Wednesday, March 16, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Hepatitis B Vaccines Probed After Newborns’ Deaths in Pegu

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 05:43 AM PDT

 A woman lies near her newborn baby at a hospital in Rangoon's North Dagon Township on Jan. 26, 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

A woman lies near her newborn baby at a hospital in Rangoon's North Dagon Township on Jan. 26, 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — An investigation by Burma's Ministry of Health is ongoing into the cause of three newborns' deaths after they received hepatitis B vaccines last week at Bago General Hospital.

The probe is focusing on two vaccines, Engerix B and Hepavax B, according to a statement from the Health Ministry on Monday, both of which are recognized by the World Health Organization (WHO).

The Health Ministry issued a separate statement last week saying a total of 28 infants were administered hepatitis B vaccines at Bago General Hospital between March 4 and 7, and that by last week, three newborns had died after suffering from symptoms of blood poisoning.

The rest of the vaccinated infants were monitored and admitted to Yankin Children Hospital's intensive care unit and Bago General Hospital after suffering respiratory distress, fits and other adverse reactions. Blood samples of the infants were sent to Rangoon's national laboratory, the ministry's Monday statement reads.

"Blood tests of the infants proved that there were bacteria in the bloodstream of the infants, which resulted in blood poisoning," the Health Ministry said in the statement.

"An investigation is being undertaken to determine whether the reactions are associated with the hepatitis B vaccines."

According to the Health Ministry, a field investigation team led by the Department of Medical Services, Department of Public Health, Food and Drugs Administration (FDA) and physicians from the children's department of Rangoon's Medical University No. 2 found that the vaccines were purchased from a private pharmacy and not administered as part of Burma's nationwide inoculation program.

Director General Dr. Than Htut from the FDA said at a press conference held by Health Ministry on Friday that health officials are now analyzing whether the vaccines played a role in the three infants' deaths, despite their WHO recognition.

A report in state-owned newspapers released on Saturday quoted him saying that during the investigation period, all the vaccines would be pulled from pharmacies' shelves.

"Pharmaceutical companies, the WHO and international health organizations will be notified [if laboratory results confirm a link]," he said in the report.

The post Hepatitis B Vaccines Probed After Newborns' Deaths in Pegu appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Henry Van Thio: ‘I Wish To Work For The Entire Country’

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 04:44 AM PDT

 Vice President-elect Henry Van Thio, of Chin State and the NLD. (Photo: Ye Ni / The Irrawaddy)

Vice President-elect Henry Van Thio, of Chin State and the NLD. (Photo: Ye Ni / The Irrawaddy)

Henry Van Thio, an Upper House National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker from Chin State, was confirmed on Tuesday as one of two vice presidents in Burma's executive trio, alongside the NLD's Htin Kyaw as President and Myint Swe as the vice president selected by the military. He spoke with The Irrawaddy's Htet Naing Zaw in Naypyidaw on Wednesday about his past career, his sudden rise to government leadership and his gratitude for the opportunity to serve as vice president.

Please describe your life before you were elected vice-president.

I was born in Deke Village in Htantalan Township, Chin State. I studied until ninth grade at my village school and matriculated in Htantalan Township. Then I joined the service and rose through the ranks to become a major. I was in the service for 20 years. Then, I transferred to the Ministry of Industry and retired in 2009.

What drove you toward politics? How did you get involved in the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi?

Our country is one of the least developed countries in the world and it can't walk with its head held high on the international stage. I want my country to stand tall among the international community.

Such thoughts made me consider politics, and drove me to get involved. I studied the policies of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and I absolutely believed that only the NLD could help fulfill my wishes. With this belief, I joined the NLD.

There is some criticism of you and your family having lived abroad. What do you want to say about it? 

Not much. We went abroad with official permission from the government.

What is your view of NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi? Why has she chosen you as the vice-president from among other ethnic lawmakers?

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is highly respected not only by our citizens but also in other parts of the world. She has unwavering loyalty and immense love for the country and the people. She is the people's leader. This is exactly how I view her.

Why do you think she chose you to be vice-president over other ethnic lawmakers?

I believe she has done so for the sake of the peace and stability of the State, rule of law, and especially national reconciliation and national unity according to her party's policy. [The fact that she selected me as vice-president] is the proof that she is pursuing her policy.

What plans do you have for Chin State's development?

I'm an ethnic Chin and from Chin State, but I'm now assigned to the post of vice-president. As a vice-president, I am not supposed to make considerations for only one state. I wish to work for the entire country.

What approaches do you think should be taken toward the realization of peace and a federal Union, which is the aspiration of many ethnic groups?

Mainly, we need to build trust. Both the government and the military need to seek the recommendations and cooperation of concerned specialists in building this trust.

What message would you like to give the voters and the people?

I would like to say thanks. Firstly, I sincerely appreciate all the voters from Chin State Constituency (3) who elected me to the Upper House. Secondly, I am deeply grateful to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who put me on the path to the vice-presidency. And I am grateful to all the lawmakers of Upper House who elected me the vice-president, and all the lawmakers of Union Parliament who confirmed my vice-presidency.

Translated by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Henry Van Thio: 'I Wish To Work For The Entire Country' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dizzying Trade Deficit to Greet Burma’s New Govt

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 04:23 AM PDT

 Workers squat in front of bulldozers after a ceremony to mark the commencement of the Thilawa SEZ on Nov. 30, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Workers squat in front of bulldozers after a ceremony to mark the commencement of the Thilawa SEZ on Nov. 30, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — With figures topping US$5 billion, a widening trade deficit is likely to greet Burma's new government on April 1, says the Ministry of Commerce.

According to the ministry, the total trade volume reached $25.7 billion between April 2015 and March of this year. Import volume hovered around $15.5 billion, while export volume reached only $10.2 billion. The fiscal year ends on March 31, and President-elect Htin Kyaw of the National League for Democracy (NLD) is due to be sworn in April 1.

The total trade figure through the first 11 months of the current fiscal year falls short of the government's expectation of $30 billion.

"Our import volume has significantly increased due to the many projects that have needed infrastructure materials this year, and our export volume has declined because of less oil and gas earnings this year coupled with flooding last year that damaged agricultural products," Maung Aung, a senior economist at the Ministry of Commerce, told The Irrawaddy.

Oil and gas, jade and agriculture products are Burma's major export items, while investment and raw industrial materials and home appliances are its chief imports.

"The Myanmar Investment Commission approved many projects last year, such as the many factories in the Thilawa SEZ [special economic zone]. Investment materials [for the projects] accounted for at least 60 percent of the total import volume," Maung Aung said, adding that total trade volume was likely to reach only $26-$27 billion this fiscal year.

Burma's total trade volume has increased each year since the former pariah state transitioned to a quasi-civilian government in 2011. In the last year of outgoing President Thein Sein's term, however, this figure looks to have leveled off, a trend that has some observers concerned.

Aye Lwin, a central executive member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), told The Irrawaddy it was not a good sign for the new government, describing a trade deficit of $5 billion as being hazardous to trade prospects.

"This amount is at a dangerous level. If the new government can't get a handle on the issue, then it will have to rethink its trade policy and how to promote exports," Aye Lwin said, though he added some skepticism, doubting the veracity of government trade data.

Burma imported some $16 billion in goods in the 2014-15 fiscal year, and exports totaled more than $11 billion, leaving a deficit of $4.9 billion, according to ministry estimates.

The post Dizzying Trade Deficit to Greet Burma's New Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Palaung Groups Accuse Burma Army of Torture in Shan State

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 04:15 AM PDT

A photo purports to show civilians displaced by fighting this month as they arrived to Kutkai town in northern Shan State. (Photo: Facebook / Lway Kharomi)

A photo purports to show civilians displaced by fighting this month as they arrived to Kutkai town in northern Shan State. (Photo: Facebook / Lway Kharomi)

RANGOON — Ethnic Palaung civil society groups this week claimed widespread human rights abuses are being perpetrated by the Burma Army amid an ongoing offensive by government troops in northern Shan State.

Those alleged abuses include detention and torture of civilians, some of whom have also seen their houses set ablaze by Burma Army soldiers who have clashed with the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) across several townships in northern Shan State since the beginning of this month.

The recent conflict has forced more than 1,000 ethnic Palaung to flee their villages. The affected are staying at a camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kutkai Township.

The Ta'ang Women's Organization (TWO) reported that 23 locals from Tarmoenyin subtownship, in Kutkai Township, were detained by the Burma Army on Monday evening, accused of supporting the TNLA.

"Those detained were men, and no one knows yet where they have been taken," said a statement issued by the group on Tuesday.

Earlier this month, another four locals from Ngegge village, Kutkai Township, were also detained after being accused of communicating with the TNLA. They are being held at the Burma Army's Military Strategy Operation Unit in Kutkai, the women's group said. One student was included among the four people detained on March 6 by soldiers from Burma Army Light Infantry Division No. 99, TWO added.

In a similar case, three people from Kaung Loi village were detained on Feb. 22 by troops from Burma Army Light Infantry Division Nos. 33 and 99, which TWO claims proceeded to employ torture tactics including beatings, and burns and cuts to their bodies.

Fighting in recent weeks has been particularly intense in Kutkai, Kyaukme and Namkham townships. State media, however, has been silent on the conflict despite the sustained hostilities and large population of displaced civilians.

Myo Aung, from the Ta'ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO), said some of the 23 people detained for suspected affiliation with the TNLA had been released since Monday.

Myo Aung said eight of the 23 were tortured and beaten by Burma Army soldiers while in detention. Three other women—one elderly and a pair of 17-year-olds—were wounded by stray fire in the course of the recent clashes.

Community leaders in Kutkai have set up two camps for IDPs, whose ranks grow daily, said Myo Aung. "We do not have a stable list for IDPs as even more people keep coming."

The TNLA also claimed that its adversary, specifically Light Infantry Division No. 33, has burned civilians' homes, and food stores, in villages including Loi Kan, Mang Seik, and Pain Bon villages.

"They burned around 20 houses in total from the three villages," said Tar Bang Hla, who is a TNLA communications officer.

The Irrawaddy sought comment on Wednesday from the Burma Army, but Col. Khin Maung Cho, who just last month spoke with this reporter in an official media liaison capacity, said he did not have authority to speak and advised finding another contact person for the armed forces.

The post Palaung Groups Accuse Burma Army of Torture in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Htin Kyaw: Burma’s President-Elect and Talk of the Town

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 02:23 AM PDT

Newly elected President Htin Kyaw talks to a reporter as he leaves the Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Newly elected President Htin Kyaw talks to a reporter as he leaves the Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — National League for Democracy (NLD) nominee Htin Kyaw's election on Tuesday as Burma's next president has received roaring applause from local and international figures.

Htin Kyaw, an executive committee member of an Aung San Suu Kyi-led foundation, secured 360 out of a total 652 votes from parliamentarians, effectively ending decades of leadership by a brutal military junta and its quasi-civilian successor government.

Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the NLD, met with her party's lawmakers in the capital Naypyidaw on Monday to ensure that the voting would be carried out validly.

"This is just a simple goal. But we have been struggling a lot for it," she told lawmakers.

Her sense of achieving a long-delayed victory was shared by many others.

Historian and founder of the Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT) Thant Myint-U sees a Htin Kyaw presidency as "an important step forward for democracy" in Burma, and he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that he believed Htin Kyaw would be a capable president.

"What's important about this moment is that it's when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi begins, however indirectly, to assume executive power," he said.

"It's something many have been waiting for since August 1988. Whatever comes next will be a new chapter in the country's history."

Suu Kyi is constitutionally barred from the presidency, and Htin Kyaw is understood to be a proxy for her leadership. A confidante of the NLD chairwoman who first met her in primary school, Htin Kyaw had been tipped for the post ahead of his big reveal on March 10, but was hardly a household name in Burmese politics before that. His new stature will be noted by Burmese speakers for its poetic resonance, then, since Htin Kyaw in Burmese essentially translates as "famous."

Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society, said the selection was a positive development for the country and something to be proud of, also praising the fact that Htin Kyaw is Burma's first elected civilian president in 54 years.

"It's a milestone on our country's path to democracy," he said.

Rangoon-based political analysis Yan Myo Thein echoed Aung Moe Zaw's optimism.

"I believe that an administrative body will be implemented, under Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership, that will be able to work effectively for the country and its people," he said.

The United States, which has helped to buoy Burma's transition to a civilian government since the former pariah state signaled reformist inclinations in 2011, said Htin Kyaw's election was "yet another important step forward in Burma's democratic transition."

Former Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann released a statement on social media, encouraging Burma's newly elected president to stand with the people.

"The incoming government and executive body must fulfill their obligation to the people," the statement reads.

"At the same time, people must also contribute to the government's defense, security and nation-building process with [their own] visions."

Outgoing President Thein Sein congratulated his successor.

In a message sent to Htin Kyaw, Thein Sein said that, on behalf of the state and the people, he was proud of Htin Kyaw and that he was "prepared to hand over the duties of the head of state."

UK Ambassador to Burma Andrew Patrick commended the people of Burma on the election of their first civilian president in over five decades.

"We look forward to working with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Htin Kyaw and the new cabinet when the new government takes office," he told The Irrawaddy via email on Tuesday.

There was a lot of support to be found on social media, too, particularly on Twitter. Patrick's boss, British Prime Minister David Cameron, was among them.

"Congratulations to the people of Burma on their 1st democratically elected President in 50+ yrs. [I] Look forward to working with U Htin Kyaw," he tweeted.

Likewise, a tweet from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi read, "Congratulations and best wishes to U Htin Kyaw on being elected President of Myanmar! Will work together to strengthen India-Myanmar ties."

In Tuesday's voting, military nominee Myint Swe won 213 votes, while ethnic Chin lawmaker Henry Van Thio secured 79 votes, making them vice president Nos. 1 and 2, respectively.

The post Htin Kyaw: Burma's President-Elect and Talk of the Town appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Burma, a Fine Line Between CSR and Karmic Cash

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 12:44 AM PDT

Burmese tycoon Tay Za holds a child at a school supported by his Htoo Foundation in Myitkyina, Kachin State, on Dec. 13, 2013. (Photo: Jared Ferrie / Reuters)

Burmese tycoon Tay Za holds a child at a school supported by his Htoo Foundation in Myitkyina, Kachin State, on Dec. 13, 2013. (Photo: Jared Ferrie / Reuters)

RANGOON — It was perhaps inevitable that Burma's business sector would struggle with the idea of corporate social responsibility (CSR), operating in a country of high charitable giving and stark contrasts between its wealthiest and poorest citizens.

At least in part, this stems from the reality that CSR, as a concept, has only caught on in the former pariah state within the past few years. Observers say this has led to overly broad use of the term and to confusion about its actual meaning by many companies, often most visibly by Burma's biggest conglomerates, including Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar Group, Tay Za's Htoo Group and Aung Ko Win's Kanbawza (KBZ) Group.

Of the trio above, Zaw Zaw and Tay Za remain on a US blacklist, preventing American firms from doing business with them, for perceptions that they are members of Burma's "crony class," whose willingness to work with the former military regime ran counter to Washington's pro-democracy agenda. Rightly or unfairly, in recent years CSR initiatives from blacklisted companies have been viewed with cynicism as the US Treasury Department has removed some names from the list and talks have turned to rehabilitating the reputations of those that remain sanctioned.

Burma's larger companies have their own philanthropic foundations to take the lead on CSR efforts. Zaw Zaw, Tay Za and Aung Ko Win have all founded their conglomerates' foundations within the last decade.

While such businesses have made significant financial contributions to education, health care and various social awareness activities in Burma, this does not mean that their contributions necessarily align with international standards on what qualifies as CSR.

"From what I understand about CSR, it's about the long-term effectiveness of activities for the community. It's not about donations, which many businesses label as CSR," Aung Myo Shein, CSR manager of the Parami Energy Group of Companies, told The Irrawaddy.

In recent years so-called CSR initiatives have produced some awkward optics, from the repatriation of modern-day Burmese slaves who were decked out in KBZ Bank merchandise to the National League for Democracy (NLD) taking money for training parliamentarians-elect from a bank owned by US-sanctioned Tay Za.

While there is a degree of ambiguity about what constitutes CSR, some say more nefarious motivations can also be behind these initiatives.

"[Using the term 'CSR'] is a good way to launder money. For real CSR, businesses must know how they'll affect the community, but many just do it for show," Aung Myo Shein said.

Adding to the confusion is the fact that different people define CSR in different ways. Thomas Thomas, CEO of the Asean CSR Network, said CSR is not so much about how people spend money as it is about how they make that money.

"It's not about doing a lot of the sins and then trying to build a church, temple or mosque and contribute, and say God forgave you," he recently told Reporting Asean.

In this, he appears to be of the same mind as Washington as it relates to the US blacklist: Following a meeting in 2014 with businesspeople on the American sanctions roster about how they could successfully be delisted, US Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Tom Malinowski told The Irrawaddy that it would take more than generosity.

"We also made clear that donations to charity, while welcome, would not be taken into consideration—for this purpose, what's important is not how they spend their money but how they make their money," he said.

According to Vicky Bowman, director of the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) and a former British ambassador to Burma, many businesses actually prefer not to use the vague term "CSR" because Burmese people understand it in different ways.

Bowman said MCRB recently organized a workshop for companies in Hpa-an, Karen State, polling them on whether they understood CSR to be "social/community investment or contribution, philanthropy, sponsorship and disaster relief" or "the responsibility of enterprises for their impacts on society," the latter of which is the EU definition.

Companies' representatives split 50-50, while some even thought that CSR could be both, she said.

Bowman added that instead of "CSR," MCRB uses two distinct terms: "responsible business" to refer to business behavior, and "community investment" or "creating shared value" to get at where businesses go beyond fundamental legal and moral obligations.

"The rest is philanthropy, not related to the business," she said. "There's nothing wrong with philanthropy. Indeed, it is wonderful and a source of great national pride, that Myanmar is top in the world in terms of charitable giving," she said, referring to the fact that in 2015, Burma was again ranked the most charitable country in the world by the London-based Charitable Aid Foundation.

"But you aren't demonstrating corporate responsibility by building schools and clinics, particularly if you made your money through environmental destruction, corruption or worker exploitation," she continued.

Key to CSR, Bowman contends, is that a company must earn and retain its "social license."

"That's what allows it to operate without strikes and demonstrations and get its official permits more easily, particularly in a world in which the government is increasingly sensitive to public opinion—as Myitsone and Dagon City demonstrated," she said, referring to controversial hydropower and high-rise projects, respectively, that have run up against intense public opposition.

"Technically, you can't be a responsible business if you break the law. But the laws affecting businesses here are often unclear or new or unknown or contradictory or not applied consistently," Bowman added, pointing out that the main challenge for most companies in Burma is non-compliance with the law, an issue particularly obvious when one looks at the dearth of environmental regulation and resulting pollution and waste.

Chit Khine, chairman of the Eden Group of Companies, echoed these sentiments.

"We need the government to advocate proper learning of CSR," he said. "It's time to change from this family business-style to an international standard."

The post In Burma, a Fine Line Between CSR and Karmic Cash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Downsizing of Ministries Expected in President-Elect Proposal

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 11:40 PM PDT

Members of Parliament arrive at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Members of Parliament arrive at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's President-elect Htin Kyaw will submit a proposal to lawmakers on Thursday that is expected to shake up the administrative structure of his incoming cabinet by reducing the number of ministries and ministers within the executive branch.

According to the agenda for Thursday's Union Parliament session, Htin Kyaw will put forward a proposal on the names of ministries and number of ministers to be appointed to serve in his incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government, which will take power on April 1.

No specifics of the proposal are included in the agenda, which was released on Wednesday, but senior NLD member Win Htein told reporters on March 4 in Naypyidaw that the party planned to reduce the number of ministries that make up the executive to as low as 20, down from the current 36.

"For now, we have six departments at the President's Office. We will merge all six into one and other ministries too. For example, we can merge rail transportation, road transport, water, airway into one," Win Htein was quoted in local media as saying.

He also reportedly said NLD members would comprise some 30 to 40 percent of the ministerial posts, with the rest of appointees drawn from other parties and the ranks of Burma's technocratic class. That would appear to slate seven to nine ministerial posts for NLD members.

Parliamentarians will discuss the proposal on Friday and the list is expected to be approved in the NLD-dominated Union Parliament next week.

Htin Kyaw was elected president by the legislature on Tuesday, and will head an NLD government that party chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi has said will be led by her from "above" his post.

That assertion, made in the lead-up to her party's landslide election victory in November, was made in response to questions about how Suu Kyi would circumvent a constitutional clause rendering her ineligible to become president.

A reduction of government ministries was one pledge put forward in the NLD's election manifesto, "in order to decrease government expenditure and establish a lean and efficient government."

The post Downsizing of Ministries Expected in President-Elect Proposal appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Led by China, Mekong Nations Take on Golden Triangle Narco-Empire

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 10:12 PM PDT

Thai soldiers stand guard at Ban Kaen Kai operation base on the Mekong River at the border between Thailand and Laos on March 3, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

Thai soldiers stand guard at Ban Kaen Kai operation base on the Mekong River at the border between Thailand and Laos on March 3, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

THE MEKONG RIVER — The Lao People's Army patrol boat was custom-made in China with night-vision capability and two of the most powerful engines on this remote stretch of the Mekong River.

Today, like most days, it sits idle for lack of gasoline, guarded by a single Laotian soldier in flip-flops.

Even occasional patrols by boats like these, supplied by China to the Laotian army and Burmese police, have successfully subdued the pirates who once robbed the Mekong's cargo ships with impunity.

But there has been little progress on another objective—stemming the flood of illicit drugs—exposing the limits of China's hard power in mainland Southeast Asia even as Beijing accelerates its militarization of disputed islands in the South China Sea.

While attacks on Mekong shipping have tailed off, drug production and trafficking in the untamed region, known as the Golden Triangle, is booming—despite the presence of Chinese gunboats and units of Chinese armed police along the Mekong.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that Southeast Asia's trade in heroin and methamphetamine was worth $31 billion in 2013.

"That's bigger than the economies of some Southeast Asian countries," says Jeremy Douglas, the UNODC's Asia-Pacific chief. "It's like having an undeclared sovereign state in your midst with no borders and lots of money."

Enter another Mekong boat, looking at first glance like a pleasure cruiser filled with middle-aged tourists. In fact, they are senior police and drugs experts from five countries, among them one of China's top anti-narcotics officials, Wei Xiaojun.

Arranged by the UNODC and lent further clout by Wei's involvement, their recent voyage down the Mekong was aimed at mustering the regional collaboration needed to tame the Golden Triangle.

Reuters was invited to join the four-day trip from the Chinese port of Jinghong through the heart of the Golden Triangle.

Wei, who is deputy secretary general of China's National Narcotics Control Commission (NNCC), called drugs the "main threat" along the Mekong.

"All other types of organized crime are rooted in the drug business, like human trafficking, money laundering and the illegal wildlife trade," he said.

China is a favorite destination for Burma's drugs, which are flowing through Asia in unprecedented quantities.

More than 250 million methamphetamine pills, better known by their Thai name "ya ba" or "crazy medicine," were seized in East and Southeast Asia in 2013, an eight-fold increase from 2008.

Seizures of "crystal meth" or "ice"—a potent, crystalline form of methamphetamine dubbed "the poor man's cocaine"—doubled during the same period.

In 2015, China seized a record 36.5 tons of methamphetamine, most of it from Burma, said the UNODC. Burma is the world's second largest producer of opium, the bulk of which ends up in China as heroin.

A recent report from the NNCC raised concerns about the involvement of some Chinese military personnel in drug trafficking, and said the number of registered drug users in China rose to more than 2.3 million in 2015.

Increasingly Burma too has a drug problem, with police last year making record-breaking busts of both ya ba and ice.

This could severely test the new government of Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy (NLD) party has yet to formulate drug policies, say experts.

'Off the Grid'

Many factors combine to help the Golden Triangle's drug industry prosper.

The Burma-Laos border, which the Mekong delineates, is mostly unguarded. The terrain is rugged and hostile, with rebel armies holding sway in some areas and drugs and money-laundering flourishing in lawless enclaves on both sides of the river.

Regional law enforcement agencies are often underfunded and ill-trained, and the intelligence they gather is not effectively shared with neighboring countries.

In October 2011, a gang led by a Mekong pirate called Naw Kham murdered 13 Chinese sailors. He was hunted down in Laos, then taken back to China to be tried and executed.

Afterwards, Chinese gunboats began patrolling further downriver, extending China's security reach far beyond its borders.

This includes a riverside facility in Muang Mom in Laos, which Reuters visited, run and guarded by a 25-strong unit of Chinese People's Armed Police.

China conducts monthly joint patrols with its Laotian and Burmese counterparts, who—gasoline permitting—do additional patrols by themselves.

There have been successes. In 2013, a Chinese-Laotian patrol found 580 kg (1,280 lbs) of ya ba, worth more than 100 million yuan ($15 million), hidden in a cargo ship.

But more patrols were needed, said the UNODC's Douglas, and Mekong countries also needed to coordinate and share intelligence to interdict more drugs.

Black Holes

Some areas remain intelligence black holes. Hsop Lwe, for example, is Burma's busiest port on the Mekong, but its government has no control over it.

The port belongs to Special Region 4 (the Mong La Special Region), a semi-autonomous enclave famous for gambling, prostitution and narcotics. To the north is Special Region 2 (Wa Special Region), also controlled by heavily armed rebels.

The Special Regions were "off the political grid," said Douglas, although he hoped Suu Kyi's new government would engage with and secure better access to them.

The UNODC boat could not get permission to stop at Hsop Lwe, where a Chinese cargo ship was unloading SUVs as it passed.

Reuters reporters also spotted unofficial Mekong ports in Laos, which this year chairs the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).

Landlocked and impoverished, Laos shares a border with all the Mekong countries, which also include Vietnam and Thailand, making it an important smuggling hub for both narcotics and the chemicals that make them.

From Vietnam, for example, comes tons of caffeine, used in methamphetamine production and spirited through Laos and across the Mekong in rice bags.

Other lawless areas were being created by the Mekong itself.

The ever-shifting river created islands where drug shipments were hidden, said Col. Patpong Ngasantheir of the Royal Thai Army. But according to a treaty negotiated while Laos was still a French colony, these islands were deemed neutral.

"We're not allowed to search them," he said.

The post Led by China, Mekong Nations Take on Golden Triangle Narco-Empire appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Major Thai Trafficking Trial Opens Amid Fears for Witnesses

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 10:06 PM PDT

Human trafficking suspects arrive at the criminal court in Bangkok on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

Human trafficking suspects arrive at the criminal court in Bangkok on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — The trial of 92 suspected human traffickers, arrested after the discovery of shallow graves of migrants in Thai jungle, began in Bangkok on Tuesday and the attorney-general's office said it would be over within a year amid fears about the safety of witnesses.

Traffickers abandoned boatloads of migrants at sea last year after a crackdown by Thai authorities that led to a regional migrant crisis with Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma and Bangladesh refusing boats permission to land.

Rights groups had expressed fears that a drawn-out case, lasting anything up to two years, could put the hundreds of witnesses at risk because of inadequate police protection.

"The court is accelerating the case to finish within a year," said Prayuth Porsuttayaruk, deputy director-general of the human trafficking office at the Attorney-General's Office.

Thailand remains on the lowest tier on the US State Department's Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report for not meeting the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.

Sunai Phasuk, senior researcher on Thailand at Human Rights Watch, welcomed a shorter trial but said the cases should not be rushed to impress the United States.

"It will totally send the wrong message if the trial is being fast-tracked simply to impress the TIP report reviewers."

The defendants, wearing beige prison uniforms, were brought to the packed court for the start of formal hearings.

The investigation and arrests followed the discovery of 30 shallow graves at a trafficking camp near the Malaysian border. Many of the bodies were believed to be of Rohingya, a persecuted ethnic Muslim minority in majority Buddhist Burma.

Weeks later, police revealed 139 graves had been found over the border in Malaysia.

That led to a crackdown on the multi-million dollar trade which had until then flourished in Thailand's southern provinces and in Malaysia.

The 92 suspected human traffickers include an army general, civilians and police.

Rights groups have called on authorities to step up witness protection after some witnesses said they had been forced into hiding because of threats.

Prayuth said the justice ministry was "looking after the witnesses," but did not say how many of the more than 400 witnesses were receiving police protection.

Around 50 suspects were still at large, said Prayuth. Some had fled to neighboring Burma.

The United Nations and rights group say the number of migrants leaving Burma and Bangladesh by boat in past months has plummeted because of the Thai and Bangladeshi crackdowns on human smugglers.

The number of people trying to flee was expected to be significantly lower this year, they said.

The post Major Thai Trafficking Trial Opens Amid Fears for Witnesses appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Hopes and warnings for incoming president

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

Party loyalist U Htin Kyaw confirmed as president, while U Myint Swe takes the first vice president spot

Complaints as Rakhine State Hluttaw goes back into recess

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

After a month-long break, the Rakhine State Hluttaw yesterday convened again yesterday – but went into recess again after barely an hour.

UN rights official sets tough targets for new government

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

Myanmar's United Nations-appointed human rights investigator has given the new government a 100-day challenge. The task list – starting from its first day in office next month – includes lifting restrictions on freedom of movement in Rakhine State, meeting a 30 percent quota for women participating in the peace process and stopping the use of landmines.

IDPs scatter as sporadic fighting sweeps northern Shan State

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

Sporadic fighting across northern Shan State is sending civilians fleeing in different directions, with some attempting to return to their homes and then being forced on the run again.

Kokang group warns businesses in Laukkai

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

The main ethnic Chinese armed group in Shan State's Kokang border area has warned businesses of dangers to their security while claiming that the military is preparing a mass mobilisation of forces.

Small bomb in Sittwe targets media outlet

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

A small bomb in the Sittwe compound of a Rakhine online news agency last week may have been prompted by its reporting on sensitive military and political developments, its chief editor said yesterday.

Activists demand obelisk for Mandalay revolution leader

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

The installation of the National League for Democracy government, both at the Union level in Nay Pyi Taw and in Mandalay, could see a long-term dream come to fruition for supporters of Thakhin Ba Hein, a hero of the 1300 Revolution.

MCDC insists water shortages unlikely

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

Mandalay residents need not be afraid of El Niño, water authorities say. Though meteorologists warn that the powerful weather phenomenon could cause droughts, Mandalay City Development Committee says it has already taken the measures needed to ensure an adequate supply for the coming hot season, despite increases in population.

Expert's Opinion: Myanmar's new president

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT

Yesterday, parliament's overwhelming endorsement of National League for Democracy candidate U Htin Kyaw was greeted with celebration – and a bit of relief – by MPs and citizens. But what do the experts think? Myanmar Times senior reporter Wa Lone polled analysts on both sides of the aisle about their thoughts on the country's new chief executive – and what it means  going forward for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


MYANMAR'S 40 to 72 PERCENT PROBLEM

Posted: 15 Mar 2016 09:04 PM PDT

YANGON-If you walk the streets of this city at the end of the work day, you'll hear a distinctive sound: the clicks and taps synonymous with Myanmar's traditional sport, known as chinlone. Sharing certain roots with soccer, chinlone dates back 1,500 years, when it was played for the country's royalty. While the objective is simple-kick the small woven ball around a six-player circle without letting it touch the ground-the game is difficult. Players leap and dive, executing complex footwork with a combination of dance and martial arts moves. Their athleticism is all the more remarkable given the competition: there is none. The groups of men and women who play nightly do so without any incentive to "win." Victory comes in the artistry of the moves and the cohesion of the players. In chinlone, collaboration is the name of the game - which is deeply ironic when you consider the source.


 The harmony of the sport stands in sharp contrast to the sectarian conflicts that have torn Myanmar apart, but it also provides a model for the nation's best hope: to move forward in unity. Until recently, that wasn't remotely possible. Myanmar (formerly called Burma) emerged from British Colonial rule in 1948, only to slide into nearly seven decades of civil war as the country's ethnic nationalities battled the ruling Burmese military regime, and each other. The conflict is far from over, but has reached a critical inflection point. In December, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a sweeping victory in Myanmar's first openly contested election in a quarter century, wresting power from the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). With new leadership, this government is promising a new direction, but it has yet to engage with the entrenched problem of ethnic nationals.

For Aung San Suu Kyi, the question is basic: will Myanmar move forward as a nation that offers full citizenship to the ethic nationals that occupy 60 percent of the country's land or will it continue to enforce a brand of Asian apartheid that disenfranchises non-Burman ethnics at every turn? For Western governments and businesses swarming into this nascent market today, the message must be clear: it is time to make the empowerment of all ethnic nationals - and a federal system that recognizes their autonomy - priority number one.

The roots of the problem go back centuries. Ethnic Burman kings once ruled over Myanmar's central Irrawaddy Valley, ringed by independent kingdoms in the surrounding hills. Today, these early divisions are reflected in the ethnic and religious groups that still occupy the horseshoe of mountainous territory that rings the country's urban and political center. In addition to ethnic Burmans, who make up the country's largest single nationality, Myanmar's government recognizes 135 ethnic groups living within its borders.

They have never truly, voluntarily, been united. After centuries of turf wars, Burma was first knit together in the 19th century-under a foreign flag. Britain colonized the country, but lost it to Japanese invasion in 1942. Post-war, Burmese statesman-general Aung San negotiated for the independence of a unified Burma. In, 1947, he convened Chin, Shan, and Kachin tribal leaders in the town of Panglong, laying out a blueprint for peace that established mechanisms of self-governance in the ethnic national regions while extending to their citizens the "rights and privileges which are regarded as fundamental in democratic countries." But the dream died five months later, before Panglong was enacted, with the assassination of Aung San, kicking off violence that continues to this day.

A 1962 coup by the Burman army produced "a million dead, millions more displaced, an economy in ruins, and a robust military machine designed to fight the enemy within," as Burmese-American historian, Thant Myint-U, has written. Demonstrations against the oppressive ruling regime in 1988 resulted in the deaths of 3,000 protesters. In 1990, Myanmar held its first free elections in 30 years, and voted overwhelmingly to elect the pro-democracy party led by Aung San's daughter. The military, in response, refused to cede power and restricted her under house arrest for 15 years.

That daughter, of course, is Aung San Suu Kyi. "The Lady," as she is called, took the reins of government from some of her former captors in January, after her party won 80 percent of contested parliamentary seats last December. Although constitutionally prohibited from holding presidential office by a clause barring anyone with a foreign spouse or child (a provision drafted specifically for Suu Kyi, whose late husband and children are British), she has vowed to be "above" the position, ruling the country via proxy. The democratic changes begun in 2011 marked the start of the most sustained political reform in decades. The Lady's international acclaim, her party's electoral victory, and her personal family history have raised hopes that she will shepherd Myanmar in a new direction.

Lost in this narrative is the country's ongoing battle with ethnic nationals. The divisions are so deep-seated here that population numbers are hard to come by. While it's long been thought that ethnic minorities comprise about 40 percent of the country's total population, long-time Myanmar watcher and founder of Dictator Watch, Roland Watson, recently suggested in a speech to an Asia Democracy Alliance Seminar in the U.S. Congress that the number is closer to 72 percent.

A 2014 census by the United Nations, the first in 30 years, was meant to settle the matter, despite the fact that millions of ethnics reportedly couldn't be reached. But the previous government refused to release the findings, blocking what was called "sensitive data on religious and ethnic minorities" for fear, as one high-ranking official put it, that its release might "shatter the state's peace and stability." While some speculate that the caution might reflect concerns that this overwhelmingly Buddhist nation has more Muslims than previously thought, potentially stoking violence, others took this as a sign that non-Burmans might rebel if they realized they had more than 70 percent of the population while holding barely 10 percent of the seats in parliament.

The fate of ethnic minorities overall is an issue on which the Lady has been frustratingly silent, leading some to offer that her silence was a smart political calculation until she held real power and could do something, while others wondered if it reflected a more troubling dismissal of ethnic rights more common among her fellow Burmans Buddhists. Regardless of the motivations behind her previous quiet, she no longer has any excuses for inaction. The true test of her leadership will be whether Myanmar's new leader can finish what her father started in 1947.

That means federalism. Talk of "democracy" is meaningless to ethnic nationals, who have been disenfranchised because of their ethnicity, told what languages they can and cannot speak, which customs they can and cannot follow, who they can and cannot marry and how many children they can have because of their religion. To truly have a voice, ethnic states must be governed by their own leaders - just as states are empowered under the United States' federal system. They must have a say in the development of their resource-rich lands and a share of the profits from that development. And in order for these changes to even be a possibility, they must be brought to the table in good faith to end current hostilities with the military.

Eight of the 15 major ethnic militias have signed a cease fire with the outgoing USDP, but the holdouts downgrade the deal's legitimacy. Suu Kyi claimed during the campaign that federalism would be her top objective. But the remaining groups won't sign until they're confident the military won't turn on them.

A U.S. Special Forces veteran currently advising ethnic groups on the ground tells me, "This is the most dangerous time in ethnics' history, because the international community is generally behind the central government." But a high-level peace negotiator tells me that "the reason the military was against federalism is because they were concerned that if power was decentralized, groups would use their power and succeed. The military now understands it is about reintegration. They've changed their stance, and the ethnic groups have changed, too - but groups outside the process haven't changed much. They need to be part of the process and the talks."

If Western nations want to promote real progress, they must act - now.

For the United States, that means reinstating International Military Education and Training (IMET) for Myanmar's military-with the stipulation that all young, ethnic officers train alongside the Burmese. This is an unparalleled opportunity to teach the next generation of leaders respect for human rights and to model for them the success of America's integrated military and federal system.

Not since the height of apartheid in South Africa have people that represent the overwhelming majority of a country's total population been so disenfranchised. The truth is, if all ethnic nationalities, whether 40 percent or 72 percent of the population, aren't soon made full citizens of Myanmar, it won't be a nation. Aung San, master of the political version of chinlone, knew that. We'll soon see if his daughter understands the same.

Stanley A. Weiss, a global mining executive and founder of Washington-based Business Executives for National Security, has been widely published on domestic and international issues for three decades.

By Huffingto Post and Stanley Weiss