The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- UEC Extends Voter List Review amid Complaints
- Burma Replaces Senior Air Force Officer After Stray China Bomb
- Mon Advocacy Group Urges Cross-Party Collaboration
- Voter Lists on Agenda as NLD, Election Body Set to Meet Again
- TNLA Says 200m Kyats in Drugs Seized
- Ma Ba Tha Determined to Make Airwaves
- Indonesian Army Inches Back Into Civilian Sphere
- Love of the Lingo
- China Angered by Philippine Documentary on South China Sea
- Out of the Shadows, China Hackers Turn Cyber Gatekeepers
- ‘I Want the USDP to Win, but to Win Fairly’
| UEC Extends Voter List Review amid Complaints Posted: 29 Jun 2015 09:07 AM PDT  A man examines voter lists posted alongside election education materials in Rangoon on March 30. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) said a voter list review period will be indefinitely prolonged to allow voters to submit corrections, following mounting complaints that preliminary rosters contained numerous errors. UEC Director Thein Oo told The Irrawaddy on Monday that voter lists currently on view will remain in place, while those that have already been removed will be posted again for further public scrutiny. Thein Oo said the order to keep the lists displayed was issued to UEC sub-commissions last week, to be implemented immediately. The lists will remain on view until sometime before the commission announces the official election date—which is expected at least 90 days in advance of polls slated for early November—he said. The lists will then be removed, revised and displayed again for a final two-week review period, after which voters cannot request any further changes. The final review period was initially set to last only seven days, but has also been extended to a full two weeks. Those who petition to change their registration data upon this period must submit a form to the UEC and should receive notice from the commission within seven days. "Since our intention is to get accurate voter lists, we instructed [UEC staff] to continue to show all preliminary voter lists and continue to accept complaint forms, to be able to correct errors as much as we can before we display the nationwide voter lists," Thein Oo said. The order came as a surprise about-face after UEC member Win Kyi announced last week that there would be no extension of the review period, according to The Myanmar Times. The commission began a four-phase rollout of voter lists in late March, posting the initial lists in township sub-commission offices across the country for review by the electorate. Phase four is still ongoing in some areas, where it should reach into some of the country's most remote border territories. Problems were evident from the outset, as reports poured in of incorrect birth dates, exclusion of eligible voters and the inclusion of names of the deceased. The main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), penned an open letter to the commission on June 4 claiming that some 30 to 80 percent of eligible voter data was incorrectly listed on the initial roster. UEC Chairman Tin Aye also acknowledged that the lists needed revision, telling reporters in a press briefing that errors were to be expected and the NLD was "exaggerating a bit" about the severity of the discrepancies. Election monitors defended the NLD's complaint after finding that the inaccuracies, which were found mostly in Rangoon and Naypyidaw during early phases of the rollout, were widespread. Mya Nandar, a monitor working with the New Myanmar Foundation, said her group had seen various reports of mismatches between government-issued identification cards and voter list data. "The UEC Chairman [Tin Aye] has said that if only the names and the NRC [national ID card] are incorrect it will be okay to vote, but there needs to be something more official than his words," Mya Nanda said, concerned that voters might not take a proactive approach to voter verification, assuming that inconsistencies would be smoothed out on Election Day. "Voters shouldn't lose their rights because some data are incorrectly stated on the voter lists," she said. Voter lists are currently displayed in parts of Arakan, Kachin and Shan states, as well as townships across Mandalay, Pegu, Sagaing's Nagaland region and Kawthaung in Tenasserim Division. According to the UEC director, lists should imminently be redisplayed and available for public review in all sub-commission offices nationwide. The post UEC Extends Voter List Review amid Complaints appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma Replaces Senior Air Force Officer After Stray China Bomb Posted: 29 Jun 2015 08:15 AM PDT  A woman walks past Chinese national flags at a crop field in Kokang, near Burma's border with China, on March 24, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Burma has replaced a high-ranking air force officer, officials said on Monday, in a move that was seen as a response to China's anger over stray bombs that fell in Chinese territory and killed five farmers three months ago. Maj-Gen Lwin Oo was replaced as the air force chief-of-staff by Brig-Gen Maung Maung Kyaw, a senior official in the President's Office told Reuters. It is unclear when the switch happened. Burma emerged from 49 years of military rule in 2011 and now has a quasi-civilian government, but high-level shifts within its military remain shrouded in secrecy, and officials spoke to Reuters on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivities. An air force officer said Lwin Oo was believed to have lost his post because of a bomb that fell on the Chinese side of the border during a campaign against rebels from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) earlier this year. "As far as we understand, he was removed as a punishment for the air force's stray bombing on Chinese territory," the air force officer said. The MNDAA announced a unilateral ceasefire earlier this month. The post Burma Replaces Senior Air Force Officer After Stray China Bomb appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Mon Advocacy Group Urges Cross-Party Collaboration Posted: 29 Jun 2015 06:49 AM PDT
 Representatives of a newly formed Mon advocacy group during a meeting in Moulmein, Mon State, on June 20. (Photo: Min Min Nwe / Facebook) RANGOON — An independent advocacy organization has urged all Mon political parties preparing to contest national elections later this year to collaborate in order to maximize Mon representation in the post-poll parliament. The group, named the 'Independent Mon Support Group for Victory in the National Election,' was formed in May in order to lend support to all aspiring ethnic Mon candidates. The group has 23 members including civil society representatives, political party officials, MPs and activists. Spokesperson Min Aung Htoo said the group had sent a letter to the two main Mon parties, the Mon National Party (MNP) and the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMDP), requesting that they work together ahead of the elections and avoid competing directly for the same constituencies. The Woman's Party (Mon) should also be included in any cross-party deliberations, the advocacy group said. "If they want to work together, let's say to divide constituencies, we will help them do it. If campaigning is needed, we will do it. Or if they say they don't need us, but will still work together, that's fine too," Min Aung Htoo said. The group said they will run voter awareness campaigns to provide the public with accurate information related to the election. When asked of the importance of a strong showing by Mon parties in the election, Min Aung Htoo said that although other parties could work for the betterment of the region, only ethnic representatives could truly understand and defend ethnic cultural and linguistic rights, as well as rights granted under the constitution. "We assume there is a need for ethnic MPs to be in the parliament to discuss federal issues and political reforms," Min Aung Htoo said. In a statement released in May, the group lamented that the two established Mon parties had decided to compete for the same constituencies. "If Mon representatives are to be in competition with each other, we believe they cannot win over influential big parties as Mon voters' ballots will be divided," the statement said. "Mon parties should negotiate with each other… An unbiased mediating group should be involved to negotiate between the Mon parties if needed." On Saturday, the group organized a meeting of Mon candidates who competed in the 1990 elections and Mon MPs elected in the 2010 poll. The Mon National Democratic Front won a handful of seats in the 1990 elections, which Burma's then ruling junta refused to recognize. The party did not contest the 2010 poll but reemerged as the Mon Democracy Party two years later. It was recognized as a registered party in Burma in 2013 and changed its name to the Mon National Party in March 2014. The All Mon Region Democracy Party opted to contest the country's last national election in 2010, winning sixteen seats across both state and union legislatures. Following Saturday's dialogue, Mon representatives from both sides of the political divide issued a joint statement recognizing the advocacy group's efforts and pledging to discuss with their respective executive committee members suggestions for collaboration ahead of this year's vote. The post Mon Advocacy Group Urges Cross-Party Collaboration appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Voter Lists on Agenda as NLD, Election Body Set to Meet Again Posted: 29 Jun 2015 06:23 AM PDT  National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi meets with a 90-year-old voter in Naypyidaw's Pobbathiri Township on Saturday. (Photo: Facebook / Aung San Suu Kyi) RANGOON — Burma's main opposition party will again meet with the country's election body in an effort ahead of the general election to improve voter verification, a process that has come in for criticism in recent weeks amid widespread complaints that preliminary lists of eligible voters are highly inaccurate. Tun Tun Hein, leader of a voter list review committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD), said the party's second meeting on the issue with the Union Election Commission (UEC) was scheduled to take place early next month in Naypyidaw. He said the two sides would discuss ways to improve the voter verification system currently in place, including easing election bylaw restrictions that the NLD says are making the process for filing corrections onerous for voters. Election bylaws currently require that the affected voter submit corrections of their personal data to local election officials in person. "Based on our door-to-door visits with voters, they said they had no time to do it as they are busy with their work," Tun Tun Hein said. "The UEC may not think it is such a difficulty, but it's the reality on the ground," he added. The NLD has been making door-to-door visits to a number of constituencies since mid-April to check people's names against the preliminary voter lists that have been rolled out across the country in four stages beginning in March. The party has mobilized its members to help people file the forms required to amend inaccuracies as the extent of the problem has become apparent. Party leaders had a meeting with the UEC on June 3 after sending an open letter to the commission in which the party claimed preliminary voter lists were 30 percent to 80 percent inaccurate. At a press conference five days later, UEC chairman Tin Aye acknowledged "many errors" on the initial lists, but assured the public that the necessary measures were in place for voters to correct the data ahead of Election Day. "After the meeting, we no longer face any hindrances in copying the voter lists. This time we hope that we will overcome the difficulty we are facing," Tun Tun Hein said. To inject momentum into the process of voter list verification, NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi joined the party's door-to-door drive over the weekend in Naypyidaw. During a three-hour canvassing of Pobbathiri Township on Saturday, Suu Kyi and her team visited 18 houses and met with 24 families to check for voter list errors, according to Win Myint, a fellow NLD lawmaker who accompanied the chairwoman. "Her visit showed how seriously she takes compiling a correct voter list. Many people were thrilled when she explained to them how to make proper corrections when errors were found in their list," he said. Nationwide, reports of errors have included cases involving omissions, incorrect dates of birth and the inclusion of deceased individuals. The fourth and final batch of preliminary voter lists were made public last week across several of Burma's states and divisions. They were originally due to be displayed until July 5, but UEC director Thein Oo told The Irrawaddy that the rosters would instead be left up indefinitely. Additionally, Thein Oo said preliminary voter lists comprising the first three phases of the rollout would be republished across the country for an indeterminate period of time, in an apparent response to the criticism directed at the UEC in recent weeks. Voters will have another chance to check the lists sometime after the polling date is made known, an announcement that is expected no less than 90 days before Election Day. The post Voter Lists on Agenda as NLD, Election Body Set to Meet Again appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| TNLA Says 200m Kyats in Drugs Seized Posted: 29 Jun 2015 05:47 AM PDT  A photo purportedly shows a stash of drugs seized by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) on Saturday. (Photo: Facebook / Pslf-Tnla) RANGOON — The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) says it has detained six people and seized drugs with an estimated street value of nearly 200 million kyats (US$167,000) in northern Shan State, marking the ethnic armed group's second largest drug bust ever. The seizure included more than 10 viss (16 kilograms) of raw opium and 119,400 methamphetamine tablets, with the alleged drug couriers outed at a TNLA checkpoint on the road linking the towns of Minewee and Mantong over the weekend. TNLA spokesman Mai Aike Kyaw told The Irrawaddy that the narcotics haul was second only to a seizure in March that amounted to $3.5 million in heroin and methamphetamine pills. "Our army set up checkpoints and checked everyone on the road from Mantong and Minewee," Mai Aike Kyaw said. "Our intention is to crack down on the illegal drug trade. We uncovered two separate cases [on Saturday] in which they drove motorbikes and were trafficking illegal drugs. "Firstly we found raw opium hidden in a basket, which totaled 10 viss, and seized 80,000 tablets of amphetamines from two motorbikes [ridden] by four people. This was 10:00 [am] local time. In a second case, 39,400 amphetamine tablets were seized from a couple who drove a motorbike," he said, adding that the TNLA was not acting on a tip and discovered the narcotics during a routine check of vehicles passing through the area, which is largely populated by Palaung, an ethnic minority also known as Ta'ang. The TNLA spokesman said the drugs came from an area in Shan State controlled by the Pansay militia, an armed group led by Kyaw Myint, a member of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) representing Namkham Township in the Shan State parliament. The Pansay militia allows locals to cultivate opium poppies in the territory it controls and levies a tax on those who do. The TNLA is investigating the nature of the six detainees' role in the narcotics trade to determine whether they are traffickers or merely drug mules, according to Mai Aike Kyaw. During last year's opium cultivation season, which typically begins in October, the TNLA came to sporadic blows with Pansay soldiers as it undertook a campaign to eradicate cultivation of opium poppies in the townships of Namkham and Mantong along the Sino-Burmese border. Northern Shan State has also seen fighting in recent years between the Burma Army and the TNLA. The Palaung rebels, unlike most of Burma's armed ethnic groups, do not have a bilateral ceasefire with the government. The TNLA says it is carrying out drug eradication operations in the area to stem rampant drug abuse among Palaung communities. The rebels and Palaung NGOs have alleged that pro-government militias in the region are producing drugs and peddling them in minority communities. The post TNLA Says 200m Kyats in Drugs Seized appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ma Ba Tha Determined to Make Airwaves Posted: 29 Jun 2015 03:09 AM PDT  Ma Ba Tha chairman Bhaddamta Tiloka Bhivunsa watches as a Thai monk signs a memorandum of understanding pledging funds for two Buddhist radio stations in Burma, at a Ma Ba Tha conference in Rangoon in June 2015. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Where there's a will, there's a way, according to the Ma Ba Tha. Burma's Ministry of Information last week dashed the group's hopes of launching its own radio station—at least for now—but Ma Ba Tha said it will keep pushing. Ma Ba Tha spokesman Ashin Par Mouk Kha told The Irrawaddy late last week that the group plans to lobby the government for swift passage of a forthcoming Broadcast Law to allow them to begin broadcasting public sermons without pairing with a state-owned enterprise. "We can't do it without their support," Par Mouk Kha said, adding that any attempt by the government to obstruct the group's airwave ambitions would be viewed as a blow to the preservation of Buddhism. Last week, a Buddhist delegation from Thailand offered the group 40 million kyats (US$35,800) to finance equipment and construction of FM radio stations. Ma Ba Tha, an acronym for the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, is a powerful group of Buddhist figures largely viewed as anti-Muslim nationalists. The group was behind lobbying efforts to advance a controversial legislative package that could limit birthrates, restrict interfaith marriage and complicate religious conversion. The much-criticized Population Control Law was first of the four bills to be signed into law late last month. Ma Ba Tha has also been accused of spreading hate speech on social media and through inflammatory language in public sermons, prompting concern that a private radio station could be used to foster intolerance. Par Mouk Kha denied any ill-intention, vowing that the group "won't broadcast any hate things or anything that can fuel religious conflict." Regardless of content, Burma's Minister of information Ye Htut told reporters last week that the group would not be allowed to air on FM radio until a forthcoming Broadcast Bill is enacted. Current law requires broadcasters to partner with Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV), a state-owned enterprise operating under the ministry. MRTV permanent secretary Tint Swe told The Irrawaddy that there are presently about 10 semi-commercial radio stations in Burma, all of which are required to collaborate with the ministry under the 1989 State Enterprise Law. Tint Swe said that all current radio stations were approved by the former government through a long and complex vetting process, and that "there have been no new FM stations under [President Thein Sein's] government." If broadcasters are found operating without a state-issued license, he said, they will be subject to fines or possible prison sentences. The post Ma Ba Tha Determined to Make Airwaves appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Indonesian Army Inches Back Into Civilian Sphere Posted: 29 Jun 2015 12:34 AM PDT  Indonesia President Joko Widodo, right, stands at attention with commanders of the Indonesian military (TNI) after becoming an honorary member of the special forces in Jakarta on April 16, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / Antara) JAKARTA — Nearly two decades after the fall of dictator Suharto forced Indonesia's military out of politics, the army is inching back into civilian roles, risking a setback for democracy in this Southeast Asian nation and perhaps even for the turbulent region. The vast Indonesian archipelago is one of the world's most-populous democracies and also among the youngest. Many Indonesians welcomed the army's retreat from politics after Suharto's often brutal 32-year rule was ended by mass protests in 1998. But years later, analysts and former generals say the military's national defense role is still not fully accepted among officers or the rank-and-file. Now, the army is creeping into areas beyond defense as inexperienced President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo relies on it to strengthen his hand against the powerful and unruly police and political parties allied to former President Megawati Sukarnoputri. Megawati, the daughter of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno, positioned herself as the power behind Jokowi's presidency by letting her party back him during last year's election. The army has signed agreements with government ministries and state companies that involve it in areas such as providing security for airports, bus stations and railways and helping farmers increase their crops. Some officials have called for army involvement in Indonesia's anticorruption agency to counter attempts by police and their political allies to neuter an institution that is effective and feared. Jokowi recently nominated an army general to head all military forces, breaking with the schedule of a reform-minded convention of rotating the post between the navy, air force and army. "I think it is obvious that the move is calculated to bring the army on side given that the president is having so much trouble from friends and foes alike," said Vedi Hadiz, an Indonesia expert at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia. "It is only the army that can scare the police." Indonesia is by far the most populous nation and biggest economy in Southeast Asia. The resilience of its democracy has extra significance at a time when China's authoritarian leaders are testing US primacy in the region and American relations with Thailand, a key regional ally, have chilled. The region of some 600 million people is accustomed to rule by autocrats and Indonesia is not alone in struggling to nurture faith in the messy processes of democracy while also meeting expectations for improved living standards. Last year, generals overthrew civilian rule in perennially unstable Thailand and have no firm timetable for elections. The military remains deeply embedded in Burma's nascent democracy, while Malaysia's opposition alliance has collapsed, dimming chances of a change in government after decades of rule by one party. The risk of greater army involvement is that it "might cause failure in the progress of the transition to democracy for Indonesia," said Agus Widjojo, a retired Indonesian army general who helped lead reforms of the military. "If this is a relapse and a counter-reaction, especially if it starts from the military, it can cause a ripple effect." Widjojo sees weaknesses on both sides: Jokowi, who lacks confidence without the army at his side, and in the military where many still "cling to the extensive role" of the past. Jokowi, who is military supreme commander, caused a stir earlier this month when he was photographed at the presidential palace wearing army fatigues rather than a neutral military uniform that would show him as an impartial leader of the armed forces' three branches. He says his nomination of army Gen. Gatot Nurmantyo as military commander was based on the "latest geopolitical and geostrategic situation." Despite a reputation for brutality, the image of Indonesia's armed forces, known as the TNI, has improved since Suharto's departure, when it relinquished control of internal security, though gray areas remained. According to the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict in Jakarta, the military benefits from favorable comparisons with the poor image of the police, which has worsened this year as it attacked the anti-graft agency. That has allowed the army to portray itself as honest, civic minded and loyal to the president. Separated from the military after the Suharto era, the police grew into a powerful institution and also one of the most loathed as low wages encouraged corruption and lack of professionalism worsened communal conflicts. The army is "definitely moving into civilian spheres no question," said Sidney Jones, the institute's director. But the institute does not believe the TNI is intent on returning to the center of the political stage. Instead it aims to claim internal security roles such as counter-terrorism from the police and secure more opportunities to bring in cash outside of the national budget. The money-making opportunities extend to the local level where the military and police compete for lucrative alliances with criminal gangs in the drug trade and other illegal activities, said Hadiz. Jokowi's appointment of Nurmantyo to head the military suggests the president's tacit backing of the army in that rivalry, he said. As the army tests how far it can extend its authority, particularly if it gets involved with anti-corruption policing, it will face opposition from activists and politicians who prospered in a democracy where the military were comparative outsiders, said Hadiz. "However, these same politicians seem to instinctively reach out to the military when they are in trouble," he said. The post Indonesian Army Inches Back Into Civilian Sphere appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 28 Jun 2015 11:09 PM PDT  John Okell, now 80, has been teaching Burmese language for more than five decades. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) His pupils describe him as "brilliant" and "incredible," and when you listen to him speak the Myanmar language with the ease and fluency of a local, it's easy to see why. John Okell has taught the Myanmar tongue for more than five decades. Now 80, the British lecturer's passion for the language has not diminished and the classes he runs twice a year—in Chiang Mai, Thailand and in Yangon—are highly sought after by prospective students. His long association with the language began fortuitously in 1959 when he inquired about courses through the British foreign office. "They were looking for someone to be taught Burmese," Okell recalled. "I applied to the program as I was interested in languages and they chose me and trained me." After one and a half years of study at SOAS, University of London with teacher Hla Pe and phonetic lecturer Keith Sprigg, he was sent to Myanmar to practice his blossoming language skills. He stayed in the country for one year from 1960, including a month-long stay in a village in Amarapura in central Myanmar where he learned more about the intricacies of the language and the local culture. "I was lucky that Saya Hla Pe was very kind and introduced me to a lot of friends," Okell said. He returned to teach Myanmar at the SOAS and to foreign diplomats, while also making frequent trips to the country at least every five years. Following his retirement at 65, Mr. Okell was invited by foreigners working on Myanmar issues in Thailand to provide them with language training—a role he still performs passionately today. Former student Marisa Charles, a senior program manager at the Myanmar Institute for Integrated Development, took classes under Okell in 2008, 2009 and 2011 in Chiang Mai. "He is a true teacher at heart," she said of Okell. "He always has an interesting or funny quip or story to help us understand the history from which the language emerged, and the playful way that Myanmar people creatively use their language today." Gabrielle Galanek, another former student and now a communications consultant in Bangkok, spoke of Okell's love of the language. "His passion was infectious. He spoke so eloquently about the details of the language and how fascinating the structure was, the tones," she said. In 2009, Okell was invited to teach three-week intensive classes in Yangon, but he was initially reluctant. "I felt ashamed as they have got plenty of Burmese around them, [while] I was offered to go and teach." But his pupils say they are grateful to have him, as are other lecturers in the language. "When you study with John, the last thing you want to do is disappoint him, so in that way he's one of the most inspiring and motivating teachers I've ever met," said Kirt Mausert, senior program trainer for the Institute for Political and Civic Engagement based at the American Center. Mausert was first introduced to the renowned language teacher in a bookstore on Yangon's Bogyoke Aung San Road where he found a copy of Okell's "First Steps in Burmese." "John is by far the most patient and understanding teacher of any subject I've ever seen. His passion for teaching Burmese inspires all of his students," said Mausert, who is now Okell's course coordinator in Yangon. According to Ma Yamin Shwe Sin Htaik, a Myanmar language lecturer at Chiang Mai University, Okell is "the best teacher" among foreigners teaching the language. He knows the language deeply, she said, and although he speaks in very polite Myanmar, he is not old fashioned and keeps up to date with new words whenever he can. "Although, since he is also a paragon of humility, I expect he would be the first to claim that his knowledge of the language is far from perfect." Aside from the educational language books and scholarly articles he has written, Okell has no interest in penning an autobiography, despite the fascinating life of teaching and learning he has led. "It is not very interesting" to write about oneself, he said. Although he lives for most of each year in England, he is well-connected with the Myanmar community and is knowledgeable about current Myanmar affairs. "Other changes you have are a different economic situation, better income, more choice of goods and services. [But] most people I know are saying all of them [the reforms] are the same as before," he said. Another difference he has noticed is that these days on the streets of Yangon, people will speak to him in Myanmar whereas when he first arrived in the then-capital, more than 50 years ago, Yangon residents invariably addressed him in English. This article originally appeared in the June 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Love of the Lingo appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| China Angered by Philippine Documentary on South China Sea Posted: 28 Jun 2015 10:51 PM PDT  Members of the Philippine marines are transported on a rubber boat from a patrol ship after conducting a mission on the disputed Second Thomas Shoal, part of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea, last month. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING — China on Monday accused the Philippines of spreading misinformation and "creating the illusion of the victim" in their dispute over the South China Sea after Manila aired a three-part documentary defending its position. The first part of the documentary series titled "Karapatan sa Dagat," or maritime rights, was released as the Philippines observed Independence Day on June 12. "The Philippines is attempting to mislead and deceive, gain sympathy by cheating and create the illusion of the 'victim'," Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said in a statement on the ministry's website. He accused the Philippines of aiming to incite the people of the two countries. Tit-for-tat rhetorical exchanges between the Philippines and China over the South China Sea dispute have escalated in recent months. Last week, a Defense Ministry spokesman accused the Philippines of trying to draw other countries into the dispute to stir up regional tensions after Japan joined a military drill with the Philippines. The Philippines had said the documentary was intended to inform its people and to rally public support behind government policies and actions. Hua's statement added: "China and the Philippines are long-term friends and good neighbors and have shown that they have been able to fully and properly handle the South China Sea issue through friendly consultations." China has become increasingly assertive in the potentially energy-rich South China Sea, building artificial islands in areas over which the Philippines and other countries have rival claims. The moves have sparked alarm regionally and in Washington. China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi said on Saturday that if China changed its position on claims over the South China Sea, it would shame its ancestors, while not facing up to infringements of Chinese sovereignty there would shame its children. The post China Angered by Philippine Documentary on South China Sea appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Out of the Shadows, China Hackers Turn Cyber Gatekeepers Posted: 28 Jun 2015 09:56 PM PDT
 Patrons of an internet cafe in the Chinese city of Hefei. Many of the country's hackers are finding it increasingly lucrative to join the nascent cybersecurity industry. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING — China, long accused by the United States of rampant cyber aggression, may be synonymous with hacking exploits these days, but that doesn’t mean every Chinese hacker is out to pilfer and destroy. As Chinese companies grapple with a sharp increase in the number of cyberattacks, many hackers are finding it increasingly lucrative to go above board and join the country’s nascent cybersecurity industry. Zhang Tianqi, a 23-year old Beijinger, cut his chops in high school trying to infiltrate foreign websites, skirting domestic law by probing for vulnerabilities on overseas gaming networks. Now, after a stint working at internet bluechip Alibaba Group Holding Ltd, he is the chief technology officer of a Shanghai-based cybersecurity firm which owns Vulbox.com, a site offering rewards for vulnerability discoveries, and internet security media site FreeBuf.com. “I’d been messing around in the field in my early years, but luckily it just so happens now that there’s this trend of China taking information security very seriously,” Zhang said on June 18, from his office in a high-tech development in eastern Shanghai. China’s President Xi Jinping has made cybersecurity a national priority as the country starts to feel the impact of rapid economic growth occurring without a corresponding development in data protection. In May, China’s National Computer Network Emergency Response Technical Team, a non-profit agency, said it had recorded 9,068 instances of data leaks in 2014, three times as many as in 2013, reflecting the “grim challenges” of Chinese cybersecurity, according to the official Xinhua news agency. To try and tackle this, dozens of cybersecurity companies are now cropping up across China according to industry observers, populated by young techies with bona fide security skills and work experience at firms like Alibaba, Tencent Holdings Ltd and Baidu Inc. China is hoping that eventually domestic cybersecurity groups will provide most of its companies with defences against hacking, rather than them relying on foreign firms like Symantec , Kaspersky and EMC Corp’s RSA. The gradual professionalism of China’s bedroom hackers traces the country’s rise as an economic and technological force, and its sometimes conflicted position in the escalating global data security arms race. The US government has attributed sophisticated attacks—including the large-scale data theft this month from the Office of Personnel Management (OPM)—to increasingly advanced state-affiliated teams from China. But former hackers say the majority of their peers are joining a burgeoning industry to help China firms fend off the numerous attacks they face themselves. China has denied any connection with the OPM attack and little is known about the identities of those involved in it. The Cyberspace Administration of China told Reuters in a June 19 fax that it opposes “any form of network attack” and does “not allow any groups or individuals to engage in network-attacking activities” within its borders. The cybersecurity industry’s growth was partly spurred by a government crackdown on China’s hacking community five years ago—around the same time Beijing passed a series of laws banning hacking and spamming tools and requiring telecom operators to help suppress attacks. Government sweeps largely silenced once-raucous online forums like kanxue.com, where hackers traded tips and boasted about their conquests. Many chose to shift from “black hat” activities to “white hat” ones, using their skills to find network vulnerabilities so that they can be fixed. “Many people feel that now white hats have some space to do things, or make money, while hackers can’t do bad things anymore,” said one hacker who asked not to be identified because of his former work with the government. Aside from companies like Alibaba, Tencent and Baidu beefing up their defences, China’s government has also been working to ramp up the data security of the country as a whole. Agencies including the Cyberspace Administration of China have led educational efforts around promoting data security. Still, many “white hats” say Chinese companies continue not to take the matter of information security seriously enough, neglecting to hire enough people in-house to protect themselves. “I hope we can give people a wake-up call,” said the former government hacker. Even with the current progress, it’s likely to be a long and laborious effort, with China saying it is often the target of sophisticated attacks from overseas. Last month, Chinese security company Qihoo 360 Technology Co Ltd issued a report saying it had discovered a series of cyber-intrusions against important Chinese targets that lasted for years. These include a government maritime agency, research institutions and shipping companies. Zhang says that while the finger is often pointed at China for hacking attacks, the country is still playing catch up with the United States on both the cyber security, and cyber espionage fronts. “When China’s measured up against the American giants, the level of their hacks, their data security, the scale and the harm they can do is all much greater.” The post Out of the Shadows, China Hackers Turn Cyber Gatekeepers appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘I Want the USDP to Win, but to Win Fairly’ Posted: 28 Jun 2015 05:00 PM PDT  Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe is once again joined by Union Election Commission chairman Tin Aye for this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, the second and final part of our interview with Tin Aye, chairman of the Union Election Commission, who discusses earlier comments about the likelihood of a military coup after this year's elections, the parallels with the situation in 1990, and his lingering attachment to the Union Solidarity and Development Party. The first part of this interview is available here. Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to our weekly Dateline Irrawaddy program. In this week's edition, we will continue our discussion with U Tin Aye chairman of the Union Election Commission (UEC). We will ask if he intended to be threatening or had other intentions by saying that the military may seize power, what measures he has taken to guarantee the transfer of power to the opposition party if it wins the coming election, and if he wants his former party to win the election after admitting he still has an attachment to the party. I am Kyaw Zwa Moe, editor of The Irrawaddy's English edition. Mr Chairman, as everyone knows you have been criticized for your military background. But then, I am more interested in and inclined to pay more attention to what you say and do as the chairman of the UEC. Last year, you said that the military may seize power if there was instability in the country. Perhaps, you said it because you were worried. But then, at the same time, some viewed it as a threat. Tin Aye: Yes, they did. KZM: So, as the chairman of the UEC, don't you think words that reflect military could damage the credibility of the chairman of the UEC? TA: Every man has his own agenda. As you said, what I said is viewed as a threat and I am looked down upon [because of my military background]. I don't blame those who criticize me. I did not mean to threaten; I said so because I do not wish it to happen. I joined the military in 1963 and passed the time under the socialism of the Revolutionary Council, and then the State Law and Order Restoration Council and State Peace and Development Council, and the country has lagged behind in its development. The country has practiced self-imposed isolation since the socialist period. There are five strengths [according to Myanmar customs] and one of the strengths is having friends. You know that Bangladesh, Laos, and Cambodia were lagged behind us [in the past]. But now, they are developed. How have they become developed? With the help of grants, aid and loans. I am full of bitter experiences in my mind and in my heart. This makes me afraid that the military might need to seize power again. The military intervenes when there is disorder and instability. It needs not to intervene when the country is stable and peaceful. The military seizes power because the country is in chaos. It never seizes power when the country is peaceful. You may point out the 1962 coup. That was because of the weakness of 1947 constitution. The military seized power, giving the excuse that [ethnic regions] could cede from the country [according to constitution]. History will decide whether their reasons were right or wrong. If there is a certain weak point, for example in the constitution or if the country is unstable, the military may seize power for fear that the Union may break up. The military may seize power when there is instability, like if the country is in chaos or a state of anarchy and faced with rampant killings, or foreign fleets enter Myanmar's territorial waters. I did not mean to threaten. Based on my 47 years of experience [in the military], the military did not seize power because it wanted to, but because there was instability. I have said this time and again. We were blamed for 1988 coup. There was no rule of law, there were cases of beheadings, the administrative mechanisms had fallen apart, and there were fights at border posts that time and the US naval fleets [entered Myanmar's territorial waters]. Under such circumstances, what would have happened had the military not seized power and just stood by? Think about it. Should the military be blamed? Even if you don't blame the military, foreign countries may blame it. The international community does not like it. I know that. It was not that the military seized power because it wanted to, but because it was inevitable. But then, as a result, the country suffered. KZM: People suffered the brunt of it. TA: People suffered. That's why I say [don't try to create instability] because I do not want to go through this experience again. KZM: Apart from the instability factor, in a recent interview, you said that if an opposition party won in the coming election, power may not be transferred to it or it may eventually lead to a coup. TA: If that's what you thought, you misunderstood. I said power must be transferred, it is a must. It must be transferred. KZM: It was reported as such. But anyway, is there the potential for a coup? Because we see now that the military, government and election commission are working in harmony. I think the military must have given a guarantee. TA: As the military has provided a guarantee, so has the government, I think. This is my personal view. I don't know if they are craftily playing tricks. But then, I believe we are on the same boat. If they do so, there will be a big impact and the country will be in trouble. I dare to persuade them and I would urge them [to not stage a coup] and to listen to my decision. What I want is—today, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is the ruling party and it must be the best opposition party if it lost the election. KZM: Critics would point to the 1990 elections [whose results were nullified by the then government]— TA: No. No. I want to deny that comparison. I want to deny it. The national convention was convened for 1992, 1993. The National League for Democracy (NLD) should have acted shrewdly and attended the convention and gone along with the constitution no matter what was written in it. In fact, the constitution was the step for the transfer of power. If the government at the time said the election would be held only after the constitution is drafted, so it should have been. The NLD could have contested again. No other party would have been able to win that election. If they said they would change the constitution again after it won that election, no one would have been able to stop it. It was not clever. KZM: So, the party that won in 1990 was not shrewd? TA: That's right. That is how I assess it. You can blame the government of the time if it did not transfer power while the constitution was in place. But, don't blame them if there was no constitution. The government was to transfer power after the constitution was drafted. [Aung San Suu Kyi] was arrested. The previous government met and held talks with her, and released and chaperoned her around the country [to view development projects] as a VIP. We had to discuss with her a lot of things and finally decided we could do no more and left it. We drafted the constitution and released her just after the emergence of the constitution. This is how we passed those days. These are my views. The other side may have their own views. I have no comment about their views. In my view, the previous government had reasons for the things it did in those days. KZM: What legal action will the UEC take under the election law against electoral campaigning or encouraging people to vote for a particular party? Recently, some religious organizations spoke indirectly of doing so. TA: That case is very delicate. I don't want to talk about it. It is a complicated issue. I asked them not to do it. They can do it according to the law. They can't do what the law does not allow. But if they do and complaint is sent against them, I will check if it is against the law. I will take action if it is against the law. But then, it is best if they don't. KZM: I hear that you will retire when your current term expires. Is that true? If you will retire, what legacy would you like to leave for the commission? The difference between the 1990 election commission and your commission is that the former was made of personalities like U Ba Htay, Saya Che, and U Saw Kyar Doe, while ex-military officials are the current incarnation. What legacy would you like to leave for your country [through the election commission]? TA: I will surely retire. I very much cherish my job. This is a very good job for the country. I think a courageous man who dares to speak out is needed for this position. I would like to take the lead role. If I can't, I would like to be a follower. I don't like armchair critics at all. I am different from others. Highlighting too many follies is harming oneself. If those who criticize me said they could replace me, I would quit. I am that fed up. But then, groups that are working in cooperation with me say that I can't quit. I will quit when my term expires after the election. But I don't say this because I want to postpone my retirement, I have to take care of the election results and report to the parliament. And, I want to amend some laws. Some people, when they come to parliament, ask me if I don't want to amend any law as laws are being amended now. And I said no. A law should be exercised for a term so that it can be assessed and I will introduce changes to it for the next term. So, I will hand over my amendments when I retire. I will retire from UEC chairmanship after I transfer the duty. As to your question of what legacy I would like to leave, I want to talk about the essence of elections. Elections are crucially important. They need to turn out outstanding and virtuous people. It is important that outstanding and virtuous people get into the parliament and serve the country. I will discuss this with people so that they understand its importance. Secondly, political parties are very important. They have to constantly improve their capacity. They have to serve the country when they come into power. The opposition party should not disturb but cooperate. I want to instill this concept. I want my commission to be a strong, firm institution. This is my wish. I don't know how much it can be achieved, but I am working toward that end. KZM: Are you ready to take any bigger role assigned by the government or have you thought of re-engaging with politics after you retire? TA: I won't unless the situation requires. I would not leave irresponsibly, but anyway I would retire. Bogyoke Aung San said that he would stand by and laugh at his comrades' arguments after the country gained its independence. I would not laugh, but I would stand by and watch. I will copy Bogyoke Aung San's words because I like them. After the coming election, I will stand by and watch. But then, I may have to take a part if the situation requires. Unless the situation requires, I would not take any role. KZM: My final question is, you were a member of the USDP and elected to the parliament to represent it before you became the chairman. Do you wish for the USDP to win in the coming election? TA: As a chairman, I am not supposed to have attachment to the party. It would not be wise. I have and attachment, but I don't put it at the forefront of my mind. The decision of the people is most important. Anyway, attachment is the origin of a patriotic spirit. If you say you don't love your organization, I would say you don't have patriotic spirit. I am speaking the truth. I love it. I love the country. I love my organization. I love the military. I am willing to sacrifice my life for them. I love my organization. But I don't accept wrongdoing. I want the USDP to win, but to win fairly, not by cheating. As a chairman, I would say that you should never ever think I would help you to win. You ask me if I want it to win, it will win if it deserves it. What can we do? But I will make sure they do not win by cheating. I have said again and again that it is better to lose fairly than to win by cheating. I don't want that at all. I have an attachment to the party. They are my friends, my colleagues who I have known for 20 or 30 years. They are my close friends. I love them. I am willing to help them anytime for personal matters. But if they ask me help them to win the election, I would say 'sorry.' To watch the video interview with UEC Chairman Tin Aye (1st part) To watch the video interview with UEC Chairman Tin Aye (2nd part)
The post 'I Want the USDP to Win, but to Win Fairly' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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