leaps and bounds, whereas the President and Commander-in-Chief had been reluctant to cooperate prior to Suu Kyi's meeting with the Senior-General Than Shwe.

While she has been quick, demanding and at time plainly showed her frustration, in approaching the military to realize her reconciliation scheme, she is somewhat reluctant and unnecessary slow, when it comes to the part of meeting the ethnic nationalities, whether be it political parties or armed resistance movements.

Let us look at this portion of her activities in the aftermath of her public position declaration to form national reconciliation government, comprising of ethnic nationalities and the military.

NLD meets ethnic nationalities

To date, the NLD has met the 8 ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) that have signed the NCA after repeated approach of the latter, while meeting the other 13 EAOs that are non-signatories have so far not taken place. The NLD said that meeting the latter group would only be able to realize after it takes over the reign of power, at the end of March 2016.

Likewise, Suu Kyi's long stated desire to meet the ethnic political parties has also not taken place at this writing for reasons unknown. The United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) is an eight party ethnic political alliance that has worked closely with the NLD, under the banner of Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP), during the repressive years of two military regimes, State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), that lasted some two decades.

The UNA members are: the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the Mon National Party (MNP), the Kayah National Party (KNP), the Kachin National Democracy Congress Party (KNDCP), the Arakan National Party (ANP), the Zomi Democracy League Party (ZDLP), the Karen National Party (KNP), and the Shan State Kokang Democratic Party (SSKDP).

On 29 December 2015, the UNA met at SNLD office in Rangoon to figure out on how to go about with the cooperation regarding ethnic nationalities and union related issues, if NLD decided to discuss them with the UNA.

At the end of the two days meeting U Aye Thar Aung, central committee member of ANP said: "We discussed quite comprehensively on relation with the NLD. NLD and UNA had worked together in the aftermath of the 1990 elections, especially under the organization (banner) of CRPP. Now in 2015, the NLD won the election again, while four parties from UNA also won. Therefore, the issues (of cooperation) on inner and outside of parliament, ethnic nationalities, internal peace, federal union formation and 2008 constitutional amendments will be discussed and implemented, if NLD would reach out to the UNA", according to the Eleven Media report on 29 December 2015.

NLD's interaction with UPDJC

The interaction with the NLD and Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) at the start was somewhat icy and guarded.

NLD spokesperson U Win Htein at the end of November 2016 said that he couldn't see any reason to involve small parties considered proxy parties of the USDP that didn't even won the election and the UPDJC acted as if election has never occurred.

He stressed and told Myanmar Now: "In the future, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will look at this process. We will review the processes of the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC)." 

A few weeks later, on 15 December, U Nyan Win, attending the UPDJC meeting as NLD representative gave blessing and approved the stakeholders' quota, incorporated in the framework for political dialogue (FPD), tabled by the 8 EAOs, which were said to be problematic among the participants.

Meeting minutes of the two days gathering leaking out suggested that SNLD, ANP and UNA were not sharing the 7 party formula that the UPDJC, including NLD, has accepted with the simple majority vote and asked that it be recorded that a lot of political parties were not fully of the same opinion.

"The ethnic armed groups thanked the NLD for approving the political dialogue framework draft. The approved framework is a firm pledge to ethnic minorities. All stakeholders agreed to change the approved framework if needed," said Dr Salai Lian Hmung of the Chin National Front.

Later on the NLD's cordial and cooperation posture, in contrast to the icy position just a few weeks back was made known, when party spokesman U Nyan Win said: "The NLD won't ever step back from the peace process. We are here to show we are cooperating."

Committee representatives plan to hold the first round of formal dialogue  on 12 January 2016, and they have decided to invite 150 representatives each from government, the parliament, the military, ethnic armed groups as well as political parties. The committee will also invite 50 individual ethnic representatives and 50 other participants.
 
NLD changing tack?

The initial political posture of the NLD, or better its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, is all-inclusiveness participation in the peace process. She even refused to sign the NCA on 8 December 2015, on the ground for lack of all-inclusiveness.

On 7 December 2015,  during the parliamentary debate session, NLD party MP Dr May Win Myint gave three reasons for not signing the NCA by her party.

"Our NLD Chairperson didn't sign on this NCA. The main reason behind not signing this agreement is its failure to cover the entire nation and it is in the nature of partial coverage only. And another reason is it can likely create misunderstanding among signatory organizations and non-signatory organizations and the last reason is the government may likely exert pressure on non-signatory armed organizations," Dr May Win Myint said, according to the report of Mizzima on 8 December 2015.

One and a half week later, at a meeting on 17 December 2015,  Aung San Suu Kyi revealed to the 8  ethnic armed signatories of Burma's so-called "nationwide" ceasefire agreement why she opted not to sign the contentious pact and explained her plans for advancing the country's peace process.

Suu Kyi hosted 8 EAOs' leaders from the Karen National Union (KNU), Chin National Front (CNF), Pa-O National Organization (PNO), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), among other groups, at Suu Kyi's rule of law office in the capital Naypyitaw.

"Aung San Suu Kyi told us she wants to avoid additional disunity between ethnic armed signatories and non-signatories," said KNU secretary Pado Kwe Htoo Win, adding that although Suu Kyi agreed with the ceasefire text, which was drafted by ethnic armed groups and the government, she wanted all ethnic groups to be involved in efforts to resolve ethnic conflict, according to the 19 December 2015 report of The Irrawaddy.

And thus, the change of tack from the part of NLD becomes clear that it is abandoning the stance of all-inclusiveness to approve the framework for political dialogue and has given the green light, which includes the exclusion of Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Arakan Army (AA) and Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) in the Union Peace Convention.

NLD's position on States Chief Minister election

Apart from the NLD or Suu Kyi's changing of tack on the issue of all-inclusiveness of the EAOs in NCA and the reluctance to meet the UNA,  a senior member of NLD said on 24 December 2015, the party planned to appoint NLD lawmakers to chief minister posts across Burma's state and regional parliaments, dashing and crushing the hopes of at least one major ethnic political party that had publicly coveted to such a position.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy, NLD central committee member Nang Khin Htwe Myint said chief ministers of Burma's state parliaments would be ethnic NLD candidates, as selected by the country's new president according to the 2008 Constitution.

If what Nang Khin Htwe Myint said is the policy of NLD and meant to be that of Aung San Suu Kyi, we are in for a latent conflict between the NLD and ethnic nationalities as a whole instead of a cooperation to build a just and fair genuine federal union.



It is all along understood that the democratic camp, including the NLD, are of the opinion that the Chief State Minister should be elected by the people of the concerned state and not the Union President, as prescribed by the military-drafted constitution.

The NLD was sympathetic when the ethnic MPs were trying to change this section so that they could elect their own State Chief Minister. But now it is going to use the constitutional privilege that is granted to the President to put its own people as State Chief Ministers.

It is understandable, if the NLD exercises such authority in states and regions that it has won with the majority. But at least it should endorse and support the home-grown political parties candidates in Arakan and Shan States, where the ethnic parties won with a big margin and achieved sizeable seats more than the NLD.

In Rakhine (Arakan) State legislature,  ANP won 23 seats with 48.9%, the appointed Military would occupy 12 seats with 25.5%,  NLD won 9 seats with 19.1%, and  USDP won 3 seats with 6.4%, making ANP the most winning party.

But in Shan State legislature, the appointed Military would occupy 39 seats with 27.5%, USDP won 33 seats with 23.2%, SNLD won 25 seats with 17.6%,  NLD won 23 seats with 16.2%, and the other won 22 seats 15.5% [TNP 7; PNO 6; Lahu NDP 2; WDP 2; Akha NDP 1; Lisu NDP 1; SNDP 1; Wa National United Party (WNUP) 1; Independent 1] (Source: Transnational Institute, Amsterdam – 17 December 2015)

Sum up and analysis

Thein Sein regime, in its last ditch effort, is doing everything to go down in the history as a reformer and projecting the Union Peace Convention (UPC), on 12 January 2016, as the only game in town. Further, it is using all means to woo the non-signatory EAOs to join the fray as special invitees.

This, however, is unlikely to happen for the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), which is the bulwark of non-signatory alliance of 8 armed ethnic groups,  is not ready to give the regime's peace process a legitimacy touch, for by attending the UPC it would mean that it agrees to the NCA signed on 15 October with the 8 EAOs and also the FPD approved on 15 December. Other than that, attending the convention would be tantamount to the acceptance of the all-inclusiveness rejection posture argued and promoted by the Thein Sein regime.

The regime exclusion of MNDAA, AA and PSLF/TNLA is, in the words of Ma Htung, Program Manager of the Ethnic Nationalities Affairs Center (ENAC) with close link to the UNFC: " They were in the process until the NCA [was signed], but what stopped them was [a lack of] inclusiveness—their only demand was to include all groups [in the agreement]. Why did the government not want to accept all groups? This is nonsense, real nonsense."

The labelling of MNDAA or Kokang as foreigners (Chinese), aided by China and rejecting it as foreign proxy from the peace process is neither appropriate nor logical, for the Kokangnese have been there for hundreds of years ruled by their Saohpas until 1958 and also categorically included as one of the 135 ethnic groups acknowledged by the successive Burmese regimes.

The same is true to the AA and TNLA. For the Thein Sein regime, it is like saying that "the friend of my enemy is my enemy", not unlike the motto of "the enemy of my enemy is my friend".

The AA and MNDAA have been fighting along together with the MNDAA, since the outbreak of war in Kokang area, in early February 2015.

In addition, the regime has visited and invited UWSA and NDAA also known as Mong La to attend the January UPC, but so far the two groups have not replied.
Regarding the State Chief Ministers' appointment, the NLD should show broad-mindedness to prove that it is keeping it's promises to amend the constitution to be a genuine federalism, by accommodating home-grown ethnic political parties MPs ( SNLD and ANP for example) and not making use of the unfair power monopoly of the President drafted by the military clique.

It is now up to the NLD to choose, whether it would opt for cooperation with the ethnic nationalities or confrontation, which in turn will also help determine if it is for real justified genuine federalism or watered down version of unitary system with some democratic window dressing that the military clique is keen to employ.

Concerning the NLD delayed meeting with the non-signatory EAOs, who are still considered illegal organizations, some said it could be because of the Unlawful Association Act, Section 17/1, which is punishable if one is to be in association with such groups. Convincing enough, for Suu Kyi and her henchmen are not in the government yet until the end of March, in 2016. And as such couldn't risk to be in conflict with the rule of law.

Finally, Suu Kyi and NLD should prove that they really mean business and reach out to the eagerly waiting UNA, to fulfil the campaign promises of national reconciliation, without delay.

The Contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SUD) – Editor

Wednesday, December 30, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Child Sex Abuse Cases Spark Community Outrage, Calls for Harsher Sentences

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 03:16 AM PST

Child rights activist Khin Than Htwe, second from right, pictured with a family she is providing support to in Moulmein. (Khin Than Htwe / Facebook)

Child rights activist Khin Than Htwe, second from right, pictured with a family she is providing support to in Moulmein. (Khin Than Htwe / Facebook)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — After a number of recent high profile cases, campaigners have become increasingly strident in their demands for harsher punishments to be meted out to perpetrators in child sexual abuse cases.

The lack of effective judicial deterrent has been a source of outrage, with many appearing in court on sex abuse charges sentenced to prison terms of 12 months or less. Compounding the problem is a common pattern of denial by parents when asked to confront instances of child sexual abuse within their families, leaving victims vulnerable to future attacks.

In one recent example, a doctor working as an obstetrician and gynecologist in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy the case of a 7-year-old girl, who was brought to her clinic by her mother after an extended period of vaginal bleeding. The mother thought she had begun menstruating, but the checkup revealed the girl had been raped.

"But the mother could not believe it," she said, adding that parents often did not want to accept their children had been subjected to such a heinous crime.

Meanwhile, those subject to attacks suffer from lifelong trauma, chronic health problems, and in the worst cases, die from their injuries.

Not Safe with Neighbors

It remains customary for ordinary mothers and fathers in Burma to trust their neighbors with the care of their children, particularly in rural areas where older members of the community need to work the land.

Yet in almost all cases of child sex abuse, particularly those widely reported on in recent months, neighbors are the alleged perpetrators. Reported cases of immediate family members abusing their young siblings or children are also on the rise.

In two separate cases in Moulmein, a girl under the age of four and a five-year-old girl were sexually assaulted by their neighbors. Both perpetrators came before the same judge. Both men were immediately granted bail.

In one harrowing instance, a 14-year-old girl was abducted from her home in Mon State's Kyauktan village and taken to a house in the border town of Myawaddy, where she was shackled and raped repeatedly over four days. Her kidnapper remains at large despite her rescue.

In October and November, the rape of two girls aged four and eight in separate cases sparked an outburst of public anger in Sittwe. One of the perpetrators was serving as a soldier in the Burma Army, while the other had recently deserted. Both victims died from their injuries.

The perpetrator in one case was quickly handed over to a military tribunal, which quickly sentenced him to 12 months in prison. Following a riotous protest outside Sittwe's central police station, the accused is now before a civilian court.

Khin Than Htwe, a community worker in Moulmein, told The Irrawaddy the case of a young girl repeatedly raped by her older brothers in Mon State's Nyaung Gone village, who were sentenced to only five months' imprisonment.

"There is no protection for her. She had to live with her brothers again after that," she said.

Law Favors Culprits

Sexual abuse of young children are the most common rape cases, according to police records published in local media.

In Burma, children under 14 are afforded a wide range of legal protections under the Child Law, but there are little or no legal protections for children vulnerable to abuse. Aye Nu Sein, a Sittwe-based lawyer and vice-chair of the Arakan National Party (ANP), pointed out that there is no difference in charges or sentencing between those rapists who attack adults and those who sexually abuse children.

A handful of lawyers, politicians and activists have called for legal reform to increase sentences for those who engage in child sexual abuse, but so far, attempts to legislate harsher punishments for perpetrators have failed.

Part of the reason for the deadlock could be attributed to the demands of the more strident campaigners, including a concerted push to mandate the death penalty, a demand from which incumbent lawmakers have quietly recoiled.

Outgoing lawmaker Thein Nyunt of the New National Democracy Party has spent years campaigning for an increase in prison sentences and the imposition of capital punishment for child sex abusers, a view he reiterated to The Irrawaddy.

“There have been many things we have done to prevent sexual assault of children, but cases have increased," he claimed. "We must prevent it by trying to put fear in the perpetrators. Therefore capital punishment should be imposed. One punishment could prevent at least 20,000 children from being sexually assaulted."

Thein Nyunt's views appear to be gaining traction. Kyaut Sein, a social activist helping the families of the victims in Sittwe, is outraged at the lenient sentence handed recently handed down by the military court. Echoing widespread sentiment in the town, she agreed that perpetrators guilty of child sexual abuse should be subjected to capital punishment.

"The death penalty should be given to those rapists, to prevent further rapes against the children," she said.

Lawyer Robert San Aung, noted for his involvement as defense counsel in a number of high profile human rights cases, agreed that execution was a just punishment for the crime, citing the need for a strong deterrent to protect Burma's "stability".

"As cases of rape against young children are on the increase, harsh punishment is desperately needed," he told The Irrawaddy. "It seems we have to accept capital punishment. The more the increase in the child sexual assault, the more it will impact on the stability of the country."

Others, while conceding the need for stronger punishments, stopped short of supporting mandatory capital punishment, saying that more focus was needed on prevention mechanisms and awareness.

"The death penalty is a strong word, said Htoot May, an ANP member recently elected to an Upper House seat in Arakan State. "We need to protect our children, and we need stronger laws to do that."

Khin Oo Tha contributed to this report.

The post Child Sex Abuse Cases Spark Community Outrage, Calls for Harsher Sentences appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt to Reconsider Latest Car Import Policy

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 03:08 AM PST

Cars travel through a street market in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Cars travel through a street market in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — In light of mounting objections, the Burma government will reconsider part of its plan to change, once again, the country's car import policy.

Zaw Htay, director of the President's Office, announced on his Facebook page following a meeting with President Thein Sein on Wednesday that industry-wide discontent with the new policy has prompted renegotiation with relevant departments.

He added that the Ministry of Commerce will give particular consideration to imported cars that have licenses issued by the ministry and cars that are already on their way to ports in Burma.

The ministry made the controversial announcement on Dec. 15, stating that the old policy would expire on Dec. 24 and the new one would take effect from Jan. 1.

The new policy states that private passenger vehicles are the only type of automobiles manufactured between 2006 and 2013 allowed for import. In addition, buses, trucks and other vehicles must be manufactured between 2014 and 2016 to gain import approval. The two groups have distinct permits, with importers required to pay taxes according to the vehicle's list value.

Soe Tun, chairman of the Myanmar Automobile Dealers Association, said that there have been policy inconsistencies between the Ministry of Commerce and the Department of Transportation since the new car import policy was rolled out, including their handling of cars imported in 2015.

"The Department of Transportation should issue licenses to cars imported in 2015 and do so for these cars again in 2016, because these cars will not all arrive at the same time," he said.

"However, the department said it won't issue licenses for these cars, which is a major problem. That's why we sent a letter of complaint to the government."

Since the quasi-civilian government came to power in 2011, Burma's car import policy has been changed some 10 times, causing ongoing adjustment issues for many imported car showrooms, individual import dealers and other related business.

"The transportation department has said that it won't take responsibility [for policy challenges] and to send imported cars back to Japan. This is just really irresponsible," Soe Tun said.

He added, "There are already many imported cars inside our ports waiting to receive licenses. What we want is to hold issuing a license for them until next year, at which point the new policy would be applied to these cars, too."

South Korean, Japanese, American, German and Chinese car dealers have recently opened showrooms in Rangoon. Yet Soe Tun said that only 1,000 new cars have been imported out of the estimated 300,000 to 400,000 brought into to Burma.

Ko Tun Myat, a private car dealer, echoed frustrations with Burma's ever-changing car policy.

"Regulations change every year. How can we possibly follow them? We've spent a lot of time trying to obtain import licenses for cars that haven't arrived yet, and then the [transportation] department refuses to issue them," he said.

"What are we supposed to do? The government needs to take responsibility for its policy."

The Irrawaddy called the Ministry of Commerce for additional information, but Toe Aung Myint, permanent secretary of the ministry, could not be reached for comment.

The post Govt to Reconsider Latest Car Import Policy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ma Ba Tha Supporters Threaten to ‘Skin’ Reporters

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 01:39 AM PST

Protesters hold posters and shout as they protest in support of Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo two Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, in front of the Thai embassy in Rangoon on Dec. 25. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Protesters hold posters and shout as they protest in support of Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo two Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, in front of the Thai embassy in Rangoon on Dec. 25. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Buddhist nationalist group Ma Ba Tha and anti-Muslim firebrands greeted reporters at a protest on Tuesday with more inflammatory rhetoric and threats.

The protest, held at Bosein Mhan in Rangoon, was against the death sentence handed down to Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo, two Thailand-based Burmese migrant workers accused of killing British backpackers David Miller and Hannah Witheridge on Koh Tao in September 2014.

Journalists from different media outlets were covering the rally, allegedly led by Ma Ba Tha and the Myanmar National Network, when Ma Ba Tha supporters pulled a boy onto the field for supposedly disturbing the protest. Several journalists were ready with their cameras.

"Beat the reporters, skin those guys," one of the supporters said.

On Wednesday, several private newspapers reported that a minor quarrel erupted at the Ma Ba Tha demonstration and that one of the attendees attempted to attack journalists with a brick, though other rally participants were able to restrain him.

Ma Ba Tha supporters marched from Bosein Mhan to Shwedagon Pagoda, after which they marched to the Thai embassy in order to deliver an open letter.

Protests have flashed and flared in Rangoon since Friday, the day after a Koh Samui court sentenced Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo to death.

The post Ma Ba Tha Supporters Threaten to 'Skin' Reporters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Koh Tao Verdict: Lingering Questions as Protests Continue

Posted: 30 Dec 2015 12:04 AM PST

Protesters outside the Thai embassy in Rangoon on Dec. 25. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Protesters outside the Thai embassy in Rangoon on Dec. 25. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — On Dec. 24, the Koh Samui Provincial Court sentenced Wai Phyo and Zaw Lin to death for the murders of British tourists Hannah Witheridge and David Miller on the Thai resort island of Koh Tao.

Thai journalists, forensic experts, rights activists and social media activists have highlighted numerous flaws in the police investigation, and doubts over the guilt of the Burmese migrant duo have sparked protests in various locations across Burma in the days since.

Military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has joined Buddhist monks, Burma's envoy to Thailand and the Myamar National Human Rights Commission in questioning the evidence used to convict the pair.

On the other hand, at least one of the victims' families believes the verdict was justified by the "overwhelming evidence" of Wai Phyo and Zaw Lin's guilt.

"We came to realize that the [Thai] police investigation and the forensic work performed was not the so-called shambles it was made out to be," said Michael Miller, brother of David, reading from a statement on behalf of his family on the courtroom steps soon after the Burmese men were condemned to death.

While the murders of Witheridge and Miller garnered an avalanche of press coverage in the United Kingdom, British authorities have been circumspect in their comments on the case. A UK Foreign Office spokesman was quoted in the Guardian shortly after the verdict, reiterating the British government's opposition to the death penalty. A reference to the murders of Miller and Witheridge remains on the government's travel advisory website.

A British police delegation visited the island late last year, later telling the families of the deceased that the evidence against the accused was overwhelming. Migrant activist Andy Hall, who assisted with and raised funds for the defense of the accused, claimed that the UK investigators had not considered allegations the pair were tortured into their confession. A UK High Court judge later blocked the release of the delegation's full report, not without first stating his misgivings.

"The UK government role was disappointing and concerning," Hall told The Irrawaddy, also stating that the defense team respected the opinion of the Miller family while disagreeing with their opinion of the investigation, trial and verdict.

Hall added that the failure to provide a full and prompt disclosure of all information relating to the case may have led the UK government into a passive breach of its protocols on overseas criminal cases involving the death penalty.

Several other observers have suggested that the British police delegation took representations made to them by Thai investigators on trust, rather than jeopardizing the smooth bilateral relationship to combat drug trafficking, smuggling and terrorism.

With Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo's death sentence, the pair have been transferred to a high security prison in Nakhon Si Thammarat. They are expected to lodge an appeal in the coming weeks. Whatever really happened on the night of the murder, and no matter what the outcome of any future cases, doubts over the pair's guilt are never going to subside.

 But the facts remain.

Credible accusations that the accused were tortured while in the custody of Thai police were not considered by the court or the Scotland Yard investigation.

The initial investigation linked members of a powerful local family as suspects, before the officer in charge was suddenly transferred away from the island.

Sean Mcanna, A Scottish tourist who knew Miller and was on the island the night of the murders, claimed that local organized crime figures were conspiring to lay blame for crime at his feet, shortly before he fled Koh Tao.

Dr. Pornthip Rojanasunan, a forensics expert and head of that country's Central Institute of Forensic Science, has criticized the Thai police investigation for relying on DNA evidence without properly documenting the chain of custody—in other words, failing to demonstrate that the DNA samples had not been tampered with. Additionally, the DNA samples on the murder weapon did not match those of the accused.

As has become de rigeur since the coup of May 2014, the Thai junta has blamed widespread criticism of the investigation, trial and verdict on "instigators" from the ranks of its political opponents, including most recently the Pheu Thai party of deposed PM Yingluck Sinawatra.

At a press briefing on Monday, junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha, testily hit back at critics, saying there would be no fresh examination of the initial police investigation.

"They have the right to appeal, right? Laws all over the world have this," he said. "Or should Thai law not have this? Is it the case that we should release all people when pressured?"At the same press conference, Police Maj-Gen Piyaphan Pingmuang suggested the protests were opportunistic, noting that no protests had arisen over 126 other murder cases involving Burmese migrant workers in the past year.

Perhaps not. Certainly this case has attracted more attention because of the deaths of British nationals—but if the investigation had been conducted professionally, and if the evidence against Wai Phyo and Zaw Lin was overwhelming, it is hard to imagine protests of the magnitude and intensity as what has been seen in Rangoon in the last week.

The post Koh Tao Verdict: Lingering Questions as Protests Continue appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Foreign Minister Calls in Thai Envoy for Koh Tao Talks

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 10:24 PM PST

Protesters hold posters and shout as they protest in support of Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo outside the Thai embassy in Rangoon, Dec. 25. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Protesters hold posters and shout as they protest in support of Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo outside the Thai embassy in Rangoon, Dec. 25. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Burma's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin met with Thai ambassador Pisanu Suvanajata on in Naypyidaw on Tuesday to discuss the recent death sentence handed down to two Burmese migrant workers in the Koh Tao murder case.

Wunna Maung Lwin told the Thai envoy that the Burmese government would assist with the appeal of Wai Phyo and Zaw Lin in accordance with the laws of the Thai judicial system, according to the Ministry of Information.

He said that he did not want the case to impact negatively on other Burmese migrants living in Thailand, and wanted a commitment from the Thai government to protect the Burmese community from harm.

During the discussion, Wunna Maung Lwin told Pisanu that the Burmese government was working with the Burmese embassy in Bangkok and the Lawyers Council of Thailand on the appeal and sought the cooperation of the Thai government and foreign ministry. He also requested that the Thai government carried out the appeal in accordance with the law and in keeping with the longstanding bilateral friendship between the two countries.

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China, Taiwan Open First Hotline in Tension Reducing Measure

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 09:23 PM PST

An activist in Taipei protests against the Singapore meeting between Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou and China's President Xi Jinping, Nov. 7. (Photo: Pichi Chuang / Reuters)

An activist in Taipei protests against the Singapore meeting between Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou and China’s President Xi Jinping, Nov. 7. (Photo: Pichi Chuang / Reuters)

BEIJING/TAIPEI — China and Taiwan began operating the first telephone hotline between the two nations on Wednesday, set up as a confidence building and tension reducing measure, with senior officials exchanging New Year’s greetings.

The step was agreed during a historic meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou in Singapore last month.

Ma Xiaoguang, spokesman for China’s Taiwan Affairs Office, said the first call was between Zhang Zhijun, director of the Taiwan Affairs Office, and Andrew Hsia, head of Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council, who wished each other happy New Year.

Zhang and Hsia also talked about the important achievements both sides had made in the past year in promoting the peaceful development of relations, spokesman Ma said.

Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council confirmed the call took place, but did not immediately provide any other details.

Defeated Nationalist forces fled to Taiwan after losing a civil war with the Communists in 1949. Beijing has never renounced the use of force to bring what it deems a renegade province under its control.

Relations have improved rapidly since Ma Ying-jeou became Taiwan president in 2008, and the two have signed a series of landmark trade and tourism deals.

Still, deep suspicions remain. China reacted angrily earlier this month at the latest US plans to sell Taiwan weapons.

China is also looking warily at January’s presidential elections in Taiwan, which are likely to return the independence-leaning opposition Democratic Progressive Party to power.

China says it will never countenance an independent Taiwan.

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Thai Military Expands Its Powers with Bangkok ‘Black Site’

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 09:13 PM PST

A soldier walks outside the 11th Army Circle base in Bangkok, Thailand on Tuesday. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

A soldier walks outside the 11th Army Circle base in Bangkok, Thailand on Tuesday. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters)

BANGKOK — When Bangkok lawyer Winyat Chatmontree was allowed to meet his client in detention at a Bangkok army base, Pratin Chankate shuffled in blindfolded and shackled by military guards.

At their second meeting Pratin, a former police officer charged with plotting to attack senior government officials who was officially in civilian custody, was taken away after five minutes by soldiers, Winyat said.

Pratin is detained in a new facility established by the Thai junta to hold people deemed threats to national security, in what lawyers and rights groups say is an unprecedented expansion of the military’s control over the criminal justice system.

“The military is running most of the process, from interrogation to building cases,” said Winyat. “Then they hand it over to police to continue what they started.”

The authorities say the facility, hidden behind the low walls and trimmed hedges of the 11th Army Circle base near Bangkok’s old city, is necessary for the efficient investigation of major threats to the kingdom.

The government and army declined to comment on the facility, but the corrections department hosted a guided visit to the site for journalists in early December.

Witthaya Suriyawong, the head of the department, rejected accusations that the jail is a military facility in civilian garb. While soldiers act as guards, the jail itself is administered by eight corrections staff, he said.

“We are the prison that serves the military court,” said Witthaya. “In principle, police do the investigation.”

As reporters entered the bare cells, detainees sat cross-legged on the floor, facing silently away from visitors.

The prison was needed to allow investigators easier and longer access to detainees, Witthaya said.

Junta Rule

Even under martial law, imposed after the army seized power in May 2014 and lifted in April, lawyers say the military had mostly respected the legal requirement to either hand suspects over to the civilian authorities or release them after seven days.

But the new jail, established within the military base under a decree issued on Sept. 11, is run by the civilian Department of Corrections. That means detainees can be held there for up to three months.

Rights groups say this is little more than a legal fig leaf for a facility aimed at keeping suspects under army control as they are railroaded through a system of military courts that have been used to try some civilians since the coup.

“Legally, this place is under the jurisdiction of the corrections department, but in practice it is administered by the military,” Sunai Phasuk, a researcher at Human Rights Watch, told Reuters.

Lawyers for detainees say they are routinely denied access to their clients and, in some cases, have themselves been subject to intimidation.

“It’s fair to call this facility a ‘black site’ of the Thai military,” Sunai said, referring to the term for prisons used in the past by the United States to hold terrorism suspects outside the criminal justice system.

'Serving the Military Court'

Witthaya confirmed that detainees were blindfolded and shackled when moved around the base—a measure he said was necessary to prevent escapes.

Shackling is sometimes used in the Thai criminal justice system when prisoners are being moved between locations, such as for court appearances, but lawyer Winyat said it was rare within jails and that blindfolding was an extraordinary measure.

So far 10 suspects have been held at the jail, including two Chinese Uighurs charged over an August bombing in Bangkok that killed 20 people.

Also held are six Thais accused in high-profile cases of insulting the monarchy, corruption, and plotting to attack junta officials at a Dec. 11 cycling event. Two more have died in custody.

Prakrom Warunprapa, a police major charged with falsely claiming royal connections to raise money, was found hanging in his cell on Oct. 23, according to authorities.

Suriyan Sujaritpalawong, a celebrity fortuneteller known as “Soothsayer Yong” arrested over the same case, died two weeks later of a blood infection, officials said.

'It's Not Safe'

Lawyers for five detainees told Reuters that soldiers appeared to run the site and were heavily involved in interrogations.

Winyat said both Pratin and another client in the same case, Nattapol Nawanle, were interrogated at other military facilities before being transferred to the jail. Pratin says he was beaten, he said.

Witthaya said corrections department staff had examined detainees and found no signs of mistreatment. Lawyers said no detainees had complained of beatings once within the jail.

But Benjarat Meetian, a lawyer who represents three detainees held in the jail, said she was followed by police from the base after her first visit on Nov. 30, and was later kept at a police office for four hours, where she was interrogated.

Police have filed five charges against Benjarat, including defamation, after she refused to withdraw a complaint she made over charges against another of her clients.

“I can’t (go back to the base). It’s not safe for me,” she said.

Currently, the jail is expanding. Reuters journalists saw the construction of six new cells, in addition to the three already in use, during the press visit the base.

The facility would be open “as long as the prison is needed”, corrections chief Witthaya said.

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  Relief, Anger, Indifference over Korea-Japan Sex Slave Deal

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 08:53 PM PST

 Former comfort woman Gil Won-ok is helped by a volunteer as she heads to a protest demanding an apology and compensation from the Japanese government in Seoul, South Korea, July 22. (Photo: Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters)

Former comfort woman Gil Won-ok is helped by a volunteer as she heads to a protest demanding an apology and compensation from the Japanese government in Seoul, South Korea, July 22. (Photo: Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters)

SEOUL — There’s relief among South Korean and Japanese diplomats after the two countries announced an “irreversible” settlement of a decades-long standoff over Korean women forced into sexual slavery by Japan’s World War II military. But activists and many of the elderly victims were furious on Tuesday.

Both sides compromised in Monday’s surprise deal, so neither got everything it wanted. Nationalists in Japan are angry over Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s apology. Some South Koreans say President Park Geun-hye settled for far too little money—about $8 million—and that Japan still hasn’t taken legal responsibility for atrocities during its colonial occupation of the Korean Peninsula from 1910 to 1945.

But the apparent finality of the deal—both sides called the matter “resolved finally and irreversibly,” if faithfully implemented—has been largely accepted so far, after decades in which the issue ruined ties between the two powerful Northeast Asian democracies.

Historians say tens of thousands of women from around Asia, many of them Korean, were sent to front-line military brothels to provide sex to Japanese soldiers. Only 46 known former Korean sex slaves, most in their late 80s and 90s, are still alive, and with time running out and with frustration growing, the deal is seen by many here as the best to be had from a hawkish Abe government.

“Insisting that Japan take legal responsibility is the same thing as saying we don’t want to resolve the issue of comfort women,” said Jin Chang Soo, an analyst at the Sejong Institute think tank, who called the deal an important step forward.

There’s also a recognition that Washington, which is Seoul’s military protector and ally, has pushed more forcefully for a detente between the neighbors, which together play host to 80,000 US troops and are key bulwarks as China rises and North Korea threatens.

The reaction Tuesday among people in both countries was low key: a sparsely attended anti-Japan rally in Seoul, a few dozen right wingers in Tokyo, but little media or public outcry, and nothing like the thousands who choked Seoul’s streets in outrage in 2008 after a beef deal with the US raised fears of mad cow disease.

The story’s popularity on South Korean news sites was surpassed Tuesday by other domestic stories, including a business tycoon’s revelation of a love child and his plans to divorce the daughter of a former president.

In the sex slave deal, Abe expressed “his most sincere apologies and remorse” to the women. Japan also agreed to contribute 1 billion yen ($8.3 million) for a foundation to help support the victims. The money will come from the national budget, not private sources, a distinction Tokyo has resisted in the past.

Japan, however, doesn’t consider the 1 billion yen as compensation, saying such issues were settled in a 1965 treaty that restored diplomatic ties and was accompanied by more than $800 million in economic aid and loans from Tokyo to Seoul.

Seoul, meanwhile, said it will refrain from criticizing Japan over the issue and will try to resolve Japan’s grievance over a statue of a girl representing victims of sexual slavery that sits in front of the Japanese Embassy in downtown Seoul.

At a care home in Seoul where some former wartime sex slaves live, senior Foreign Ministry official Lim Sung-nam was interrupted and chastised by an elderly victim as he apologized for failing to tell the women about Seoul’s consultations with Tokyo in advance.

“Japan’s Abe should say that what his country did was illegal and beg for forgiveness in front of reporters,” said another victim, Kim Bok-dong, 88.

One of the women said Monday that she would accept the deal reluctantly because she knew the South Korean government made efforts to settle the issue.

In Tokyo, about 180 members of a rightist group, Ganbare Nippon, chanted, “Your act of selling out the country is unforgivable,” and “Retract it!” One wore a placard saying, “The military use of comfort women is a fiction by Korea.”

A handful of people gathered in Seoul near the statue of the girl representing sex slaves.

“We want to see the prime minister kneel down before this girl’s statue and apologize like West German Chancellor Willy Brandt did at the memorial” for Nazi victims in Poland, Kim Won Wung, a former lawmaker, said at the small rally.

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In Burma’s Dry Zone, a Unique Forest and Deer Species under Threat

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 06:51 PM PST

A small museum showcases some stuffed versions of the roughly 1,500 species of wildlife in Chatthin sanctuary. (Photo: Htet Khaung Linn / Myanmar Now)

A small museum showcases some stuffed versions of the roughly 1,500 species of wildlife in Chatthin sanctuary. (Photo: Htet Khaung Linn / Myanmar Now)

CHATTHIN WILDLIFE SANCTUARY — In the heart of Burma's central dry zone there are two protected forest areas that are home to word's largest populations of endangered Eld's deer.

Chatthin in Sagaing Region and Shwesettaw in Magwe Region are two long-established wildlife sanctuaries with a rare type of dry forest home to the species—called rucervus eldii or 'Golden Deer' in Burmese. But during a recent visit to Chatthin, I learned that the forest and its species are under threat from poaching and encroachment, while authorities struggle to stave off the sanctuary's decline.

"We used to patrol around when we heard gunshots and would arrest the hunters. However, they are now using traps made of steel wires. So we cannot hear any sound when the deer hunting is going on and cannot make arrests," Win Zaw Lun, a forestry officer at Chattin Sanctuary, told me.

"Locals trap and kill the deer for a small amount of money. They do not have the knowledge to understand that killing these rare animals is a great loss," he said. Win Zaw Lun explained that the roughly $80 villagers can earn from capturing a Golden Deer represents a large sum compared to the few dollars per day they receive from doing farm work.

Chatthin was established in 1941 and covers roughly 103 square miles and parts of Kantbalu and Kawlin townships. The sanctuary employs 34 staff and is reached by a bumpy two-hour motorbike ride from Chatthin town.

A large picture of a pair of Eld's Deer welcomes visitors at the gate and a small museum showcases some stuffed versions of the roughly 1,500 species of wildlife in the park, including monkeys, birds, various deer, wild pig, wild dog and a number of unique insects.

Its forests are dominated indaing (dipterocarpus) plants, as well as teak and other hardwood trees.

This makes for an ideal habitat for Eld's deer, said Myint Myint Soe, a forestry officer at the sanctuary.

"Foreign experts said Chatthin Wildlife Sanctuary is a more suitable habitat for Golden Deer than its counterpart Shwesettaw in Magwe Region, although the latter has more deer," she said. "The number of this endangered species is declining faster in Chatthin."

According to official figures, the number of deer in the park fell an estimated 50 percent since 1995, when there were thought to be some 3,000 animals in Chatthin.

The decline mirrors a wider loss of forests and wildlife habitats across Burma that has gathered pace since the country's political opening up began in 2011. A report published in March 2015 said that forest conversion for commercial agriculture is accelerating at an "unprecedented rate" in Burma, putting the country's biodiversity at risk.

During my visit, I joined park officials and we searched for the shy deer, but all we could see was a few hoof marks and a brief rustling of bushes where they were believed to be hiding.

Three villages are located inside the sanctuary and some 20 villages straddle its edges. For many locals in this impoverished area the forest and its resources are an essential source of income that supplements their farm work.

Villagers are aware of its protected status but have traditionally collected firewood, bamboo shoots and other food and non-food forest products in Chatthin. Some will sneak in to poach its wildlife with home-made guns or traps.

Officials told me that during my visit a patrol had just found three women digging for the roots of wild palm trees and let them off with a warning. The edible roots are sought after in China and fetch about $1 per 2.5 kilo on the local market.

Authorities said they lack funding to carry out programs to educate villagers on the importance of conservation, or to provide them with alternative sources of income. The laws for protecting the sanctuary do not stipulate clear penalties for those breaching its rules, so criminal laws are sometimes used against poachers, a measure that park officials say is too severe.

"We conduct educational programs, asking them to surrender their handmade guns while pardoning them from holding these weapons. However, police insist on taking action against illegal possession of these weapons. Such procedures make the locals reluctant to hand over their guns," said Myint Myint Soe.

She said more emphasis should be put on fostering understanding of Chatthin’s unique ecological value among locals, while further cooperation with authorities and alternative livelihood programs should also be supported.

Myint Myint Soe said conservation programs with such a focus would offer the best way of protecting Chattin's natural heritage, but this would require more funding.

Having seen the Chattin sanctuary and the role it plays as important refuge for the Eld's deer, I can only agree and hope that Burma's government or international conservation organisations can protect it for future generations.

This article first appeared at Myanmar Now.

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