Monday, July 20, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Opposition Party Courts Women Candidates

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 06:45 AM PDT

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, a renowned women's rights advocate, is expected to run for Parliament on the NLD ticket. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy)

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, a renowned women's rights advocate, is expected to run for Parliament on the NLD ticket. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — When Burma's voters head to the polls in November, they will see an unprecedented number of women on the ballot. As an Aug. 8 deadline approaches for parties to finalize their lists of candidates, it is not yet known how many women will contest, but aspiring female lawmakers are already coming out of the woodwork.

The country's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), is chaired by a woman: Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. While the party has only recently committed to taking part in the polls and has yet to finalize its list of candidates, The Irrawaddy tracked down four well-known women who plan to join the ticket.

All four potential candidates still have to undergo an approval process from their constituency's NLD chapter, then the party's central committee. Several of them, including a sitting member of the Rangoon Divisional Parliament, Nyo Nyo Thin, have been invited by the party to campaign in their corner.

"I was invited by the NLD to run in the election earlier this year," she told The Irrawaddy. After careful consideration, she finally decided to contest a seat in the Lower House for her Rangoon constituency.

As a member of the divisional Parliament, she has earned a reputation as something of a fighter. Nyo Nyo Thin said she hopes to enter national politics to advance reforms and make the country more progressive.

During her five years as a state legislator—she was elected as an independent in the 2010 elections, which the NLD boycotted—she hasn't always been successful in pushing through her agenda or stopping motions she disliked. Her stance on controversial development projects, however, made her popular among residents of the city.

Nyo Nyo Thin's opposition to a proposed Rangoon City Expansion Plan—which was initially shelved and later resurrected by the divisional government—earned her much popular support despite her failure to stop the project. As the sole dissenting voice about the project, Nyo Nyo Thin told her colleagues that the divisional government should instead channel efforts into developing the city's existing, sparsely populated satellite towns.

She said that, if elected, she will carry the same ideals to the national chambers, and fight with every bit as much vigor about issues affecting the Burmese public.

"It's still too early to say what we will want to accomplish, but as a lawmaker in the Rangoon Parliament we faced a lot of land issues around the city," she said, when asked about her ambitions. "People don't have certainty in their land ownership; I would focus more on this."

Moreover, she said the NLD's economic policy was "still weak," which is something she would like to improve on if nominated and elected as an NLD member.

"I can't make promises for the whole country, but I know what to do to make Yangon's economy strong," she said.

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt is also vying for a spot on the NLD ticket. She has never before been a member of the party, though she has built a strong reputation as a champion of women's rights through her years as founder and director of Phan Tee Ein (Creative House), a grassroots organization that works to rehabilitate the lives of women who have suffered from sexual violence.

"I have never been a member of the NLD before, but some members encouraged me to run in the election for the party. I was invited this month and I accepted," she said, forecasting that she will likely contest a seat in Dike Oo Township of Pegu Division.

Phan Tee Ein has recently broadened its scope to offer leadership training for vulnerable women, allowing participants to network both within Burma and abroad. This work, she said, demonstrates her commitment to women's empowerment, a theme she hopes to bring into the nation's grossly lopsided legislature. But while Shwe Shwe Sein Latt wants to advance an agenda strong on women's issues, it's not her top priority at the moment. Like many of her peers and colleagues, she said her number one priority is achieving constitutional reform.

"It's still early," she said, reluctant to divulge her political ambitions in detail, "but I would like to participate in constitutional reform [efforts] first, then my aspiration to achieve equal rights for men and women by democratic practices."

In terms of how she might create a more gender just society, Shwe Shwe Sein Latt said she would focus on extending more job opportunities for women, so they can support themselves. Pointing out that the female population in Burma is greater than that of men, she said that she would initially aim to create more jobs for women, and gradually increase their median income.

Zin Mar Aung is another prominent women's rights advocate, and the cofounder of the Yangon School of Political Science. She said she had petitioned the party for a nomination of her own accord because she believes that more strong democratic voices in the Parliament will eventually be able to bring about big changes, such as charter reform. Zin Mar Aung said she plans to run in Rangoon's North Okkalapa Township for the Lower House.

Beyond her ambition to ultimately bring about constitutional change, Zin Mar Aung is also passionate about youth and development. If elected, she said, "I would like to do more for youth development projects based on education."

Zin Mar Aung said the NLD is expected to release their final list of candidates by the end of the month, once all township and divisional party officials have come to consensus and sought approval from the central committee. Another big name that is expected to appear on the list is Susanna Hla Hla Soe, a well-known ethnic Karen activist and director of the Karen Women's Action Group (KWAG). She is expected to run in Rangoon's Insein and Mingalardon townships for the Upper House, though she said it was still "too early" to discuss her plans in detail.

Several of Burma's political parties are actively seeking more women as candidates to combat the country's tremendous gender imbalance in politics. Burma's record on women's participation in governance is among the worst in the region, as less than six percent of elected lawmakers at the national level are women. Burma fares even worse at the sub-national level, under four percent.

The post Opposition Party Courts Women Candidates appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Broadcast Law Pending, Concerns Over Govt’s Industry Influence

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 06:35 AM PDT

 Khin Maung Win, deputy executive director of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), speaks to attendees of the broadcaster's 23rd anniversary party on Saturday in Rangoon. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Khin Maung Win, deputy executive director of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), speaks to attendees of the broadcaster's 23rd anniversary party on Saturday in Rangoon. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A new broadcast media bill could further entrench the state's powerful grip on Burma's airwaves and send private broadcasters the way of several now-defunct daily newspapers, the deputy executive director of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) has warned.

In the absence of a law regulating the industry, every broadcaster in Burma must partner with Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV), a state-owned enterprise operating under the Ministry of Information, and Khin Maung Win of DVB said any bill that fails to level the playing field would leave private broadcasters at a major disadvantage.

His remarks came at a party on Saturday in Rangoon celebrating the 23rd anniversary of the founding of DVB, a formerly exile media outlet that now operates a Rangoon bureau.

Speaking at the event, Pike Htwe, Burma's deputy information minister, said his ministry had already submitted a draft broadcast media bill to Parliament, calling it a "birthday gift" for DVB. The deputy minister added that he was hopeful lawmakers would pick up the legislation soon.

But Khin Maung Win said any legal framework that did not address the inherent advantages afforded to state broadcasters and joint ventures with the state would imperil the viability of their private counterparts.

"There are too many challenges in Myanmar, to withstand as independent and professional media … there is no insurance to protect independent media organizations," he said.

Toe Zaw Latt, DVB's Burma bureau chief, said as it was, broadcasters in Burma tended to offer "soft" news and entertainment programming at the expense of more traditional news broadcasting.

"Broadcast media houses like entertainment. They broadcast only football matches, entertainment, and there is no news presentation," he said.

Burma's media environment has undergone a rapid transformation in recent years, from a harsh censorship regime under Burma's former military regime to the abolition of pre-publication screening in 2012 and the granting of the first daily newspaper licenses in a half century on April 1, 2013.

According to Pike Htwe, the Information Ministry has granted 31 daily newspaper licenses, but only 21 are currently publishing, a reflection of the financial strains that the industry faces.

Concerns similar to Khin Maung Win's have been leveled against Burma's print state media, which critics say benefit from vastly superior distribution networks and advertising revenue streams compared with the country's fledgling private dailies. Of the 21 active daily publication licenses, seven are state-owned publications, Pike Htwe said.

DVB was founded in 1992 by exile Burmese activists in Oslo, Norway, in cooperation with the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), a political organization formed to oppose the ruling military regime of the time. Both organizations were formed in exile, and the NCGUB was dissolved in September 2012.

The post Broadcast Law Pending, Concerns Over Govt's Industry Influence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Army Restricts Aid to Kachin IDPs, Charity Group Says

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 06:30 AM PDT

An ethnic Kachin IDP at Hpun Lun Yang, a camp for people displaced by fighting in Kachin State and northern Shan State. More than 100,000 people have been displaced by the conflict since 2011. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

An ethnic Kachin IDP at Hpun Lun Yang, a camp for people displaced by fighting in Kachin State and northern Shan State. More than 100,000 people have been displaced by the conflict since 2011. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

More than 1,000 displaced civilians from five villages in northern Burma have been trapped for over a week without food and other assistance amid clashes between ethnic rebels and government troops in Kachin State, according to a religious group that provides aid for the displaced.

Lamar Yaw, a spokesperson for the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) in Myitkyina, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Burmese troops have been effectively preventing access to Sumpra Bum Township since fighting intensified on July 11.

"We requested permission to travel via the [Malikha] River from the state's Chief Minister's Office, which asked for permission from the [Burma Army] Northern Command," he said, explaining that roads in the remote area are impassable due to extreme weather conditions. "They only allowed us to travel on the road, which is really bad and difficult for transit."

About 300 households—a total of more than 1,100 people—from Mali Yang, Jara Yang, Nhtan Zaup, Hpung Ing Yang and Sama Bum villages fled their homes as the conflict intensified, the spokesman said. Most of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) took refuge about 12 kilometers from Sumpra Bum in the northernmost reaches of the war-torn state.

The road reaching from Myitkyina to Sumpra Bum and Putao is difficult to travel even in the drier months, aid workers said, and during the monsoon season it is rarely used at all. Locals familiar with the rough terrain said the route from the state capital could take 10 days to a month in the current weather, while water transit would take only a matter of days.

Conflict escalated in the territory last month, when the Burma Amy asked rebels to vacate camps they had occupied in Mali Yang since 2012. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) battalion seven had reclaimed the area shortly after a 17-year ceasefire with the government broke down four years ago.

Col. Maran Zau Tawng, head of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) Conflict Negotiation Team, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the KIA had requested on July 9 that the two sides meet to defuse the situation, but the request was denied. The official said that Burma Army deployment has increased along the Myitkyina to Sumpra Bum road in the weeks since.

One cause of the territorial dispute, he said, was a primary school building plan that required the Myanmar Police Force and Burma Army troops to travel through the area with education officials to visit Mali Yang.

"We had already told them that the presence of [government] troops could lead to military engagement, so we asked them to postpone their plan. We also asked two government-appointed schoolteachers to stay in Sumpra Bum, where we take care of children's education with our [Kachin] teachers," Zau Tawng said.

"When the Tatmadaw [Burmese Armed Forces] came into the area on June 24, the fighting erupted there," he added. "It has been a peaceful place for decades."

Clashes have since occurred sporadically, and Kachin troops ultimately lost control of the area, the official said. The KIA brigade one has been providing minimal assistance to displaced civilians wherever possible, but the IDPs will require more long-term assistance if the fighting continues, he said.

Top Kachin officials met with Union Minister Aung Min—the government's chief peace negotiator—in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Sunday for closed-door discussions about the peace process.

The post Burma Army Restricts Aid to Kachin IDPs, Charity Group Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Protest Trial Threatens Ko Ko Gyi’s NLD Candidacy

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 06:20 AM PDT

Ko Ko Gyi, a prominent member of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society group, speaks with The Irrawaddy in September 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Ko Ko Gyi, a prominent member of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society group, speaks with The Irrawaddy in September 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The South Okkalar Township court in Rangoon has again summoned 88 Generation student leader Ko Ko Gyi after reports on Sunday that the pro-democracy activist would compete in Burma's November general election on the National League for Democracy (NLD) ticket.

"We called him to come on July 22 or July 23 and we have also informed the township court," South Okkalar Township Police Chief Myo Aung told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

He added that township police had charged Ko Ko Gyi under Article 19 of Burma's Peaceful Assembly law at the order of district and divisional authorities. The summons comes less than four months ahead of a general election scheduled for Nov. 8, and the court's actions could imperil Ko Ko Gyi's prospective candidacy.

Ko Ko Gyi and four other activists—Saw Naing, Mone Khat, Naing Ko Lin and Sit Maung—staged a protest in December calling for officials to return to public hands a park in South Okkalar Township that was seized by the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) about a decade ago.

The activists called for a halt to construction of a multi-million dollar real estate development on the property and for the restoration of a public park that once occupied the space. The property, which belongs to the USDP, was transferred from the state to the party's predecessor, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), in the early 2000s.

Police did grant permission for the protest inside Kyaikkasan Stadium, an old horse-racing track in Tamwe Township, but the activists instead staged a small march in South Okkalar Township's Ward 9, running afoul of Article 19.

Article 19 is a sister clause to the better-known and controversial Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, and stipulates a punishment of up to three months' imprisonment for protestors who demonstrate outside the area designated by authorities.

Aung Thu Ra, Ko Ko Gyi's personal assistant, confirmed that a summons letter had been received on Monday calling the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society leader to attend a hearing at noon on July 22 or 23.

In June following his first court appearance, Ko Ko Gyi speculated that the six-month delay between the protest in South Okkalar Township and the court arraignment could have been intended to remove him from the political arena ahead of the election.

"It is a very amazing coincidence, the timing of the call to submit candidate lists and the prosecution of the case, which we protested six months ago," he told reporters on June 15.

The township court first summoned Ko Ko Gyi and the other four activists on that day, but the judge failed to appear on time and the defendants left the courthouse after 30 minutes.

Depending on the timeline of the trial and its verdict, Ko Ko Gyi could be rendered ineligible to compete under Burma's Election Law, which bars convicted criminals from running for Parliament.

Additional reporting by Tun Tun.

The post Protest Trial Threatens Ko Ko Gyi's NLD Candidacy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Long Barred Entry, Public Gets Martyrs’ Day Chance to Tour Secretariat

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 04:24 AM PDT

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RANGOON — Thousands of people descended on the Secretariat in Rangoon on Sunday, taking advantage of a rare opening of the historical complex to the public in commemoration of Martyrs' Day.

The building is intimately tied to July 19, a date when, in 1947, Burma's independence hero Gen. Aung San and eight of his colleagues were gunned down by a political rival in one of the building's second-floor rooms.

On Sunday, visitors were barred from entering that room by padlocks, but were able to get a glimpse inside through its doors' windows. A Buddhist shrine, some paintings and an oddly out of place air conditioning unit today occupy the space where the general was assassinated nearly 70 years ago.

With no official signage to inform visitors about the room or its historical significance, one man on Sunday read aloud an excerpt from a Martyrs' Day supplement of the Burmese-language Eleven Daily newspaper, describing how the assassination unfolded to a crowd gathered outside the room.

A group of university students also drew the attention of a curious public, with a handful of young people bearing flags with the fighting peacock—historically a symbol of student unions—gathering in the courtyard below the room to salute the fallen.

"Because today is Martyrs' Day … we saluted at Bogyoke [General] Statue at 10:37 am," said Min Lwin Oo, the secretary of Maritime University's student union, referring to the exact minute that Aung San was killed 68 years ago. "We came here to salute as a ceremony of mourning and remembrance."

Martyrs' Day commemorations were downplayed for years by Burma's former military regime. The current quasi-civilian government has increasingly embraced the day, however, and this year did so to an unprecedented degree, running interviews in state media with the martyrs' surviving family members, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, in the days leading up to July 19.

Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD), is the daughter of Aung San.

State-run dailies Kyemon and Myanma Alinn reported that a ceremony at the Martyrs Mausoleum in Rangoon was attended by Vice President Dr. Sai Mauk Kham and Burma's two parliamentary speakers, Shwe Mann and Khin Aung Myint, as well as Supreme Court Chief Justice Tun Tun Oo and other senior officials. Family members of the deceased leaders also attended, including Suu Kyi.

The national day of mourning sees thousands of people make a beeline to the mausoleum in Rangoon to pay their respects. A visit to Aung San's former home, now converted into a museum, is also part of the 68-year-old tradition. Thousands of people visit the museum every year.

Since 2008, the Yangon City Development Committee has arranged a low-key Martyrs' Day ceremony, and until 2011 the city's mayor was the most senior government figure to attend the event.

This year, President Thein Sein also marked Martyrs' Day by making a donation to monks in Naypyidaw in a ceremony attended by commander in chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Union ministers and other government officials.

Back in Rangoon, Lae Lae Win was fortunate on Sunday to be visiting her son when the Secretariat's gates were unlocked.

"Due to their efforts, we now can be independent. … I am sad and feel sorry for our national leaders' assassination," the 50-year-old from Irrawaddy Division told The Irrawaddy. "I also wanted to know how this place, the place of the assassination, has been kept. I am so glad that the assassination room was kept well as a prayer room, showing that the leaders were well respected."

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, founder of Phan Tee Eain (Creative House), a civil society organization focusing on women's empowerment, took the occasion of her visit to the Secretariat to reflect on the work still to be done to fulfill Aung San's vision of a free and prosperous Burma.

"I am glad to look around the place, but it's suffocating," she said. "Bogyoke Aung San was able to gain independence for our country within a few years, but look at the situation now; we are still struggling and not free. We haven't got real independence yet."

The Secretariat has made headlines on at least two occasions over the last year, first when US President Barack Obama toured the complex as part of his trip to Burma for an Asean summit in November 2014, and again five months later when a group of well-connected socialites held a birthday gathering on the grounds.

The Anawmar Art Group has been awarded a tender to renovate the moldering complex, a colossal Victorian-era architectural gem that has suffered from decades of neglect. On Sunday, however, there was little to indicate that restoration of the Secretariat had begun. The Anawmar Art Group has said it intends to turn at least part of the complex into an art gallery and museum.

Following her morning visit to the Martyrs Mausoleum, the NLD's Suu Kyi held a press conference at the party's Rangoon headquarters, where she took to politicking ahead of a general election due in November.

Suu Kyi said that mourners wishing to show their gratitude for Aung San could do so at the ballot box later this year, by voting for the NLD.

"To protect all citizens' rights, the NLD must win 100 percent [of the vote]," she said.

Martyrs' Day commemorations were also marked in the capital Naypyidaw and other cities across Burma's 14 states and divisions.

The post Long Barred Entry, Public Gets Martyrs' Day Chance to Tour Secretariat appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

7 Rescuers Die as Floods Sweep Central Burma

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 04:07 AM PDT

President Thein Sein and Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing travel to Sagaing Division to assess severe flooding in central Burma. (Photo: U Kyee Myint / Facebook)

President Thein Sein and Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing travel to Sagaing Division to assess severe flooding in central Burma. (Photo: U Kyee Myint / Facebook)

MANDALAY — Severe flooding in central Burma has killed seven rescue workers and displaced thousands of villagers as unusually heavy rains swept through the region over the weekend.

Inn Daw, Kawlin, Kantbalu, Kyun Hla and Butalin townships of Sagaing Division were thrashed by rains throughout the past week, as rains hit the low lying farmlands nonstop since last Tuesday.

"The water levels of the Mae Za and Mu rivers rose up and the floods worsened on Saturday as nearby dam [reservoirs] overflowed," an official from the Sagaing Division administrative office told The Irrawaddy, requesting not to be named.

According to the official, at least 150 villages across five townships were affected, displacing more than six thousand people and damaging as many as 30,000 farm plots. The total deaths have not yet been tallied, though seven rescue workers died while trying to retrieve trapped villagers, he said.

"The rescuers had to swim to the victims and move them to a safer place," he said, adding that the body of one man had been found while the others are still missing and presumed to have drowned. "The current is so strong that some of them drifted away."

Flooding in the area has brought transportation to a standstill, further complicating rescue operations. Several key bridges have collapsed, while railway tracks and roads have become impassable under several feet of water.

Trains running from Mandalay and Myitkyina were postponed, leaving dozens of travelers stranded at the Kawlin railway station. Buses connecting Kawlin, Kyun Hla, Kantbalu, Inn Daw and Butalin with Mandalay have also been postponed.

Hla Kyaw, who runs a bus service from Mandalay to Kyun Hla out of the Mandalay highway bus terminal said the schedules will not be back to normal until roads are clear and bridges are repaired.

Rescuers and other volunteers have rushed to makeshift shelters set up in schools and monasteries to provide food and medical assistance, while President Thein Sein and army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing made an emergency visit to Kantbalu to assess the situation.

According to the administrative official, the president and commander observed the levels at the Min Myin, Thaphanseit and several other reservoirs, later meeting with some of the flood victims in an emergency shelter.

Monastic grounds are typically on high grounds, though the sheer volume of rain has left even those locations inundated. One displaced villager, Thida of Kyun Hla Township, described the frenzied scene.

"The monastery is also nearly overrun with water. Buddhist monks, firemen and police helped us to get out from our deluged homes. We saw helicopters flying over our heads to look for victims," she recalled.

"We are worried that more rain might pour down and make the situation worse."

Flash floods have also struck other parts of the country in recent days. Moe Kaung Township in Kachin State and Tagaung Township in Mandalay also suffered severe floods this week.

Burma's Meteorology Department forecast on Sunday that more heavy rains are expected in upper Mandalay and Sagaing divisions over the coming days.

The post 7 Rescuers Die as Floods Sweep Central Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Weatherman’s Memoir

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 02:00 AM PDT

 Dr Tun Lwin, whose memoir recounts the long days and nights he spent tracking Cyclone Nargis seven years ago, in his office. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Dr Tun Lwin, whose memoir recounts the long days and nights he spent tracking Cyclone Nargis seven years ago, in his office. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — One long and frightening night in early May seven years ago, Dr. Tun Lwin was sitting in the darkness of his office as the wind howled outside. The storm he had forecast days before had knocked out the electricity, the internet and phone lines. It rained like doomsday.

Cyclone Nargis was approaching Yangon.

With the complete communication breakdown, the director-general cum consultant in Myanmar's Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DMH) was virtually cut off from the real-time situation on the ground.

But the 60-year-old meteorologist, who had been following the storm since it first materialized as an atmospheric depression in the Bay of Bengal more than a week ago, couldn't help making the mental calculations of its strength and predicted route by observing the growing speed and direction of the wind outside.

At around midnight, when the cyclone hit Myanmar's commercial capital, a windowpane shattered behind him and the whole building trembled in the face of 128 mile per hour winds. He felt helpless; all he could do was say silent prayers.

"On that night until 5 am the next day, Nargis was like a bull elephant in musth, destroying everything [in its path]," Dr. Tun Lwin writes in his memoir, "Nargis and I," recalling the cyclone that devastated Myanmar's Ayeyarwaddy delta and beyond, killing more than 130,000 people after making landfall on the night of May 2, 2008.

Published last month on the seventh anniversary of the cyclone, the book is the latest to document the country's deadliest natural disaster.

Unlike other books on Nargis, the memoir objectively analyzes the factors that intensified the destruction wrought by the cyclone and is also a comprehensive personal account of how the DMH's former director-general played a leading role in forecasting the storm and releasing warnings to the public.

In his foreword to the Myanmar-language book, Dr. Tun Lwin writes that readers should take lessons from the failures in response and preparation for Cyclone Nargis to prevent the recurrence of a tragedy on a similar scale.

"I have no intention to blame other people for their failure. We are all responsible for what we faced during Nargis… [But] as long as we don't know the root cause of the problem and weaknesses, we will never get to the truth," he writes.

In the memoir he explains that a huge death toll was inevitable despite his 48-hour early warning to local authorities and that people living in the delta, the area hit hardest by the cyclone, suffered in lieu of effective emergency response and evacuation measures, citing a joint assessment report coauthored by DMH and the Asian Disaster Preparedness Center in Thailand.

"Even though people there received early storm and tidal surge warnings, they had no storm shelters to take refuge in or higher ground [to evacuate to] when the 22-foot-high tidal surge was generated by the storm. The area is densely populated and local people lacked experience as the delta had never been hit by a cyclone in 132 years," he writes.

"If the cyclone hit the Rakhine coastal region, I can guarantee that casualties will not be that high as people there generally have more experience with cyclones and strictly follow the warnings."

Aside from the analytical insight into how Nargis turned out to be such a deadly disaster, Dr. Tun Lwin's memoir also reveals his struggles in forecasting the storm.

Like other governmental departments, DMH lacked modern equipment, exacerbated by international sanctions imposed on Myanmar since 1988. The country's one, outdated weather surveillance radar had been out of order for years.

Dr. Tun Lwin had been able to receive satellite images of clouds from the ASEAN Specialized Meteorological Center in Singapore at 30 minute intervals via the internet. He tried to calculate the eye of the storm based on those images by using a ruler and a compass. He fed the data into his laptop every half hour to calculate the strength and direction of the storm.

"Since late April, I spent my days and nights at the office to follow the storm. I rarely slept, apart from some naps," he recalls in his book.

Dr. Tun Lwin and his team were recognized for their efforts by the World Meteorology Organization (WMO), which conducted an investigation into DMH one week after Nargis struck.

"Despite their capacity constraints, DMH performed exceedingly well… [The department] provided relevant authorities including mass media with information on Nargis from its formation in the Bay of Bengal and issued warnings well in advance," the WMO said in its findings.

Asked why the book took seven years to see the light of day, the former department head told The Irrawaddy that he had only started writing about his Nargis experiences in the last year as "it's a story of defeat about the storm that killed many people."

"It took me years as I felt sorry for the victims' family members. The last thing I want for them is to reopen their old wounds," said Dr. Tun Lwin, who is now the founder of Myanmar Climate Change Watch.

In recounting the devastating cyclone that he tracked and witnessed from beginning to end, Dr. Tun Lwin said he feels he has contributed to raising awareness about the need to adequately prepare for future natural disasters.

"Now I feel a big relief, like a woman who has just delivered her baby," he said.

This article originally appeared in the July 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post A Weatherman's Memoir appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Military Chief Defends Political Role: Report

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 12:25 AM PDT

General Min Aung Hlaing speaking during a meeting with officials at Kalaw, southern Shan State, last April. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

General Min Aung Hlaing speaking during a meeting with officials at Kalaw, southern Shan State, last April. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's commander-in-chief reiterated the need for the military to continue its powerful role in politics and said he would consider standing for president in November elections if asked to do so, according to an interview broadcast on Monday.

Sen-Gen Min Aung Hlaing told the BBC that he had no intention of stepping down from his role leading the military this year, ending some speculation about his plans, but he left open the possibility of accepting a presidential nomination.

"If people ask me to do this duty, I will decide then," he told the BBC.

Burma's military retains a strong position in the Southeast Asian country's quasi-civilian government that came to power in 2011, ending 49 years of direct military rule, and has shown little interest in ceding its control.

Under the military-drafted Constitution, presidential candidates do not need to be legislators. The Constitution also reserves 25 percent of seats in Parliament for unelected military officers.

Proposed changes to the charter require the support of more than 75 percent of lawmakers, giving the military an effective veto over possible changes.

An attempt to change that threshold in June failed to gain enough support in Parliament.

In his interview, Min Aung Hlaing maintained the military's line that it was still too early for the armed forces to step back from the political arena.

He cited concerns over instability caused by fighting with armed ethnic groups and Burma's need to transition to democracy in a "disciplined" manner as reasons for the military's continued role in politics.

Burma's Nov. 8 elections are seen as a crucial test of the breadth and pace of the country's reform process. Its last nationwide election in 2010 was widely seen as rigged.

The post Burma's Military Chief Defends Political Role: Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Two Women to Vie in Taiwan Presidential Election for 1st Time

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 09:41 PM PDT

Taiwan's ruling Nationalist Kuomintang Party presidential candidate Hung Hsiu-chu, front, waves a flag at a party congress in Taipei, Taiwan, on July 19, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Taiwan's ruling Nationalist Kuomintang Party presidential candidate Hung Hsiu-chu, front, waves a flag at a party congress in Taipei, Taiwan, on July 19, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

TAIPEI, Taiwan — Taiwan's top two political parties have each nominated a woman for president in 2016, a historic first signaling acceptance of female leadership and kicking off a campaign highlighted so far by clashing views on ties with rival China.

The ruling Nationalist Party on Sunday picked as its candidate Hung Hsiu-chu, a former teacher and the current deputy legislative speaker. Hung, who supports friendly relations with China, will run against Tsai Ing-wen, the opposition Democratic Progressive Party chairwoman and an advocate of more cautious relations with Beijing. Tsai leads in opinion polls ahead of January's election.

Ties with Beijing, long icy but cordial since 2008, have shaped up as an early campaign issue.

Voters in Taiwan, which has been democratic since the late 1980s, have never elected a woman as president nor had a choice between two female candidates backed by the major parties.

Joanna Lei, chief executive officer of the Chunghua 21st Century Think Tank in Taiwan, said that some younger women struggle to advance in Taiwan. However, she said society accepts the leadership of women over age 50 because they historically ran clans in China, where Taiwan's culture originates.

Women manage 10 government departments and some of Taiwan's top companies. One third of Taiwanese legislators are female, compared to 13 percent in Japan and 16 percent in South Korea, said Sean King, senior vice president with Park Strategies, a New York-based consultancy firm.

Elsewhere in Asia, Park Geun-hye took office two years ago as South Korea's first female president, and Sheikh Hasina is currently the prime minister of Bangladesh. Women have also been elected to the highest office over the years in the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia and India.

China claims sovereignty over self-ruled Taiwan, where Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists based their government in the 1940s after losing the Chinese civil war to the Communists. China insists that the two sides should eventually reunite, though opinion polls on the island say most Taiwanese prefer autonomy.

Elected in 2008, President Ma Ying-jeou set aside the political dispute to start dialogue with Beijing and sign economic agreements. He agreed with Beijing to negotiate on the basis that both sides belong to one China, though with different interpretations.

Hung supports a similar understanding with China, but Tsai's party rejects that basis for talks as a slight to Taiwan's autonomy. Without a framework for dialogue, tensions could rise again, making new agreements difficult.

Hung's Nationalists lost nine mayoral and county magistrate seats in November, with younger voters accusing Ma's government of getting dangerously close to China while ignoring a wealth gap at home. Ma must step down in May due to term limits.

Tsai, a 58-year-old lawyer by training and once Taiwan's top policymaker on mainland China affairs, lost the 2012 presidential race to Ma by six percentage points.

Hung, 67, has been dubbed a "little chili pepper" for her biting, humorous style of grilling government officials in parliament.

"The usual way to win, of course, is to try to capture the pivotal political middle," said Denny Roy, senior fellow at the East-West Center think tank in Honolulu. "In this respect, Hung is an unexpected, even odd, choice for nominee. What seems to be most clear is that Taiwan's voters are ready for a female president."

The Nationalist Party's best-known figures, including the chairman, did not enter their names as potential nominees. Analysts say those would-be candidates are waiting until the 2020 race, when they stand better odds of winning.

The post Two Women to Vie in Taiwan Presidential Election for 1st Time appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

South Korea Spy Found Dead with Note Denying Agency Targeted Citizens

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 09:20 PM PDT

The South Korean intelligence agency made a rare public admission last week that it had purchased a spyware from an Italian firm used to eavesdrop on mobile phone and computer communication but it was intended for research or for use against foreign targets. (Illustration: Reuters)

The South Korean intelligence agency made a rare public admission last week that it had purchased a spyware from an Italian firm used to eavesdrop on mobile phone and computer communication but it was intended for research or for use against foreign targets. (Illustration: Reuters)

SEOUL — A South Korean intelligence agent found dead in an apparent suicide left a note denying his team had used spyware to tap the mobile phones and computers of private citizens in the latest scandal involving the spy agency.

Police in the suburban district of Yongin south of Seoul said on Sunday that a 46-year-old man found dead in his car of an apparent carbon monoxide poisoning was an employee of the National Intelligence Service (NIS).

The note released by police, who confirmed the writing to be the agent's, said there was no spying whatsoever against domestic citizens or related to elections.

"I believe excessive zeal for work has created this situation," the agent, whose identity or rank in the intelligence service was not disclosed, said in the note.

The case comes after a rare public admission last week by the agency that it had purchased a spyware from an Italian firm used to eavesdrop on mobile phone and computer communication but it was intended for research or for use against foreign targets.

The revelation marks the latest in a series of scandals centered on the intelligence service that has struggled to shed the image of a political tool of sitting presidents and to reform to focus more on counter espionage against North Korea.

A former spy chief under President Park Geun-hye's predecessor is fighting a guilty conviction for trying to influence the 2012 election that brought the conservative leader to power.

Park denied benefiting from attempts by NIS agents to sway voters but said after another scandal at the intelligence agency last year that more could be done to reform it.

Park's father, Park Chung-hee, was assassinated in 1979 by the disgruntled head of the agency's precursor at the peak of a power struggle that involved the late president's close aides.

The post South Korea Spy Found Dead with Note Denying Agency Targeted Citizens appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jailed Tibetan Monk Died of Heart Attack: China’s State Media

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 09:04 PM PDT

 A member of the Tibetan Youth Congress takes part in a candle light procession in the northern Indian city of Chandigarh November 18, 2004. (Photo: Reuters)

A member of the Tibetan Youth Congress takes part in a candle light procession in the northern Indian city of Chandigarh November 18, 2004. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — A prominent Tibetan monk whose death in jail in China last week raised new questions about the rights of the Tibet community, suffered a heart attack after often refusing to see doctors or take medicine, the Xinhua news agency reported.

Tenzin Delek Rinpoche, 65, died in the Dazhu County People's Hospital in southwest China's Sichuan province, near the prison where he had been serving a life sentence for "crimes of terror and incitement of separatism."

Tenzin Delek Rinpoche's sister, Dolkar, said on Thursday he had been cremated against his family's wishes and in violation of Tibetan Buddhist traditions. She also said officials had not told her the cause of his death, adding to her suspicions.

The Xinhua state news agency said a guard had found Tenzin Delek Rinpoche was not breathing after he took a nap at around mid-day on July 12.

"Doctors of the hospital's emergency center came to rescue and sent him for further treatment in the hospital's ICU [intensive care unit]," Xinhua said, adding he was declared dead about an hour later.

His right to health care has been guaranteed since his imprisonment but "many times, [he] either refused to see doctors or take medicine, fluctuating his symptoms," it said.

Tenzin Delek Rinpoche was a supporter of the Dalai Lama, Tibet's exiled spiritual leader who Beijing accuses of being a dangerous separatist.

He was sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve in 2003 after being found guilty of masterminding five bombings in Sichuan province, Xinhua said. The sentence was later commuted to life in prison.

The United States, the European Union and international rights groups had called for his release.

China has ruled Tibet with an iron fist since it took over the region in 1950, and has cracked down heavily on those who support the Dalai Lama, who fled into India in 1959 following an abortive uprising.

The post Jailed Tibetan Monk Died of Heart Attack: China's State Media appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Secretariat welcomes the public on Martyrs’ Day

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:50 PM PDT

Yangon residents got a rare chance to explore the long-shuttered and now-decrepit chambers of General Aung San yesterday as the Secretariat Building was made open to the public to mark the 68th anniversary of Martyrs' Day.

Activists seek to run as NLD candidates

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:48 PM PDT

Well-known political and rights activists, as well as entrepreneurs, are putting their names forward to run for the National League for Democracy in the November elections.

Yangon air pollution measured just above WHO guidelines

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:44 PM PDT

Air-pollution levels in downtown Yangon exceed international standards, city authorities have revealed.

Automobile engineering returns to tech university

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:42 PM PDT

Myanmar may soon resume training its own auto engineers, university officials say.

Private pharmacies in hospitals to close

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:41 PM PDT

Overpriced private pharmacies are to be banned from government hospitals by order of the health ministry, as the government is able to supply more medicines directly to hospitals.

Record rainfall causes flooding in Sagaing

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:37 PM PDT

At least two people were killed and 500 houses were damaged by severe flooding in Sagaing Region after record-breaking rains this weekend, local officials and aid workers said.

More debates for violence-against-women law

Posted: 19 Jul 2015 07:35 PM PDT

The draft National Prevention of Violence against Women Law – initially a rival to the four race and religion laws championed by hard-line Buddhist nationalist groups – is inching closer to completion, with parliament set to invite experts to debate the bill in the coming weeks.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Would regime’s party rising democratic awareness help Burma Army reformation?

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 04:45 AM PDT

news_opinion_sai-wansaiIt won't be wrong to conclude that most of Burma's woes today stem from decades long military dictatorship, which have started with the military coup in 1962. Consequently, the two most crucial issues, resolving ethnic conflicts and implementing democratic reform, continues to be hampered by military's pre-concieved ideas, prescribed game plan and road-map, as all could see, even during the reform-minded, tenure of President Thein Sein headed, quasi-civilian, Union Solidarity and development Party-Military (USDP-Military) government.

The present USDP-Military regime has its origin in Revolutionary Council (RC), headed by General Ne Win that came to power after the military coup, in 1962, followed by successive military regimes – Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). The SPDC created the present quasi-civilian, USDP-Military government basically out of "group survival" mentality, surging international trend of democratization process and "anti-totalitarian" tendencies, that have swept the Arab world, known as "Arab Spring", at the turn of the century. In short, the military's change of heart is not out of love for democratic principles, but first and foremost, its "group survival" consideration, to protect its military and Bama racial supremacy stance, using political power monopoly to maintain and achieve its strategic aim. The "guided-disciplined democracy" is the term thought out to support this aim and in no way, with the commitment to foster real democratic norms or principles in mind, for the betterment of the society as a whole. In other words, it is a creation of fall-back position, with a touch of democratic window-dressing, while the political arena will still be dominated by the military. This is, at least, the basic consideration thought out by the military clique and is still the driving factor for its involvement in Burma's political arena.
As such, the military or Tatmadaw is entrusted with the task to uphold and protect the military-drafted, 2008 Constitution, which is designed to maintain military supremacy position in all aspects of social and political lives. And thus, in handling the much talked about democratization process or resolving of the ethnic conflicts, the military is determined to tackle the problems by holding on to total monopolization of political power, and act accordingly to maintain its "top dog" position, at all cost.

The recent constitutional amendment debacle is the case in point. As all know, all meaningful Sections that need amendment were all voted down, by using  the  25% military's veto votes. Many already speculate that the ongoing NCA could also meet the same faith.

Democratic awareness
But this may be looking at the contemporary political situation solely from the pessimistic point of view, for there are, somehow, optimistic development that need mentioning, where adherence and rising awareness to the democratic principles are concerned; and might have even taken roots among some of the military's USDP members.

One positive outcome of the constitutional amendment debacle is that, even though all crucial  Sections to low down the voting threshold of military veto votes from 75% plus to a mere 70% were voted down, when one looks at the voting pattern, it is quite evident that the USDP MPs   voted in diversified manner and not together as a bloc. But in contrary, the appointed military MPs exercised their voting as a disciplined, solid bloc and strictly followed the Commander-in Chief order on how to go about with  it. According to the constitution, the military is allotted with 25% appointed MP seats within the parliament. It seems, the USPD-Military regime might now be  burdened with hardliner and reform factions, even though people tend to think, rightly or wrongly, that it is an entity solidly controlled and directed by the former military strongman General Than Shwe, architect of the military-drafted, 2008 Constitution, behind the scene.

It is astonishing that the pro-amendment vote counts were mostly over 60%, even though they failed to achieve the 75% voting threshold, for this could be  taken as exceptionally high, which the NLD, ethnic and other small opposition parties combined wouldn't have achieved. The answer this is that the other pro-amendment votes come from the ruling USDP.  The  Myanmar Times, on 26 June, report the rejected vote count as follows:

Section 59(f) – 371 votes, 58.6%
Section 60(c) – 386 votes, 61%
Section 418(b) – 386 votes, 61%
Section 436(a) – 388 votes, 61.3%
Section 436(b) – 388 votes, 61.3%

Of course, it is explainable that it is an inner-party factions' conflict played out in the open. For the friction and competition between President Thein Sein and House Speaker Shwe Mann for presidential post are well known; and that Shwe Mann has been trying to bring the military under the party wing, by changing the criteria of presidential nominee to be an elected MP and not nominated by the Presidential Electoral College, without even having to be an MP, as is presently the case. But first, the 75% voting threshold has to be lowered to 70%, if other Sections were to be amended. And thus, the voting of Section 436 amendment, which basically might be able to do away with the military veto votes, was essential as a first step, which was initiated and engineered by the pragmatic presidential candidate and current Speaker, Thura Shwe Mann, quite possibly with  Aung San Suu Kyi's knowledge and consent, followed by amendment proposal of other Sections.

Whatever the case, this is a small positive development and Shwe Mann has to be credited for his awareness that constitutional amendment is a necessity, if the country is to move ahead, although getting rid of the Thein Sein faction as a presidential competitor could also be the motive behind.

According to the Eleven Media report of 16 July, Lower House MP of USDP, Thura Aung Ko said that only constitutional amendment will end conflict and establish a correct judicial system.

"The main requirements of our country are to ensure national reconciliation, eternal peace, a genuine federal union, the rule of law, the correct judicial system and to end conflict. To fulfill these requirements, we must change the Constitution in accord with the public desire," the MP said.

He also called for a directly elected president.

As the above mentioned scenarios suggest, the blind obedience of upholding the military supremacy doctrine might be eroding, although it could not be concluded that democratic awareness already outweighs the military's power monopoly desire for the majority within the USDP. But there is hope that the awareness-building of democratization process might be gaining momentum and it is a positive development.

Security Sector Reform
Another point to ponder is the reformation of the Tatmadaw by implementing Security Sector Reform (SSR), which is  considered to be a tool for national integration and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) see it in the light of reformation of the existing Burma Army into a federal one, where equitable, ethnic quota system could be implemented, apart from employing the rest of ethnic troops as state police forces, for example. But in contrary, the present the Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hliang is very much in favor of keeping the the military setup of Burman or Bama-dominated army as it is. He has often voiced his opinion of pushing through the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) option, which the EAOs see it as a "negotiated surrender". Besides, the Commander-in-Chief maintains that the present Burma Army is a "Union Army" for many non-Burman ethnic soldiers are already participating in it. Thus, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of the ethnic armies are the only sensible option from his point of view.

While it is important that the Commander-in-Chief should not be clinging only to DDR as a means to an end, to eradicate ethnic rebellion by hook or by crook, once and for all, it is equally essential not to reject SSR as a tool to clip the wings of Burman-dominated Tatmadaw, from its total domination of the establishment. For this line of reasoning would only lead to "lose-lose" outcome, as the stalled Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) has proven, accepting the SSR would produce a "win-win" situation for all the warring parties.
In an article titled "Building "National" Armies—Building Nations? Determinants of Success for Post intervention Integration Efforts", Sven Gunnar Simonsen, Oslo-based independent analyst and international reporter, wrote:

"In societies where the front lines of recent armed conflict have followed ethnic boundaries,the political salience of ethnicity is very high. For both locals and outsiders, it is easy to perceive ethnic identities as fixed in both character and intensity. Ethnic integration in the sense of assimilation (re-identification into a dominant group) is very unlikely to take place under such circumstances. However, integration and nation-building are both understood as describing a process of (re)building a sense of community within a polity, without the need for members of different ethnic groups to change the character of their ethnic identity. Even in a post-conflict situation where "everything is ethnic," a reduction of the political salience of ethnicity can take place and may even be essential to securing a fragile peace."

To make his point, he further stressed:

"Security sector reform is now widely acknowledged as a core component of comprehensive peace-building efforts. In post-conflict societies that are deeply divided along ethnic lines, the building of a new, more inclusive army is a major challenge. If it is done successfully, however, such a force may contribute toward nation-building that transcends ethnic divisions, reducing their salience—and thus the risk of new armed conflict. With an externally driven process, the military can be more than a mirror of society and its cleavages. A national army could, if not build a new nation on its own, then at least influence perceptions of what a nation might constitute."

The argument that needs to be emphasized here is if SSR could be viewed as a national integration tool,  in line with the formation of a federal army, where equitable quota system is applied to benefit all warring parties, this would benefit all stakeholders. And if the military top brass could think out of the box and willing to restructure with the SSR guidelines, Burma has a good chance to achieve it much easier than expected for a couple of reasons.

Firstly, all non-Burman ethnic nationalities have long resolved that federal union form of government that is tune with "unity in diversity" is the way to go and have long abandoned their previous secession aspirations. Secondly, the present situation could be taken as really ripe, for all conflict parties – EAOs and Tatmadaw – are of the opinion that peace is a necessity, essential and only achievable through negotiation or dialogue and not armed confrontation, as decades long armed conflict have not produce a clear cut winner, but only permanent stalemate, which have dragged on until today, hindering peace and development, at the expense of the whole country. At least this reality and crucial factor is accepted by all warring parties.

Although almost all EAOs have shown "political will" to adhere to the already signed state and union level ceasefire agreements, Burma army has insisted upon " area cleansing and control", under the pretext of sole sovereignty claims, employing offensives and military occupation of the ethnic homelands. This has been the main reason why ceasefire could not be maintained. The military could have easily stopped all the offensives and, at least, withdraw all its front-line forces to their respective mother units, to show that it means business and also sincerity. In fact, the EAOs have earlier demanded that the military should withdraw from all ethnic homelands, before any negotiation started, but lower down their demand and commit themselves to the state and union level ceasefire agreements.
Consequently, the offensive wars continue unabated in Northern Shan, Kachin and Karen States, making it hard to advance the peace process and finalizing the NCA.

The military top brass should also take cue from the rising democratic awareness of some USDP members and start to think of  themselves as part of the solution than a liability, by agreeing to reform of the military, to become part of the national integration process, rather than sticking to its rigid, military supremacy doctrine.

According to a reliable source near to the regime, information minister , U Ye Htut was said to have stressed that, "The regime have created a mechanism where the military, political parties and ethnic peoples can work together, from which a sense of reconciliation can be forged, problems that arise can be handled, and the military taken as part of, not out of, the solution."

The source also said regarding the SSR, the military had visited South Africa in April of this year, and were said to be impressed with the SSR process there, especially the negotiation of the new structure, followed by demobilization and re-enlisting.

It is true that the retired military old hand in civil and active military personnel are still in control of the country's political arena and continue to steer the political course. But even a guided -disciplined democracy, designed to serve the military class, could not forsake to mention the democratic principles; and because of this, political awareness have sipped into those party functionaries, who started to question the wisdom of serving a particular interest group, rather than the people.

Thura Shwe Mann, Thura Aung Ko and the protest voting pattern of some USDP MPs might be a pioneering move to  serve the interest of the people, which could snowball into a genuine people's party.

At this writing, there is only a faint hope for some military personnel had begun to look at the SSR implementation in South Africa, but still far from the commitment that comprehensive reform of the military establishment, to be all- inclusive and federal, is underway.

But the military has the choice to either stick to the old way and risk having to make do with the "lose – lose" situation, or accepting the reform of the military and reap the" win- win" outcome.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor

Conference on Burma Studies to be held during decision meeting on NCA

Posted: 20 Jul 2015 04:38 AM PDT

By curious coincidence, the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies, the first in Chiangmai, 24-26 July, is due to be held on the same days with the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) decision making meeting on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) also in Chiangmai, 25-27 July.
www.chiangmaiplaces.net

The EAOs are scheduled to consider the final draft that would be re-negotiated in Rangoon, 22-23 July, between their 15 person Senior Delegation (SD) and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC), and decide whether to sign it or not.

Meanwhile the Burma Studies conference will be holding several panels as well as round tables on the Thailand's western neighbor.
Uniserv CMU

Two interesting panels are expected to be on Ethnic Politics and Citizenship, participated by well known scholars such as Martin Smith, Matthew Walton, Ardeth Thawnghmung and Helene Kyed. The latter's paper focuses on the 5 integration options for the EAOs after the peace talks: in the security and justice sector, political parties, civil service, large-scale businesses and CSOs.

The two panels are to be held at 10:30- 12:00 and 13:00-14:30, on 24 July.

Two no less interesting round tables will be held on 25 July, 14:00-15:30 and 15:45-17:15. The topic will be on the ongoing peace process in the country. One will be on the latest update in the process and the other will be on how it is expected to move ahead. They are to be moderated by Pyidaungsu Institute director Khuensai Jaiyen and Dr Chayan Vaddhanaphuti respectively.

Representatives from EAOs, Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) and National League for Democracy (NLD) as well as preeminent academics like Hannes Siebert are among the invited participants.
www.boell-southeastasia.org
The conference opens at 08:25 on 24 July. Other participants whose names are familiar to Burma watchers include:
  • Mon Mon Myat and Aung Zaw: Media and its role in Democratic Transition
  • Ashley South: Ethnic Armed groups and Political Parties
  • Khin Ohnmar: Vibrant and Independent Civil Society
  • Paul Sein Twa: Land confiscation in Burma
Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, the principal organizer of the event, said: "We Thais, despite being Myanmar's closest neighbor, know very little about it. I'm confident we are going to learn a lot from the conference which will further strong then our bilateral relations."

For more details, please consult attached schedules.
Conference Schedule 18.7.15
ICBMS updated schedule 18.7.15