The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Online Backlash Over Secretariat Soirée
- Energy Firms BG, Woodside to Invest $1.1b in Burma Blocks: Official
- Burma Army Launches Airstrike on Kachin Base, Rebel Officer Says
- A Walk of Faith for Hindus in Rangoon
- Netherlands Queen to visit Burma
- Ethnic Groups Vow to Reach Ceasefire When Talks Resume Next Week
- The Battle for Mandalay Remembered, 70 Years On
- Suu Kyi, Singapore and the Ties That Bind
- After Cyclone Pam, Vanuatu Revives, Rebuilds and Rethinks
- Slum Kids Confront Sexism as India Grapples With Abuse of Women
- Lee Kuan Yew, Founder of Modern Singapore, Dies at 91
- Dawei and Beyond
- Exile Dreaming
| Online Backlash Over Secretariat Soirée Posted: 23 Mar 2015 05:28 AM PDT  A picture posted to Facebook shows attendees of a birthday party outside the Secretariat in Rangoon. (Photo: Facebook / Aye NeWin) RANGOON — The use of Rangoon's historically treasured Secretariat building as venue for the birthday party of a former ruling general's daughter has set off a wave of online criticism, after photos of the soirée circulated on Facebook over the weekend. On Saturday evening Thi Thi Tun, the daughter of former Lt-Gen Tun Kyi, and her friends gathered for a birthday party in the courtyard of the colonial-era complex where Burma's independence leader Gen. Aung San and six of his interim cabinet members were assassinated 68 years ago. Invitees were largely celebrities or had ties to military circles, including the grandson of the country's former dictator Gen. Ne Win, according to an individual who attended the party and is close to the Tun Kyi family. "It was like any other birthday party," she said. "I didn't see Uncle Tun Kyi and his wife there, probably because I was late. But I heard uncle [Tun Kyi] is not feeling well." Tun Kyi, Burma's former commerce minister, was forced to resign in 1997 amid corruption allegations. The online posting of pictures from the event by Ne Win's grandson Aye Ne Win and others brought a barrage of criticism from Burmese Facebook users, including the country's Information Minister Ye Htut. "I'm not pleased with what happened [at the Secretariat]. As I understand it, renovation of the complex is in cooperation with Ko Thant Myint-U's YHT [Yangon Heritage Trust]. So YHT should review that," read a post on the Facebook account of Ye Htut, who also serves as presidential spokesman. The Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT), which was founded by the historian Thant Myint-U, worked with the Anawmar Art Group, which was selected as winner of the Secretariat tender in 2012, to conduct a technical study of potential renovation methods and building use options. The Secretariat is now under renovation solely supervised by Anawmar Art Group, the owners of which are family members of Tun Kyi by marriage. YHT responded to the minister's comments on Facebook, saying last year the government asked them to work with the Anawmar Group on a Conservation Management Plan (CMP), which would provide specific guidance especially on the use of the legislative chamber and the cabinet room where Aung San and his colleagues were assassinated. That plan also makes clear that public access to the complex should be provided, YHT stated. "YHT has no control over the site. We have not been part of any decision-making in relation to its tender or leasing. Only in late 2014 we were brought in to help draft the CMP, and we thought it a good opportunity to assist in setting conservation guidelines for the proper management of change at the Secretariat Complex," YHT stated. The heritage organization did not explicitly condemn party organizers' choice of venue. Le Yee Soe, the Anawmar Group director as well as the daughter-in-law of Thi Thi Tun, did not respond to request for comment. She told The Irrawaddy in January that the group planned to convert part of the dilapidated colonial structure into an art museum and put US$50 million toward its renovation. One Facebook user posted that the birthday party was further proof of how insulated and oblivious to public sentiment the "corrupt" descendants of Burma's military elite were. Another user stated that the nation's martyrs did not sacrifice their lives at the Secretariat for the site to become a birthday party venue. Government plans to privatize many of the former capital's state-owned colonial buildings were announced in December 2011, more than half a decade after all Union government ministries moved their offices to the purpose-built capital Naypyidaw beginning in 2005. The Secretariat was among the buildings slated for privatization. Maw Lin, vice president of the Association for Myanmar Architects, told The Irrawaddy that use of the Secretariat for Saturday's private function was "highly inappropriate." "Although it was handed over for renovation, ownership was not transferred," he said. "This is a place of historical heritage, cultural heritage and urban heritage. And also, this is a private affair—there are hotels to hold such an event but instead of holding in a hotel, having such a personal party at such a heritage site is ugly." Aye Ne Win, evidently, did not agree, describing the birthday bash as "an excellent idea" in a Facebook post accompanying photos of the event. "A strong scent of nostalgia was very much in the atmosphere this evening at Rangoon's Secretariat where giants of Burmese political society deliberated and decided the country's most important issues," read the post. The post Online Backlash Over Secretariat Soirée appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Energy Firms BG, Woodside to Invest $1.1b in Burma Blocks: Official Posted: 23 Mar 2015 03:49 AM PDT  A boy exercises on a beach outside Pyar Pon Township as ships involved in the construction of a Yadana underwater gas pipeline project are moored in the background in May 2010. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Britain's BG Group and Australia's Woodside Petroleum Ltd. will invest up to US$1.08 billion to explore for oil and gas in four blocks off the coast of Burma's western Arakan State, a senior Energy Ministry official said on Sunday. The two firms were the winners of two shallow water blocks and two deep-water blocks in the country's auction last year. "Operations at the shallow blocks will take $545.5 million at the minimum, while that at deep-sea blocks will cost $535.1 million at the minimum," said the official, who declined to be identified, as he is not an authorized spokesman. The two companies on Friday signed production-sharing contracts with the Energy Ministry in Burma's capital Naypyidaw, he said, adding that observation and exploration work at the blocks will take another seven or eight years. Burma's oil and gas sector attracted $2.6 billion, or about 40 percent of foreign investment of $6.6 billion during the nine months to December, the website of the country's Central Statistical Organization shows. Burma's proven natural gas reserves totaled 10 trillion cubic feet (tcf) at the end of 2013, according to BP's Statistical Review of World Energy. Neighboring Thailand imports about a fifth of its natural gas supplies from Burma. The post Energy Firms BG, Woodside to Invest $1.1b in Burma Blocks: Official appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Burma Army Launches Airstrike on Kachin Base, Rebel Officer Says Posted: 23 Mar 2015 03:41 AM PDT  KIA soldiers aim a machine gun at Burmese government troop positions during fighting in January 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON – Shortly after a recess in what appeared to be positive peace negotiations in Rangoon, officials in Kachin State said the Burma Army launched an aerial attack on a rebel base along a frequent timber trade route near the border with China. Minor clashes continued on Monday morning for the third day, according to Daung Khar, head of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) technical team based in the state capital Myitkyina. No rebel casualties have been reported, but Daung Khar said that several government troops had been killed in the clashes. The Burma Army could not immediately be reached for comment. "Only one of our troops was seriously wounded," the official said, "But many from the Burma Army were killed and wounded." He added that the attack was carried out by both ground troops and the air force on a rebel base in Mathet Yan village in Mansi Township. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed wing of the KIO, ultimately withdrew all troops from the area to avoid casualties, he said. "We care about our human resources," said Daung Khar, "this is why we had to withdraw. It was a fight to seize the base." The KIO official said that the Burma Army launched the attack after firing at trucks carrying timber from central Burma's Sagaing Division. The trucks passed several government checkpoints, he said, but they came under attack after crossing into KIO territory, which they travel through to enter China illegally. Raw timber exports were banned in April 2014, and all overland cross-border timber trade remains illicit. Nonetheless, truckloads frequently pass through both government and rebel roads to get to China, paying bribes along the way. Daung Khar said the Burma Army Light Infantry Battalion 317 followed the trucks through government-controlled areas and attacked them once they had crossed enemy lines into Mansi on Saturday. After battling with frontline ground troops, he said, air force jets were brought in as reinforcement. After more than two days of fighting, KIA troops were removed to escape the onslaught. Daung Kha said the Burma Army has seized about 10 KIA bases since the start of this year. Just last week Kachin leadership travelled to Burma's capital Naypyidaw for a landmark meeting with President Thein Sein and Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing before heading to Rangoon to attend the seventh and possibly last round of peace talks geared toward reaching a nationwide ceasefire agreement. Government and ethnic negotiators alike left the meetings on Sunday expressing unprecedented confidence that an accord was near. Min Zaw Oo, director of ceasefire negotiation and implementation at the government-backed Myanmar Peace Center, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the center had advised relevant parties to resolve the issue. "We heard that [the Burma Army] tried to block timber trucks going into China, and then fighting broke out. We have informed the KIA and the government to meet and negotiate," said Min Zaw Oo. The seventh round of peace talks paused for recess on Sunday and is scheduled to resume on March 30. Government and ethnic representatives undertook a lengthy and turbulent peace process roughly three years ago after decades of devastating civil wars, though several of the country's ethnic rebel forces have continued to clash with the government throughout the course of the negotiations. The post Burma Army Launches Airstrike on Kachin Base, Rebel Officer Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| A Walk of Faith for Hindus in Rangoon Posted: 23 Mar 2015 03:13 AM PDT  Hindu priests preparing for the fire-walking festival. (Photo: Aung Naing Soe) DALA TOWNSHIP, Rangoon — A 10-day celebration marking the 83rd annual Hindu festival at Sri Wa Lite Muthu Mari Raman temple in Rangoon's Dala Township wrapped up over the weekend. On the last day, which fell on Sunday, local Hindus in the township's Bo Yan Pyay ward walked on fire, provided vegetarian meals and rice for more than 3,500 people, and entertained festival attendants with a variety of activities. The post A Walk of Faith for Hindus in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Netherlands Queen to visit Burma Posted: 23 Mar 2015 02:34 AM PDT  Queen Máxima of the Netherlands greets Burma President Thein Sein on his visit to the Netherlands. (Photo: www.koninklijkhuis.nl) RANGOON — Queen Máxima of the Netherlands is set to visit Burma at the end of this month in her role as UN envoy for development of microfinance, Dutch media have reported. Máxima, queen consort of King Willem Alexander, is the UN Secretary General's Special Advocate for Inclusive Finance for Development. In this role, she focuses on development of an inclusive financial system that can help the poor gain access to services such as savings, insurance and credit. Burma's microfinance sector is one of the least developed in Asia because of the country's long international isolation under the previous military regime. President Thein Sein visited the Netherlands during his third European visit in September 2014, when he met with Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the king and queen. The Netherlands has been among a number of European countries that have quickly reengaged with Burma following the introduction of reforms by Thein Sein's nominally civilian government since 2011. Dutch Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation Liliane Ploumen opened a Netherlands mission in Rangoon in late 2013 to foster trade relations between the two countries. Dutch Minister of Infrastructure and Transport Melanie Schultz van Haegen has visited Burma twice to promote cooperation and business opportunities in water management and infrastructure development. Last year, oil giant Royal Dutch Shell was awarded offshore oil and gas exploration concessions in Burmese waters. Heineken is building a brewery in Burma, while Dutch consumer goods producer Unilever is building two factories in the country. Some human rights organizations have cautioned Western government leaders against rushing to build trade ties with the Burmese government, as the country's much-lauded democratic reform process has stalled in the past year or so, while rights abuses and oppressive measures are becoming more common. In December, the king and queen of Norway, another European country that has sought to foster economic ties with Burma, made an official state visit during which they travelled to Naypyidaw and Mandalay. Ahead of the Norwegian king's visit, authorities in Mandalay forcibly evicted dozens of poor families squatting at the jetty on the Irrawaddy River where the royal couple arrived by boat. The Norwegian Foreign Ministry later sent a letter of complaint to Burmese authorities over the treatment of the families. The post Netherlands Queen to visit Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Ethnic Groups Vow to Reach Ceasefire When Talks Resume Next Week Posted: 23 Mar 2015 12:14 AM PDT  Gen. Gun Maw, left, the KIA chief of staff, shakes hands with Lt-Gen Myint Soe, third left, as the government's lead peace negotiator Aung Min, second left, looks on. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON – Peace talks geared toward reaching a nationwide ceasefire agreement will resume on March 30, negotiators said on Sunday after six days of discussions in Rangoon, vowing that the long-awaited pact is finally on the horizon. Representatives of the ethnic block Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) told reporters that the two sides are close to reaching an accord, just before early reports of renewed conflict in Burma's troubled northern Kachin State began to surface late on Sunday. MPC adviser Hla Maung Shwe said the current, seventh round of peace talks is the longest to date, and is "yielding better results than previous talks because of the leaders' commitments and ambitious discussions." He said the negotiations have achieved agreement on six of seven points of contention in the current draft of a nationwide peace pact. The last remaining point of discussion will be a program for the transitional period after signing the nationwide agreement. All other points of contention have been resolved since talks commenced last Tuesday, Hla Maung Shwe said. Head of the NCCT Khun Okkar said ethnic participants are committed to finalizing a peace accord when discussions resume next week. "We vowed to reach a nationwide ceasefire during this seventh round of talks," said Khun Okkar. "All of the NCCT leaders joined [these discussions], as well as a delegation from the Kachin Independence Organization from the north, which had a meeting with the president and the commander-in-chief prior to the Rangoon meetings." Khun Okkar added that the process of achieving peace is ongoing, and that all ethnic participants, "want to make a happy ending." Once a draft is complete and agreed upon by both sides, he said, negotiators can move on to determining which ethnic armed groups would be eligible as signatories. At present, five NCCT members are not recognized by the government as legitimate political organizations and have not reached bilateral ceasefires. One such group is the ethnic Kokang force, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), which has been engaged in devastating and ongoing conflict with the Burma Army in eastern Burma since Feb. 9. In a similar quandary is the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which is also actively engaged in combat with government troops and has not reached a bilateral ceasefire. Khun Okkar said that if the government wants to achieve a lasting peace it will need to adjust its approach to Burma's smaller ethnic armed groups, who in the past had been marginalized by government peacemakers. "The government must acknowledge the existence of those minority groups which have their own race, area and language," he said. The post Ethnic Groups Vow to Reach Ceasefire When Talks Resume Next Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| The Battle for Mandalay Remembered, 70 Years On Posted: 23 Mar 2015 12:00 AM PDT  (From left to right) British Defence Attaché to Burma Colonel Tony Stern, David Daniels and Colonel John Douglas Slim during a service on Mandalay Hill to mark 70 years since the allies retook the city from the Japanese. (Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawadddy) MANDALAY – Two allied veterans of the Burma Campaign gathered alongside Burmese and foreign officials in Mandalay on Friday to commemorate 70 years since the city was retaken from the Japanese. Colonel John Douglas Slim, a former soldier and the son of Sir William Slim who, as Commander of the 14th Army in Burma, led the allied resurgence against the Japanese, was among those who honored the fallen during a ceremony on Mandalay Hill. The British Ambassador to Burma Andrew Patrick, defense attachés of Bangladesh, Britain, India and Australia, and Burma Army official Maj-Gen Soe Htut also attended. Attendees laid wreaths at the foot of two memorial stones embedded in pillars in the northern chamber of the Sutaungpyei Pagoda on Mandalay Hill. A minute of silence took place to the sound of bagpipes. The memorial stones are in honor of soldiers from a Gurkha battalion—the 4th Battalion of the Prince of Wales' Gurkha Rifles—who lost their lives in the storming of Mandalay Hill on 8-9 March, 1945. "This is a somber moment for me as I miss my comrades who fought side by side with me," said David Daniels, a 91-year-old veteran who took part in the fierce fighting at Mandalay Hill. "General Slim ordered us to shoot with care to prevent damage to the pagodas and Buddha images. But the Japanese soldiers, heavily deployed at Mandalay Hill, were hiding behind Buddha images and between pagodas. Many Gurkha soldiers died during the fight to recapture Mandalay Hill," he explained. "That was the cruelest battle of my life." On March 20, 1945, Mandalay was recaptured from the Japanese by troops of the 19th Indian Division. The battles in central Burma, including an allied assault on Meiktila waged in concert with the offensive in Mandalay, were among the most decisive of the Burma Campaign. Ceremonies to remember those who served in the Burma theatre during the Second World War are held annually at cemeteries in Rangoon, Moulmein, Thanbyuzayat and Meiktila. However, British Defence Attaché to Burma Colonel Tony Stern told The Irrawaddy that Friday's commemoration was the first held at Mandalay Hill in the 70 years since the allied victory. Stern said the event had received the support of the Burmese military and the Buddhist committee that manages the site on Mandalay Hill. "We are very grateful to the [Burmese] people that have preserved these memorial stones here, dedicated to the Gurkha Rifles," he said. "The battle was achieved with a great loss of lives from 20 nations and the people of Burma and Mandalay itself. So it is important that we should hold commemorations because such a sacrifice should never be forgotten." The post The Battle for Mandalay Remembered, 70 Years On appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Suu Kyi, Singapore and the Ties That Bind Posted: 22 Mar 2015 10:01 PM PDT  Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi speaks to the Burmese community living in Singapore on Sept. 22, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Edgar Su) Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s first prime minister who oversaw the city-state’s rapid rise, died on Monday aged 91. In this article from The Irrawaddy archive from Sept. 30, 2013, Editor-in-chief Aung Zaw reflects on the enduring relationship between Burma and Singapore, both former British colonies, and Lee's standing in Burma, where he was widely respected, but also controversial for his support for the former military regime. Burma and Singapore have a shared history of colonial occupation and a long relationship as Southeast Asian neighbors. As relations between Burma and Western nations continue to thaw and some bilateral ties are forged for the first time, Singapore and Burma are merely entering a new phase in their sometimes complicated but nonetheless enduring relationship. Due to the strength of that bond, activists and dissident leaders have had a hard time over the years viewing Singapore as a friend of the democracy movement. But ideological principles aside, they quietly or openly admired the Lion City's success story—a tiny island city-state that became one of Asia's economic powerhouses. With democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi's landmark visit to Singapore last week, the relationship has the potential to enter a new, more dynamic phase, cementing deeper and more mutually beneficial bilateral ties. Perhaps, as Suu Kyi suggested, the two nations can learn more from each other. But what we learn from Singapore, I pray, will not be all about Asian values, censorship, cyber warfare, authoritarian rule and Singapore-style "democratic elections." Rather, Burma would be best served if it took a page or two from Singapore's book on city planning, tourism, trade, and banking and finance. Perceptions of Singapore as a nation that doesn't pass muster on true freedom and democracy metrics are widely held, but in Burma they have a more personal resonance. Many Burmese still remembered elder Singaporean statesman Lee Kuan Yew's controversial remarks on Burma and Suu Kyi.  Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. In April 1996, Lee said the Burmese Army was the only institution capable of "keeping the country stable and preventing civil war," and questioned the ability of Suu Kyi "to govern if ever she came to power." Indignant Burmese held protests outside various Singaporean embassies in the region and burned effigies of Lee, Singapore's first prime minister. Some angry dissident leaders advised the "father of Singapore" to mind his own business, and refrain from insulting the Burmese people. The National League for Democracy (NLD), co-founded by Suu Kyi, was more diplomatic in its response. In a curt statement, the NLD replied: "Mr. Lee is a smart man, but he is not always right." The flak Lee took was substantial, but perhaps he was simply offering a pragmatic assessment of the political landscape that the much-admired Suu Kyi was up against when he said the Nobel Peace laureate should "face the reality of military rule and start cooperating with the regime." The irony is that Suu Kyi is the one today being accused of being "too pragmatic" in cooperating with Burma's nominally civilian government, which is an offshoot of the previous regime. Since 1988, when much of the world condemned Burma's military government for its brutal suppression of pro-democracy protestors, Singapore has remained important to Burma not just as a trading partner, but also for its friendly relations with the regime. The island state has been accused of supporting the brutal and repressive junta in Burma, as were many other Asian governments who failed to even feign concern as Burma's government gunned down or beat to death thousands of its own citizens. That silence stood in contrast to Western governments that vocally denounced the regime and its abysmal human rights record. Singapore has defended its stance toward Burma by aligning itself with countries that backed a "Constructive Engagement" policy toward the regime that also locked up dissidents and waged decades-long war against its ethnic minority groups. The Lion City is also known to have taken in several prominent Burmese nationals, among them the former dictators Gen Ne Win and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who have sought medical treatment at Singapore's first-rate facilities. Tycoons and cronies in pursuit of leisure or hospital care have also been warmly welcomed by the island, which has long been a home away from home to those Burmese who can afford it. From the medical tourism of dictators and cronies to drug lords buying up luxury condos for holiday getaways, Burma's well-to-do few have in their own small way helped fuel the economic success story of Singapore. On the lower rungs of society, Singapore is also a haven to many young Burmese who emigrate there seeking low-wage jobs or an education, perhaps settling down into a stable existence that allows them to support families back home. You can find these blue-collar workers in Peninsula Plaza, also known as "Little Burma." Recent reports that billions of dollars were being held in Singaporean bank accounts were just the latest allegations to highlight the special banking relationship that the two nations have. A widely held assumption among Burmese is that any time rumors swirl of state funds gone missing, a Singaporean bank is likely at the end of the money trail. A well-connected businessman in Rangoon recently told me that several bank accounts have been opened in Singapore to procure weapons and hardware for a Burmese military that is still hindered by US and EU sanctions. But where is the evidence? I asked. He just laughed. Singaporean banks have been repeatedly accused of serving as money laundering vehicles for Burmese narcotics traffickers as well. Robert Gelbard, former US assistant secretary of state for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, made the observation in February 1997 that, "since 1988, over half of [the investments from] Singapore have been tied to the family of narco-trafficker Lo Hsing Han," a Burmese drug kingpin known as the "Godfather of Heroin." Lo Hsing Han passed away earlier this year. His son Steven Law, who is managing director of Asia World, was put on a US blacklist in 1996 for suspected drug ties. I still remember when, in the early 1990s, regional publications including the now defunct Far Eastern Economic Review began reporting on private companies in Singapore that were allegedly arranging for the sale of weapons to Burma. Several regional papers reported that Singapore's role as a major arms supplier to the regime began in October 1988, when Allied Ordnance, a subsidiary of Chartered Industries of Singapore, the arms branch of government-owned Singapore Technologies, shipped hundreds of boxes, believed to contain mortars, ammunition and raw materials for Burma's own arms factories, to Rangoon. Since then, it is believed that firms based in Singapore have continued to supply weapons directly to Burma, and Singaporean brokers have facilitated arms sales from other sources, including Belgium and Israel. It is said that Singapore's armed forces have also cooperated closely with the Burmese military to provide training, while Singapore Technologies has provided the regime with a state-of-the-art "cyber-war center." Singaporean leaders' deep interest in Burma remains evident today. It is different from the Thais, perennially prone as they are to misgivings about their neighbor to the west and perhaps mindful of the unpleasant historical memory of Burmese troops' 18th century sacking of the ancient capital of Ayutthaya. And because Thailand is a refuge for many dissidents and exile advocacy groups, a mutual distrust from Burma's former military regime was understandable. It is no wonder, then, that the Singapore bond is arguably one of Burma's tightest. While Western nations were putting the squeeze on via economic sanctions, Singapore increased its assistance and trade with Burma. The late dictator Gen Ne Win was a friend of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew. But Ne Win didn't listen to his old pal, who since the 1970s had attempted to persuade the general and his ministers to open up the country and promote tourism. The late dictator instead shut the door. Lee saw Burma's potential—that it could one day count itself among the ranks of the "Asian tigers," but Ne Win missed all that. With the Burmese general's death, Lee's visits to Burma stopped, but his disciples kept coming—and the message they carried was the same. Backing the regime was costly to Singapore as Burma's "domestic affairs" increasingly became a headache for Asean diplomats and heads of state. Asean leaders including Singapore condemned the brutal crackdown on monk-led uprising in 2007. In 2008, the regime was accused of ignoring the plight of victims of Cyclone Nargis, a catastrophic disaster that caused some 140,000 fatalities in the Irrawaddy delta. Western governments including the United States anchored warships off Burmese shores to provide humanitarian relief and disaster assistance, but the generals refused the offer. Asean finally had to step in to provide humanitarian aid. While the southern part of country was under water and still reeling from Nargis, the regime forcibly approved a military-backed Constitution. Trouble did not stop there. In 2009, Suu Kyi had to stand trial in a kangaroo court after she was accused of allowing an American, John William Yettaw, to swim across the lake behind her home in Rangoon, coming ashore on her property in an act that Suu Kyi had no control over. It was this incident that prompted Goh Chok Tong, Singapore's senior minister, to fly to Burma with a message. In meetings with Burma's top brass, Goh acknowledged that the Suu Kyi trial was a domestic affair, but he pointed out that there was an international dimension to it that should not be ignored. Goh then stressed that the upcoming 2010 elections must be inclusive and that the opposition NLD and Suu Kyi must be part of the process of national reconciliation. Goh was the first foreign leader to meet then Snr-Gen Than Shwe since the trial began, and he used the occasion to deliver a political message to the leaders. "I don't believe any Singapore investors would come in a big way before the picture is clear, before this move to democracy is seen to produce results." Burmese leaders received the message. But then Goh, like his compatriot Lee before him, took a jibe at Suu Kyi. Goh told reporters at the Asia-Middle East Media Roundtable in Singapore that while the West sees Suu Kyi as the solution to Burma's problems, she is also "part of problem" because she believes she is the government. He also suggested that the NLD needed to seek a fresh mandate in the 2010 elections, saying Suu Kyi should not dwell on the fact that her party's victory in the 1990 elections was not recognized by the junta. "That was 19 years ago, that's history. If she realizes she has to be part of the solution, she has to offer some concessions, such as to publicly say that she would be in favor of the lifting of sanctions. "Myanmar [Burma] has the potential to boom in the next 10 years and it can be like Thailand's today in 20 years' time," Goh said. Many hope Goh was right about the future. Last week in Singapore, Suu Kyi met Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and several chief executives from some of the world's biggest companies, along with visits to two universities and Singapore's successful anti-corruption bureau. Reflecting on her trip, Suu Kyi offered praise for her hosts, but also got in a dig of her own. "I want to learn a lot from the standards that Singapore has been able to achieve, but I wonder whether we don't want something more for our country," she told reporters as she prepared to return home. She added: "Perhaps Singapore could learn from us a more relaxed way of life." As this latest chapter in Burma-Singapore relations unfolds, "something more" might also include a more principled stance on democratic values. Suu Kyi's fight for a government beholden to its people propelled her to international fame, and it's a Lion City shortcoming that Burma's pro-democracy forces have long felt the bite of. The post Suu Kyi, Singapore and the Ties That Bind appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| After Cyclone Pam, Vanuatu Revives, Rebuilds and Rethinks Posted: 22 Mar 2015 09:54 PM PDT  Local resident Uwen Garae stands in his home damaged by Cyclone Pam in Port Vila, the capital city of the Pacific island nation of Vanuatu, on March 16, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) EFATE, Vanuatu — The roof from what was once the home of principal Melizabeth Uhi and her staff is now folded over branches high in the trees that border her school. She's now living with two other staff members in the only classroom that's still habitable. And she's running low on the rice she had before Cyclone Pam tore through Vanuatu a week ago, upending her life. But Uhi is moving forward. She's helped organize a community cleanup of the Manua Center School grounds on the main island of Efate on Monday, and is determined that her 314 students will return to school as soon as possible. A week after the cyclone tore through the South Pacific archipelago with winds of 270 kilometers (168 miles) per hour, people are focused on the task of rebuilding. The signs of progress are everywhere. The road that rings the main island is now accessible to all vehicles following temporary repairs to bridges, and the cell network that's vital to keeping people connected is gradually being restored on Efate and some other islands. On the sides of roads, crews have been repairing electricity lines and residents cutting tree trunks into fire-sized slices. The task remains enormous. Many of the outlying islands still don't have any way to communicate with the outside world, while tourism, vital to the economy, has taken a huge hit, with many operators fielding call after call to cancel bookings. Throughout Vanuatu, many people remain worried about the most basic necessities: water, shelter and food. About 65,000 people across Vanuatu were left homeless by the cyclone, which killed 17 people, said Osnat Lubrani, the UN humanitarian coordinator for the country. Vanuatu and other small island nations face unique challenges in recovery due to their remote location and scattered populations, Lubrani said. Delivering services even when there isn't a crisis is hard and expensive, she said. "So certainly in a time of disaster, that makes things very difficult," she said. "On the positive side, I think people are extremely resilient." Lubrani said the total price tag for the rebuild is still unknown. Neighbors New Zealand and Australia quickly committed millions of dollars toward the relief effort. There's also been millions more committed by other countries, including France, the United States, the United Arab Emirates and South Korea. Relief agencies are also moving enormous resources into the region. But for people like Uhi, the school principal, the response can't come quick enough. She's been given some tents by World Vision, but needs much more help, she said. Mothers have been coming by every day to ask when their children can return. "There's a little bit of heartbreak," she said. "I really want the children to be able to go back to school." The government has canceled all classes across the nation until March 30, although there's no guarantee the Manua school will be ready to open then. For many people, small improvements are noticeable each day, whether in their living situation or their health. At the main hospital in Port Vila, the capital, George Palap has been watching the progress of his 1-year-old nephew, Moses Sam. The family was on Tanna island when the cyclone struck in the early morning of March 14 and tore apart their homes. They ran for some nearby caves. Palap's sister Sampat, who was holding her infant, stumbled in the ferocious winds, he said, and the boy's head smacked into the ground. The family made it to the caves, but Moses's wound was serious. Palap said his head swelled to twice its normal size and became infected. The Red Cross arrived by helicopter and took the boy to Tanna's airport, where he was flown to Port Vila, his uncle said. The swelling has now gone down and Moses is doing much better, Palap said. There doesn't appear to be any permanent damage and the family hopes he can leave the hospital next week, he said. For others, the cyclone has delivered an opportunity to make changes. Lisau Manses was hanging laundry inside her house Saturday. The interior looked relatively normal—books on the shelves and crockery stacked in a cabinet. Missing entirely, however, was the roof, allowing the sun to shine in and dry her clothes. Manses said she and her husband didn't think they would try to rebuild their coastal home, with its particular exposure to extreme weather. Instead, they are considering building a new home farther inland. "We want to be out of the wind," she said. The post After Cyclone Pam, Vanuatu Revives, Rebuilds and Rethinks appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Slum Kids Confront Sexism as India Grapples With Abuse of Women Posted: 22 Mar 2015 09:49 PM PDT  Activists shout slogans during a protest against the alleged sexual assault of a 6-year-old girl in the southern Indian city of Bangalore July 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) MUMBAI, India — Standing before a classroom packed with teenagers, Yojana Salunke begins her weekly one-hour lesson on a subject which many experts say is crucial to helping India address one of its biggest challenges: gender inequality. "Hands up all those girls who have to do housework before or after school?" Salunke asks, as every pig-tailed girl in the dilapidated state-run school classroom raises their hands. "And how many boys help their mothers with the chores?" she continues, looking around the room trying to spot the few boys who have lifted their hands. The girls laugh and accuse the boys of being lazy, while the boys retort that there is no need to do domestic work as their mothers and sisters do it all. A heated debate ensues. As India grapples to stem rising violence against women, activists say classes like these—which confront traditional gender roles and challenge sexism amongst the youth—are key to changing attitudes and curbing widespread gender abuse. "The lessons are interesting. We talk about how boys and girls are equal as human beings, but how we treat girls differently," said Shakir Parvez Shaikh, 15, a student at the Shahaji Nagar Municipal Hindi School in Mumbai's Cheeta Camp area. "For example, girls are not allowed to play cricket or watch as much television as boys because they have to do housework or because it is not safe outside for them. I didn't realize before… I think it's unfair." Barrage of Threats From female feticide, child marriage and dowry killings to rape and domestic violence, Indian girls and women face a barrage of threats, say experts, largely because of age-old patriarchal attitudes that view them as inferior to men. A massive wave of public protests after the fatal gang rape of a woman on a Delhi bus in December 2012 jolted many in the world's second most populous country out of apathy and forced the government to enact stiffer penalties on gender crimes. Since then, voracious reporting by the media, campaigns by the government and programs by civil society groups have brought greater public awareness of women's rights and emboldened victims to come forward and register abuses. There were 309,546 reports of crimes against women in India in 2013, a 26.7 percent jump from 2012, according to the National Crime Records Bureau, including rape, kidnap, sexual harassment, trafficking, and cruelty by husbands and relatives. But violence is not the only problem. Women also face less visible forms of discrimination with little say over their lives and lacking access to finance, land, inheritance, education, employment, healthcare and nutrition. The World Economic Forum 2014 Global Gender Gap Index ranked India as 114 out of 142 countries—based on how women fared against men when it came to economic participation and opportunities, educational attainment and health and survival. India had the biggest difference between women and men in average minutes spent per day on unpaid work—a gap of 300 minutes, said the report—while working women earned on average US$1,980 annually compared to men earning $8,087. During to a visit to India this month, International Monetary Fund (IMF) chief Christine Lagarde said the gender disparity in the labor sector was a "huge missed opportunity." She cited a study putting India's female participation at 33 percent of the workforce against a global average of 50 percent. The Mindset Challenge While activists have welcomed harsher punishments for gender crimes and moves to improve security, they stress authorities and society must address inequality at a deeper level with adult attitudes and behavior often shaped by childhood experiences. "If today's boys are taught to question gender abuse now, they are less likely to be violent when they become men tomorrow," said Ravi Verma, Asia director at the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW). "And if girls are taught to speak out now, they will be less likely to endure it as adults." A survey by the UN Population Fund and the ICRW last November found that six out of 10 Indian men admitted violence against their partners, with men who experienced or witnessed discrimination as children more likely to be abusive. Although not part of India's formal education curriculum, organizations such as the ICRW have been working with government schools in states such as Maharashtra and Jharkhand to introduce gender classes like those at the Shahaji Nagar Municipal School. Working with 12- to 14-year-olds in more than 12,000 schools, teachers use a range of activities from role play, games and group assignments to spark discussions about discrimination. For example, the teens act out and discuss familiar scenes in their lives, such as when a daughter is given less food than her brother, or a husband beats his wife for not cooking his dinner, or a girl is harassed by boys in the street. In the cramped one-roomed homes lining the narrow lanes of Cheeta Camp's slums where many of the students live, girls say the classes have boosted their confidence to speak out. "Before I never used to say anything when a boy in the neighborhood used to make negative comments as I walked past on my way to and from school. But after the classes, I confronted him and told my mother and she went and spoke to him," said 15-year-old Princy Dhananjay Gupta, who wants to become a teacher. Researchers admit the two-year program may not be enough to turn around deep-rooted views over the lower status of women, but say it may plant the seeds of change in the next generation. Many students seem to agree. "If you look at my grandfather and great grandfather, they never thought men and women were equal," said aspiring cricketer Shaikh Mohsin Mohammad Anis, 15, who also lives in Cheeta Camp. "But I have learnt this and now I will teach my children about equality and that's how things will change." The post Slum Kids Confront Sexism as India Grapples With Abuse of Women appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Lee Kuan Yew, Founder of Modern Singapore, Dies at 91 Posted: 22 Mar 2015 09:40 PM PDT  Former Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew smiles as he attends the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy's seventh anniversary dialogue session in Singapore in this Sept. 14, 2011 photo. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — Lee Kuan Yew, the founder of modern Singapore who was both feared for his authoritarian tactics and admired worldwide for turning the city-state into one of the world's richest nations while in power for 31 years, died Monday. He was 91. Lee was admitted to Singapore General Hospital on Feb. 5 for severe pneumonia and was later put on life support. The Prime Minister's Office said in a statement posted on its website that Lee "passed away peacefully" at the hospital at 3:18 am Monday. The country's first and longest-serving prime minister, Lee guided Singapore through a traumatic split with Malaysia in 1965 and led the transformation of what was then a sleepy port city into a global trade and finance center. Although he could have remained in office for much longer, he stepped aside and handed over leadership of the ruling party, and the country, to a younger generation in 1990. Still, he remained an influential behind-the-scenes figure for many more years until his health deteriorated. "In the end, my greatest satisfaction in life comes from the fact that I have spent years gathering support, mustering the will to make this place meritocratic, corruption-free and equal for all races—and that it will endure beyond me, as it has," Lee said in his 2013 book, "One Man's View of the World." US President Barack Obama called Lee a "visionary" and "true giant of history." "Lee's views and insights on Asian dynamics and economic management were respected by many around the world," Obama said in a statement. "No small number of this and past generations of world leaders have sought his advice on governance and development." UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he was "deeply saddened" by Lee's death. He noted that Singapore is marking its 50th anniversary of independence this year, and "its founding father will be remembered as one of the most inspiring Asian leaders," according to a statement released by Ban's spokesman. Ban said Lee helped Singapore "transition from a developing country to one of the most developed in the world, transforming it into a thriving international business hub." Lee's legacy includes an efficient government with little corruption, a successful public housing scheme, low tax rates to attract foreign investment, excellent schools and clean and safe streets, all of which have helped Singapore rank consistently near the top of surveys of the most livable cities for expatriates. He faced criticism, though, for using tough tactics to consolidate power. He jailed some political rivals without trial for decades and brought defamation lawsuits against journalists and opposition politicians, which had a chilling effect on dissent. Lee insisted that strict limits on free speech and public protest were necessary to maintain stability in a multiethnic and multi-religious country that witnessed race riots in the 1960s. That stability, he added, was needed to enable growth and raise living standards in a country with few natural resources. "I had to do some nasty things, locking fellows up without trial," Lee said in an interview with The New York Times published in September 2010. "I'm not saying everything I did was right. But everything I did was for an honorable purpose." Lee, whose People's Action Party has ruled Singapore since 1959, remained a powerful adviser with cabinet minister status after stepping down as prime minister, and many Singaporeans, particularly older ones, viewed him as a wise, if strict, father figure. Lee gave up his cabinet minister post and resigned from the executive committee of the People's Action Party after 2011 parliamentary elections in which the ruling party won its lowest overall vote percentage since independence. One of his sons, Lee Hsien Loong, is Singapore's current prime minister. He also is survived by another son, Lee Hsien Yang, and a daughter, neurologist Lee Wei Ling. His wife of more than 60 years, Kwa Geok Choo, died in October 2010. Born Sept. 16, 1923, Lee grew up speaking English in a Singapore that was part of the British colonial empire, and was known as Harry during much of his early life. His university education was interrupted by the three-year Japanese occupation of the island in World War II, a time Lee said he learned how power could be wielded. "The Japanese demanded total obedience, and got it from nearly all," he wrote in his memoirs. "My appreciation of governments, my understanding of power as the vehicle for revolutionary change, would not have been gained without this experience." After completing his studies at Singapore's Raffles College, Lee went to England to study law at Cambridge University. There, he married Kwa, a fellow student, in 1947. He returned to Singapore in 1950 and started the law firm Lee & Lee with his wife in 1955. In 1954, Lee helped found the People's Action Party in alliance with communist trade unionists—whom he would later break with—and he became Singapore's first prime minister in 1959 when Britain granted it self-governance in all matters except defense and foreign affairs. Singapore declared independence from Britain in 1963, and Lee, believing his island couldn't survive alone, brought it into the federation of neighboring states that became Malaysia. But the Malay leadership asked Singapore to leave after two years because of ideological differences. Lee wept on national television while announcing the breakup, which he later would call one of his biggest political regrets. He then turned to governing his tiny island state, imposing strict policies that some saw as micromanaging the daily lives of Singaporeans. Lee promoted English and Mandarin while banning other Chinese dialects from public schools, radio and TV. He also enforced ethnic integration by controlling the makeup of public apartment buildings, where 80 percent of the population lives. The micromanaging continued even under his successor, Goh Chok Tong, who banned the sale of chewing gum because people would stick them on subway doors. "I say without the slightest remorse, that we wouldn't be here, we would not have made economic progress, if we had not intervened on very personal matters—who your neighbor is, how you live, the noise you make, how you spit, or what language you use. We decide what is right. Never mind what the people think," Lee said in 1987. Lee also cracked down on organized crime and imposed harsh penalties for minor infractions, a policy that has helped Singapore maintain one of the world's lowest violent crime rates. Drug couriers face mandatory hanging, vandals are sometimes caned—such as American teenager Michael Fay in 1994 despite a plea for leniency from President Bill Clinton—and litterbugs must pay a hefty fine. Lee stayed active in his later years, commenting on domestic and international affairs and representing Singapore on frequent trips abroad. The government declared seven days of national mourning and ordered flags to fly at half-staff on state buildings. The post Lee Kuan Yew, Founder of Modern Singapore, Dies at 91 appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Posted: 22 Mar 2015 05:30 PM PDT  Nabule beach is one of the most beautiful stretches of sand in the region. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy) DAWEI — Boys on a motorbike are racing down a dirt track toward the beach, a heavy bass thumping out from what sounds a lot like reggae wafting in the air in their trail. Nearby, a group of young Myanmar lads, some with long hair, are lounging in a bamboo shack. There's a kind of laid-back vibe about that feels not entirely unfamiliar. Welcome to the deep south—to the Dawei peninsula, more specifically. Thai beach culture has yet to truly cross over to this side of the isthmus, but there are hints of what could be. The conditions to support it—white sand and a soup-warm sea—are all here. Just maybe, this is the vanguard of a movement that will see these untouched beaches in Tanintharyi Region sporting red, green and yellow Rasta' flags. It is noticeable that many people speak Thai around here. Many Dawei locals have traveled to Thailand for work, this part of Myanmar being a relative backwater, even within the region's least dynamic economy. That could change, though, since it is now easier than ever to get here.  A section of the beach at Nabule, near Dawei. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy) A recently opened road link means that you can go from Dawei to Bangkok in a day of overland travel. This could make the beaches a useful stopover for creative visa runners, and it at least opens up this stunning area to more visitors. South-bound I traveled to Dawei overland from Yangon by road on a journey that took around 18 hours in total, though we broke it up along the way. Flights to the town are also available, and a train runs slowly but regularly from Mawlamyine. There are guesthouses in Dawei town or you can stay at the Coconuts Guesthouse, managed by a Myanmar-French couple, around a half-hour's drive away. It's a less than 10-minute walk to Maung Ma Gan beach, the easiest local strand to visit. The guesthouse has basic but comfortable rooms for around US$25 a night. Groups may pack into one of the larger bungalows for an extra charge per person. Food is served on low tables on a cozy wooden terrace and consists mainly of freshly caught seafood. The tuna, squid, prawns and variety of fish come with Myanmar salads and Thai papaya salad. Though life is still very quiet here, an increase in tourism looks likely soon at Maung Ma Gan. There is a brand-new hotel right on the beach and others are under construction. Recently the beach was covered in litter, so if the new businesses initiate a clean-up, this could be a good thing. From Dawei, you have the choice of more beaches to the north and the south. To the north is Nabule beach, the jewel in the crown of the region. But enjoying this extra-long stretch of white sand has a bittersweet edge, since it may not be possible for long. This is the planned site of the $1.7 billion Dawei Special Economic Zone, a stalled project with ambitious reach that, according to recent reports, is being restarted with a new Thai-Japanese partner joining the original developer, Italian-Thai Development (ITD).  Motorcycles parked on the beach at San Maria Bay. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy) The beach is unlikely to survive intact if or when a deep-sea port, factory zone and the terminus of a major new highway make this the dropping-off point for goods bound for Bangkok. Get here while you can. To the south, a rented motorbike will take you to a handful of remarkable strands within a 90-minute ride. First, there is the gorgeous curve of San Maria Bay, nestled into one side of a spit at the end of which is a pagoda built over the ocean. The only other building anywhere near the beach is a small, rustic cafe serving tea-leaf salad and bottles of beer, mainly to fishermen whiling away the hours. A little further south is Tayzit beach. To get here you must drive onwards through a few scenic villages and over a tough mountain pass, before you head down a sandy track and on to the beach. Onwards to Thailand When you're ready to leave Dawei, it's no trouble to arrange a ride to the border, which takes about five hours. The road on the Myanmar side is at present an unsealed track skirting a river through the mountains. The 20,000 kyat ($20) charge for half a seat in a minivan is likely accounted for by the numerous checkpoints on the way, at each of which our driver handed over cash to men with guns (both "state" and "non-state" actors, in the current terminology).  Preparations get underway for a Buddhist festival on the Dawei peninsula. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy) The border crossing itself is a confusing muddle, and it is not clear what might be the best way to cross. With a few other travelers, I asked a Thai man driving a pickup if we could jump in. He kindly obliged, and took us through a few kilometers of no-man's land. The gravel road drops onto a four-lane blacktop road and you know you're in Thailand. At the Thai border checkpoint, Myanmar migrant workers form a long queue, and tourists are ushered past. Once you're in Thailand, bona fide reggae bars are not far away—it's just an hour to Kanchanaburi or three hours to Bangkok by private car. This article originally appeared in the Mar. 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Dawei and Beyond appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Posted: 22 Mar 2015 05:00 PM PDT  One of the works featured in 'Forced to Flee', a compilation of paintings and drawings by Burmese refugee children. (Picture: ) RANGOON — Teaching English after hours to immigrants newly settled in the United States, Erika Berg was so moved by the stories of injustice told by her students that she resigned from her 24-year publishing career to work full-time with refugees. Eventually she was hired to find potential foster homes in Seattle for refugee children, many of whom were from Burma, living in refugee camps without an adult caregiver. Over the last four years, Berg has traveled to the Thai-Burma border, the US and Canada to run artistic workshops with Burmese children, asking them to document the reasons they fled their homeland, their dreams, what they miss most about their country and the often harsh realities of exile life. "Every refugee's story deepens, further, my appreciation for the courage, resilience and hard-earned grace of those who have been forced to flee violent conflict or persecution in their native land," Berg told The Irrawaddy. With the publication of "Forced to Flee", a collection of 196 artworks drawn by refugee youths, Berg has chronicled the stories, the trauma and the hopes of the Burmese diaspora's youngest generation. "Their visual stories illustrate common roots of conflict and forced displacement," Berg said. "Their paintings illustrate that, in Burma, whether one is Buddhist or not has often determined if one is—or at least feels—welcome. In the case of refugees, and internally displaced people, that can also determine if one feels safe, or not." The book will hit the shelves at the end of March, and all royalties from its sale will be donated to peace building efforts in Burma. Those living inside Burma can order the book online here. The post Exile Dreaming appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
