Tuesday, June 28, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Second ‘Panglong’ Conference to be Held in August

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 08:14 AM PDT

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw on Tuesday, meeting with the eight ethnic armed groups that signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw on Tuesday, meeting with the eight ethnic armed groups that signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYIDAW & RANGOON — Ethnic armed group leaders and government peace negotiators have decided to hold the union peace conference—now branded the "21st Panglong Conference"—in last week of August, according to sources in Naypyidaw.

President's Office spokesman Zaw Htay told media in Naypyidaw that the decision was reached on Tuesday in a meeting between State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and the Peace Process Steering Team, a delegation drawn from eight ethnic armed groups that signed Burma's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in October last year.

"They decided to hold the 21st Century Panglong Conference no later than the last week of August," said Zaw Htay.

Ethnic armed group leaders told Suu Kyi of their policy to include all ethnic armed organizations in the union peace conference—the majority of whom refused to sign or were excluded from the NCA—to which Suu Kyi agreed, according to Hla Maung Shwe, a member of the government's Panglong Preparatory Sub-Committee 2.

"For Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the key is to include all concerned parties and establish a federal nation. She was satisfied [with the meeting] because it was a frank discussion," said Hla Maung Shwe.

The meeting on Tuesday, at Naypyidaw's Horizon Lake View Resort, also included members of the government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center and the Joint Monitoring Committee-Technical Secretariat Center.

Suu Kyi said to those assembled, "For the next generation, peace is the best legacy to pass on. Our country will develop only if it has peace. Development is impossible in a country without peace. And it will be peaceful only when there is unity."

"There will be difficulties. But […] we can achieve it if we are committed in our efforts and in our cooperation," said Suu Kyi.

She also urged all parties to "help build a genuine federal democratic union that grants safety and freedom. This can't be achieved by one side alone."

However, she cautioned that building a genuine union would take time, noting that it had been almost seventy years since Burma gained its independence from the British.

Suu Kyi also invited members of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of nine ethnic armed organizations who did not sign the NCA, to participate in the Panglong conference.

Their participation, which remains in some doubt, would be crucial to the legitimacy of the peace process now led by Suu Kyi, since the absence of several of Burma's most powerful ethnic armed groups was widely perceived to have undermined the credibility of the NCA signed under the previous government.

A delegation from the UNFC is due to visit Naypyidaw this week, and will meet with Suu Kyi in the first week of July, government sources say.

A preparatory meeting for the 21st century Panglong Conference will be held on July 3 in Naypyidaw.

The eight ethnic armed groups that signed the NCA will hold a meeting with the Panglong Conference preparatory sub-committees on July 4. Preparatory sub-committees 1 and 2 will then hold a meeting with Suu Kyi.

The post Second 'Panglong' Conference to be Held in August appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shake-Up Hits Pagodas’ Administration Committees

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 08:06 AM PDT

Devotees throng Shwedagon Pagoda during last year's Full Moon Day of Tabaung, a Buddhist holiday. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Devotees throng Shwedagon Pagoda during last year’s Full Moon Day of Tabaung, a Buddhist holiday. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The boards of trustees for Burma's three most famous pagodas—Rangoon's Shwedagon, Mon State's Golden Rock and Mandalay's Mahamuni—will be reformed, according to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture.

Minister Aung Ko ordered the review of existing regulations of the boards and, if necessary, will require a redrafting in line with democratic policies at the suggestions from the ministry and the office of the Union Attorney-General. Director Myint Zaw Win of the Religious Affairs and Culture Ministry, informed The Irrawaddy of the plan on Tuesday.

"The ministry is responsible for addressing the weaknesses and flaws of the trustee boards [which have been] highlighted by the public," he said. "Most of the [boards'] regulations have become out of date now."

"Concerns about donations and sanitary issues are among the most received complaints," Myint Zaw Win said.

Although the three pagodas are prized by the public, reforming trustee boards was not a usual procedure under the previous government, he added.

The board of trustees for Shwedagon Pagoda held a meeting on Saturday and formed a temporary board with 15 members—six more members were appointed by the Union minister in addition to the current nine—to review regulations, Htun Aung Ngwe of the office for the trustee board told The Irrawaddy.

"The temporary board of trustees is now working on redrafting the regulations and policies so that the new board can be formed in line with appropriate rules," Htun Aung Ngwe said.

Shwedagon Pagoda is one of the most famous tourist attractions in Burma and has received an average of around 500 million kyats (US$426,000) in entrance fees every month from foreign visitors, according to the Jan-Mar 2016 figures on the pagoda's official website. The board reportedly employs around 850 staff and has an association with about 70 volunteer groups that assist in the daily maintenance of the pagoda.

Shwedagon's board of trustees is known to be authoritative and controversial. Its current chairperson, Sein Win Aung—a retired ambassador—served as a member of the religious affairs advisory team in ex-president Thein Sein's administration. He is also an in-law of Thein Sein and allegedly has close ties with the former military-backed leader.

The trustee board of Golden Rock Pagoda, located in Mon State's Kyaikto Township, also formed a 15-member temporary board on Monday, which decided to regulate hotels and guesthouses in the pagoda compound area. Only 135 hotel rooms were given permission to be built in the compound by the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism but an extra 106 rooms were found to have been constructed against the rules, the Religious Affairs and Culture Ministry's Myint Zaw Win said.

No details on the new board for Mandalay's Mahamuni Pagoda were provided by the Ministry, but Myint Zaw Win told The Irrawaddy that it had already been reformed in the same vein as the other two pagodas.

There are serious public concerns about the transparency and accountability of the trustee boards of the pagodas regarding monetary donations; in early April, there was an open letter from a tour guide to the minister of Religious Affairs and Culture demanding reform of the such boards throughout the country within the government's the 100-day plan.

The post Shake-Up Hits Pagodas' Administration Committees appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

State Counselor’s Office Behind Govt’s Agenda: Minister

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 06:35 AM PDT

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi walks out of a peace conference preparatory meeting on Tuesday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi walks out of a peace conference preparatory meeting on Tuesday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The State Counselor's Office has been behind some of the government's most important initiatives—from prisoner releases to peace in Arakan State, according to an interview on Monday with Minister Kyaw Tint Swe.

The State Counselor position was created in early April to give National League for Democracy party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is barred from the presidency, greater political influence. In mid-May, Kyaw Tint Swe was appointed the head of the State Counselor's Office, a Union-level ministry with a staff of 200.

In an interview Monday with the state-run Myanmar News Agency, Kyaw Tint Swe revealed that his ministry is behind the release of political prisoners and student activists and the President's Office reform. It also played a role in transforming the Myanmar Peace Center into the National Reconciliation and Peace Center, as well as the formation of the Implementation Committee for Peace, Stability and Development of Arakan State and the organizing of the 21st Century Panglong Conference, a peace summit with ethnic armed groups set for late August.

"These are the things we have done or are doing for the 100-day plan," the minister said. "Apart from carrying out [this] plan, we have to implement what the State Counselor Law states as long term."

The law says that the office must aim to achieve the following goals: the flourishing of a multi-party democratic system in Burma, the emergence of the market economy, the establishment of a federal Union and the peace and development of the country.

Kyaw Tint Swe said the ministry has helped release 453 political prisoners, political activists and student activists by dropping their ongoing cases in keeping with Suu Kyi's policy of "no political prisoners under the democratic government."

He also said that the ministry had helped grant a presidential pardon to another 83 political prisoners who had been sentenced.

On the ongoing ethnoreligious conflict in Arakan State, Suu Kyi led the Implementation Committee for Peace, Stability and Development of Arakan State.

"It doesn't mean that other areas are not as important as Arakan State. But the situation out there could result in a state of emergency at any moment. That's why we are giving [this state] special attention," he explained.

"At the moment, we are prioritizing stability and issuing National Verification Cards there. Then it will be followed by a citizenship verification process according to the 1982 Citizenship Law. Next, [there will be] infrastructure development and promoting investment and job opportunities in the area," he said.

With national reconciliation in mind, Suu Kyi transformed the Myanmar Peace Center into the National Reconciliation and Peace Center not only to promote internal peace, but to include everyone in the peace process, Kyaw Tint Swe said.

He explained that was the reason that the Panglong Conference Preparatory Sub-Committee 1 is reaching out to armed groups that did not sign last year's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), while also discussing the terms of the peace talks with NCA signatories.

"If the non-NCA signatories could be able to join the conference, the 21st Century Panglong Conference will be a huge step for the peace that we all have been longing for," he said.

The post State Counselor's Office Behind Govt's Agenda: Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Observers Urge Govt To Create New Export Markets, Boost Trade Volume

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 05:48 AM PDT

 People rest by bags of rice that are waiting to be transported from a local mill in Kyaiklat town, Irrawaddy Division, May 24, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

People rest by bags of rice that are waiting to be transported from a local mill in Kyaiklat town, Irrawaddy Division, May 24, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — A recent World Bank report says that trade growth in Burma could reduce poverty and boost prosperity, but local observers say in order for that to happen the government must implement economic policies that increase export markets.

The Myanmar Diagnostic Trade Integration Study released last week by the World Bank

said the keys to success are further reforms to encourage more open trade—a shift away from over-dependence on natural resources and the development of soft infrastructure.

The statement continued that Burma's trade volume is increasing quickly and there is enormous potential for future growth. But, since the new government assumed power in April, clear economic policies have yet to be announced. Many international organizations, including the World Bank, have taken an active interest in working with Burma's government to develop its economic prospects.

Minister of Commerce Than Myint said the government would use the World Bank's report as a blueprint to develop Burma's trade program, and the minister invited both technical and financial partners to collaborate.

"The country has a comparative advantage in its significant natural and agricultural resources, untapped labor and a location that shares borders with markets accounting for 40 percent of the world's population," said Abdoulaye Seck, World Bank country manager for Burma.

He added that Burma's reintegration into the global economy presented the country with a unique opportunity to translate trade growth into more job opportunities, income gains and prosperity, as well as decreased poverty.

Soe Tun, vice chairman of the Myanmar Rice Federation said he was not satisfied with the recent trade volume, as many exporters were waiting to see what policies the new National League for Democracy-led government would enact.

"By the numbers, export volume has declined, especially for rice and agricultural products. We do not have an African market now, and the Chinese market is declining. We need government support for this industry," he said.

"International organizations have a positive point of view, but in reality, the trade situation here is getting worse," Soe Tun added.

He explained that rice export expectations for this fiscal year are expected to decline from last year's 1.8 million tons.

"It may be less than 1.5 million tons this year," the vice chairman said. "That's why the government needs to have better strategies."

Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), said that the World Bank report had a positive tone but he does not expect much as long as the government still needs to help the private sector.

The government needs to provide a one township-one product strategy and support small and medium enterprises in order to boost trade volume, he added.

"One township, one product" projects—in which the government encourages diversification and commercialization by considering each township's existing local resources as viable exports—have had success in neighboring countries, but fizzled in Burma under previous governments.

Burma imported some US$16 billion in goods in the 2014-15 fiscal year, and exports totaled more than $11 billion, leaving a deficit of $4.9 billion, according to ministry estimates. The World Bank stated that a boom in trade and investment has boosted average economic growth by more than 7 percent per year.

The report also emphasized that trade-related reforms and programs could help reduce poverty and support the peace process. The World Bank recommended that Burma address skills shortages, improve access to finance, develop the tourism sector, and connect lagging regions to markets through better infrastructure.

The post Observers Urge Govt To Create New Export Markets, Boost Trade Volume appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (June 28)

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 05:31 AM PDT

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The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week.

beautiful'Beautiful Room' Art Exhibition
Lokanat Gallery will showcase 33 paintings from artist Nay Tun. Prices for the work range from $150 to $450.

Where: No.62, First Floor, Pansodan Street, Kyauktada Tsp.

When: Saturday, July 2 to Thursday, July 7


OkkalapaArtists and Artisans Exhibition

Various artists from South Okkalapa Township will hold a group exhibition at Bogyoke Market's Myanmar Artists and Artisans Association. Prices for the art range from $50 to $2500.

Where: Myanmar Artists and Artisans Association (Central), Bogyoke Market

When: Wednesday, June 29 to Sunday, July 3


the Beauty'The Beauty from Inside' Exhibition

Artist Kaung Khant Kyaw will hold an art exhibition at Cloud 31, where 38 paintings will be on display with prices ranging from $100 to $650.

Where: Cloud 31 Art Gallery, No. 49/51, first floor, 31st Street (Middle Block)

When: Sunday, July 3 to Thursday, July 7


Think To ThinkThink Gallery Show

Seven artists display their work in an exhibition entitled 'Think to Think.' The group will showcase about 35 paintings with prices between $150 and $7,500.

Where: Think Art Gallery, No. 23, Nawady Street, Dagon Tsp. Tel: 095143266

When: Saturday, July 2 to Sunday, July 10


Damage Done copy'The Damage Done' | Photographs by Pailin Wedel and Hkun Lat

An exhibition featuring photography by Pailin Wedel and Hkun Lat, among others, looks at the scourge of drugs in Myanmar and how people are struggling to deal with it.

The exhibition was facilitated by the Drugs Policy Advocacy Group (DPAG) Myanmar.

Where: Myanmar Deitta, 3rd floor, No.49, 44th Street

When: Sunday, June 26 to Saturday, July 2


Open Mic copy copyOpen-Mic Storytelling Night – Theme: Family

Yangon Speaks and Yangon Toastmasters present an open-mic storytelling night.

Have a story about your family that is too good not to share? Anyone and everyone is welcome to tell a family tale at this event. If you have a story to share, prepare your 5-8 minute story and let us know at the door that you'd like a chance to speak. Just want to listen? That's ok too.

When: Wednesday, June 29, 6:30 pm to 8:30 pm

Where: Pansuriya Gallery – No 100, Bogalayzay street, Botahtaung Tsp.


Black Orchid copyBlack Orchid Red Line

The black orchid is a rare, local species that grows in the northern part of Kachin State. Multiple factors threaten its existence, including deforestation and illegal trade. During the last century, the black orchid has been labeled extinct several times.

Through images, sounds, sculptural installations and archival material, get an impression of the elusive black orchid and its natural habitat in the northernmost part of Myanmar.

Where: Goethe Villa Yangon – No.8, Koh Min Koh Chin Road, Bahan Tsp. (Next to Golden Butterfly Hotel)

When: Saturday, June 25 to Monday, July 4


Global Education Interct copyGlobal Education Interact’16

In collaboration with prestigious multinational universities and colleges, Smart Resources is hosting Global Education Interact'16.

To those who are interested in pursuing a degree abroad, we are pleased to offer over 150 universities and colleges and over 200 programs of study in the United States, United Kingdom, Europe, Australia, Singapore, and Thailand to help you choose a program or degree based on your interests.

Where: Novotel Yangon Max, Pathein Room

When: Saturday, July 2, 1pm to 4pm


Yoga copyYOGA Friday’s

Master Instructor Thiha teaches a 1.5-hour class every Friday. Yoga mats are provided, and class costs 7,000 kyats.

Where: Friday, July 1, 6:30pm to 8pm

When: Infinity Fitness, 33A Baho Road, Sanchaung Tsp.


Glow-Party-Poster-A3 copyGlow Party

Glow Party features an unforgettable LED experience like never before along with live DJ's. The admission fee is 15,000 kyats.

Where: Sky Bar, Yangon International Hotel, Pyay Road, Ahlone Tsp.

When: Saturday, July 2, 9pm to 2am

The post Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (June 28) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Drug Bust in Sittwe Sparks Speculation of Rangoon Ring

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 04:44 AM PDT

Suspected drug trafficker Kyaw Thu Lin at a Sittwe police station on Monday. (Photo: Tayzar / Facebook)

Suspected drug trafficker Kyaw Thu Lin at a Sittwe police station on Monday. (Photo: Tayzar / Facebook)

RANGOON — Police seized nearly 800,000 methamphetamine and stimulant pills from suspected drug trafficker Kyaw Thu Lin at the Sakrokyeya Jetty in the Arakan State capital of Sittwe on Monday.

Aung Myint Oo, the head of Sittwe's No. 2 Police Station, confirmed the seizure and said they had launched an investigation into the origin of the drugs. The police's report said the suspect was planning to deliver the shipment, which came from North Dagon, Rangoon, to a monk near Burma's border with Bangladesh.

Police estimate the drugs are worth more than 2.3 billion kyats (US$1.95 million). According to Aung Myint Oo, this is the second largest drug confiscation in Arakan State this year. A representative from the Buthidaung police confirmed to The Irrawaddy that over 1 million pills were seized in Buthidaung Township at the end of December 2015.

"Kyaw Thu Lin is just a transporter," said Aung Myint Oo. "The [drugs] came from Rangoon and now we are trying to trace their route."

Speculation on social media was widespread that this seizure was linked to the largest drug confiscation in Burmese history, which was worth 133 billion kyats (nearly US$113 million) and seized in Rangoon in July 2015.

The police chief declined to provide details on a possible Rangoon connection.

"We cannot provide some information to the media yet because we are still in the process of verification," he said.

The post Drug Bust in Sittwe Sparks Speculation of Rangoon Ring appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Military, 7 Day Daily Settle Libel Case

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 02:42 AM PDT

 7 Day Daily cover page. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

7 Day Daily cover page. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Burma Army settled a libel lawsuit that it brought against local media outlet 7 Day Daily for publishing a story that it claimed could "destroy the unity of the military."

The military filed the case against 7 Day Daily, a Burmese newspaper based in Rangoon, on Saturday for a news story published on April 24, which included former general Shwe Mann's message to graduates of the Defense Services Academy urging them to work with the country's newly-elected democratic government.

The case was filed under Section 131 of Burma's colonial-era Penal Code which punishes anyone who "abets mutiny or attempts to seduce an officer from his allegiance or duty," a crime which carries up to ten years in prison.

The 7 Day Daily newspaper printed notifications on Tuesday, saying they published the story with no intention of instigating disloyalty to the State or the military or encouraging soldiers not to perform their duties.

"We are very sorry that the story has caused misunderstanding which led to the current situation. We 7 Day Daily would like to inform the Tatmadaw [the Burma Army] and fellow citizens with respect that we had no intention of harming anyone in our publishing of the story and we just published it honestly," the statement read.

Burma's Press Council released a statement on Monday stating that it wanted the case to be settled through negotiations.

"The source is not a fake account. 7 Day reported what Shwe Mann said on his Facebook page and they also cited that," Kyi Min from the Myanmar Press Council said. "That's why we thought the case should be settled out of court."

The post Military, 7 Day Daily Settle Libel Case appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt to Ban Renewal of Expired Jade Mining Licenses

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 02:22 AM PDT

Buyers examining a jade lot. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Buyers examining a jade lot. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYIDAW — Burma's government will not allow jade miners to renew their licenses when they expire in an effort to reduce raw production and promote more profitable high-end jade products, said Win Htein, director general of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation.

"We will not reduce the number of mining fields, but we will ban the renewal of expired mining licenses. We will draw up a management plan that meets international norms and we will allow jade miners to resume their operations only when we can be sure that mining does not cause environmental deterioration," Win Htein told reporters in Naypyidaw.

The ministry has decided to ban jade production in all mining areas including Hpakant, Lone Khin, Mohnyin and Hkamti once current licenses expire.

The director general said that the ministry also plans to reduce jade sales, in an effort to stem the flow of raw jade out of the country in favor of encouraging local entrepreneurs to purchase the stones with value-added intentions.

Up to 10,000 lots of raw jade were sold at Naypyidaw's jade and gems emporium in previous years; but, at this year's emporium, the ministry promoted polished jade products and only offered about 6,000 jade lots for sale.

"Even if jade is sold on a small scale, the market will remain. The reduction in production will have some impact on our jade exports to China, but we'll reduce raw jade production and try to promote value-added products so that future generations can benefit from jade resources as well," Win Htein said.

Over 6,000 jade lots, 300 pearl lots and 600 gems lots are for sale at the 53rd emporium, which continues through the first week in July. The event has sold over US$3 million worth of gems so far, according to a press release from the emporium.

The post Govt to Ban Renewal of Expired Jade Mining Licenses appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nationwide Drug-Control Requires Peace, Say Police

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 01:14 AM PDT

The Rangoon divisional government oversaw the destruction of over US$19.7 million worth of seized narcotic drugs to mark the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on Sunday. (Photos: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

The Rangoon divisional government oversaw the destruction of over US$19.7 million worth of seized narcotic drugs to mark the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on Sunday. (Photos: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYIDAW — The production and trafficking of narcotic drugs can be controlled nationwide only after peace, stability and the rule of law have been restored in Burma's ethnic minority borderlands, said Police Col Zaw Lin Tun, head of planning at the Burma Police's anti-drug squad.

He was quoted at the press briefing after a ceremony marking the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Trafficking held at the Myanmar International Convention Center-2 in the capital Naypyidaw on Sunday.

"The 21st Century Panglong Conference could contribute a lot to drug control. If peace were restored, we would be able to investigate drug trafficking more deeply. Drug control and peace are interrelated," the police colonel said.

The "Panglong" peace conference has been planned for July, with the aim of securing peace between the government and Burma's various ethnic armed groups, who have controlled large swathes of the borderlands for decades.

According to statements made at the Naypyidaw press briefing, the police have been applying two primary methods in drug control—searching vehicles that ply known trafficking routes, and employing informers to expose trafficking rings.

Those arrested for drug-related offenses are mostly drug abusers or retail traffickers. Police claim they are unable to get at wholesale traffickers and ringleaders because they reside in "ethnic areas" which are not yet at peace.

Zaw Lin Tun said, "Most drug-related cases have been uncovered along trafficking routes. We get the drivers and, after investigating, the distributors who act as middlemen. Taking further steps is very difficult because the main culprits reside in border areas beyond the reach of the rule of law. So, we have had to give up our attempts."

Burma's police claim that the cultivation of opium and drug trafficking are common in the borderlands and that ethnic armed groups, even if not directly involved in drug production or trafficking, allow traffickers to set up factories in areas of their control, extracting money from them in exchange for protection.

The police failed to arrest the ringleaders, or those higher up the criminal chain, in the five largest drug hauls over the last year, including 2.1 million amphetamine tablets seized in Muse, on the Chinese border in northern Shan State, and 26.7 million stimulant tablets confiscated in Mingaladon Township in Rangoon in July 2015.

Although special anti-drug operations have been carried out in Rangoon and Mandalay—alongside efforts in other divisions and states, under a "100-day plan"—difficulties persist.

Vice President Myint Swe, an old regime hardliner who was elected to his post by the military, told the attendees at the Naypyidaw ceremony that the government was "cooperating" with the eight ethnic armed groups that singed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) last year to eradicate poppy cultivation and drug trafficking in their respective areas.

"It is necessary to make continued efforts to dramatically reduce the drug problem in the country through the peace process," Myint Swe said.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Nationwide Drug-Control Requires Peace, Say Police appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US to Downgrade Burma in Annual Human Trafficking Report: Sources

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 11:23 PM PDT

Samboo, a 12-year-old soldier in the Karen rebel army, poses with a gun in a jungle camp near the Thai border in January 2000. (Photo: Reuters)

Samboo, a 12-year-old soldier in the Karen rebel army, poses with a gun in a jungle camp near the Thai border in January 2000. (Photo: Reuters)

WASHINGTON/YANGON — The United States has decided to placeBurma on its global list of worst offenders in human trafficking, officials said, a move aimed at prodding the country’s new democratically elected government and its still-powerful military to do more to curb the use of child soldiers and forced labor.

The reprimand of Burma comes despite US efforts to court the strategically important country to help counteract China’s rise in the region and build a Southeast Asian bulwark against Beijing’s territorial assertiveness in the South China Sea.

Burma’s demotion, part of the State Department’s closely watched annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report due to be released on Thursday, also appears intended to send a message of US concern about continued widespread persecution of the Rohingya Muslim minority in the Buddhist-majority nation.

The country’s new leader, democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, has been criticized internationally for neglecting the Rohingya issue since her administration took office this year.

Washington has faced a complex balancing act over Burma, a former military dictatorship that has emerged from decades of international isolation since launching sweeping political changes in 2011.

President Barack Obama’s diplomatic opening to Burma is widely seen as a key foreign policy achievement as he enters his final seven months in office, but even as he has eased some sanctions he has kept others in place to maintain leverage for further reforms.

At the same time, Washington wants to keep Burma from slipping back into China’s orbit at a time when US officials are trying to forge a unified regional front.

The US decision to drop Burma to “Tier 3,” the lowest grade, putting it alongside countries like Iran, North Korea and Syria, was confirmed by a US official in Washington and a Bangkok-based official from an international organization informed of the move. Another person familiar with the matter said: “I’m not going to turn you away from this conclusion.” All spoke on condition of anonymity.

A Tier 3 rating can trigger sanctions limiting access to US and international aid. But US presidents frequently waive such action.

The decision was one of the most hotly contested in this year’s report, and followed concerns that some assessments in last year’s human trafficking report were watered down for political reasons.

There was intense internal debate between senior US diplomats who wanted to rewardBurma for progress on political reforms and US human rights experts who argued that not enough was being done to curb human trafficking, the US official said.

A Reuters investigation published last August found that senior diplomats repeatedly overruled the State Department’s anti-trafficking unit and inflated the grades of 14 strategically important countries. The State Department denied any political considerations but US lawmakers called for reforms in the decision-making process.

This year’s decision on Burma marked a win for the State Department’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, which was set up to independently grade countries’ efforts to prevent modern slavery, such as the illegal trade in humans for forced labor or prostitution.

Because Burma had been on the so-called “Tier 2 Watch List” for the maximum four years permitted by law, the State Department either had to justify an upgrade or else automatically downgrade it. A Tier 3 ranking means that anti-trafficking efforts do not meet “minimum standards” and it is “not making significant efforts to do so.”

State Department spokesman John Kirby said: “We will not comment on the contents of this year’s report until after the report is released.”

CHILD SOLDIERS

Deliberations on Burma’s record focused heavily on efforts to halt the military’s recruitment and use of child soldiers as well as forced labor, especially the coercion of local villagers to perform some work. Such practices have been documented by international human rights groups and are also outlined in last year’s State Department report.

A key issue that the U.S. administration considered before Burma’s downgrade was alleged government complicity in human trafficking, including its failure to prosecute any civilian officials for their involvement in it, according to the person familiar with the situation.

While the Burma military is credited with significant progress toward curbing the use of child soldiers, such as allowing international inspections of military bases, there was no indication the problem had been completely eradicated as the U.S. anti-trafficking office had urged, the source said.

Human rights groups had lobbied U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry against upgradingBurma, saying it would be unearned.

The diplomatic blow to Burma’s government could be softened by the fact that the TIP report covered efforts during the year ending in March, under the previous administration of former junta general Thein Sein.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate, assumed her government role in April, after her party won the country’s first democratic elections in five decades.

But with the generals still controlling three security ministries and holding a lock on 25 percent of seats in parliament, US officials grappled with whether a downgrade could undermine cooperation from the military against human trafficking.

For her part, Suu Kyi has recently unsettled US officials by calling on them not to use the term “Rohingya” to refer to the Muslim minority in the country’s north. Many in Burma refer to them as “Bengalis,” insinuating that they are stateless illegal immigrants.

The United States has urged Burma to treat them as citizens.

The 2015 TIP report highlighted that the government’s denial of citizenship to an estimated 800,000 men, women and children in Burma — the majority of them ethnic Rohingya — “significantly increased this population’s vulnerability to trafficking”.

“The chronic, chronic abuse of the Rohingya has not been dealt with at all,” a U.S. congressional aide said, suggesting support on Capitol Hill for a downgrade this year.

The post US to Downgrade Burma in Annual Human Trafficking Report: Sources appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Book Review: General Ne Win: A Political Biography by Robert H. Taylor

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 06:30 PM PDT

Robert Taylor's biography of General Ne Win. 

Robert Taylor's biography of General Ne Win.

"As for the control of civil disturbances, I have to inform the people throughout the country that when the army shoots, it shoots to hit; it does not fire into the air to scare," said Burma's dictator Ne Win when he announced his resignation as chairman of the then-ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party at its extraordinary congress on July 23, 1988. Anti-government demonstrations had begun in the old capital Rangoon and other cities, and, on August 8, 1988, millions of people across the country took to the streets to vent their frustrations with 26 years of dictatorial rule and disastrous economic policies which had turned what once had been one of Asia's most prosperous countries into one of the poorest. And then, as Ne Win had pledged, the military did not "fire in the air to scare"—thousands of people were gunned down when soldiers fired their automatic weapons into crowds of unarmed demonstrators. It was a massacre even bloodier than what happened in China a year later, when its pro-democracy movement was crushed by military might.

However, Robert Taylor, a prolific writer on Burmese affairs, seems to believe that such a horrific event in Burma's modern history is worth no more than two peculiarly worded sentences: "It was impossible for him [Ne Win] to sleep, as the noise of the demonstrators was quite loud and could easily be heard on Ady Road [Ne Win's residence]. Once, when shots were heard, Ne Win indicated that they were probably fired by monks." (p. 529)

Taylor's voluminous, 620-page biography of the general who turned Burma into a political and economic wreck, and who ruled with an iron fist for more than two decades, must go down in the history of literature as one of the most sycophantic portraits of a ruthless dictator ever written by a Western academic. Events after Ne Win's coup d'état on March 2, 1963, when he overthrew Burma's democratically elected government, are described in this manner: "Despite the unfortunate events that marked the first months of the Revolutionary government, including the death of Sao Shwe Thaike's son, and the students' demonstrations at the university, and the unwillingness of political party leaders to accept Ne Win's socialist vision, there were still events to sheer Ne Win and assure him that he was undertaking the right way to unify Myanmar's fractious politics." (p. 267)

Any other historian would have written that the "unfortunate" death of the 17-year-old son of Burma's first president Sao Shwe Thaik happened when soldiers stormed into his family home in Rangoon during the night of the coup and gunned down the young boy in cold blood. The ex-President and then Speaker of the Upper House of the Burmese Parliament was led away and died, most likely extra-judicially executed, in military custody a few months—no one knows exactly when—after his detention.

The other "unfortunate event"—student demonstrations against the coup—was, in fact, the first massacre carried out by the new military government. On July 7, soldiers armed with newly issued German G-3 assault rifles, surrounded the campus at Rangoon University—and opened fire. Officially, 15 students and lecturers were killed and 27 wounded. But both neutral observers and students who were present during the shooting assert that the university looked like a slaughterhouse where not 15 but hundreds potential leaders of society in many fields lay sprawled in death. Sai Tzang, another of Sao Shwe Thaik's sons, wrote after the event: "It was clear that the soldiers were firing not merely to disperse the crowds, but were under orders to shoot to kill." During the night after the massacre, the military dynamited the historic Rangoon University Students' Union building, reducing it to rubble. As for the troublesome leaders of Burma's political parties, who were opposed to Ne Win's pseudo-socialist ideas, they were arrested.

Taylor also makes the extraordinary claim that the military seized power in 1962 partly because the Shan princes, or sawbwas, "were beginning to organize armed opposition to the government." (pp. 255-256) It is correct that a Shan rebellion broke out in 1958, but the sawbwas had nothing to do with it. It was organized by university students, a former officer of the Union Military Police, and local nationalists. The sawbwas, led by Sao Shwe Thaik, were opposed to armed struggle and presented their demands for a new federal structure at a seminar that the Prime Minister at the time, U Nu, had convened in Rangoon just before the coup. Needless to say, all the participants in the seminar were arrested too.

Apart from Sao Shwe Thaik, another Shan sawbwa, Sao Kya Hseng of Hsipaw, was also arrested and murdered in custody. The story and fate of Sao Kya Hseng and his Austrian wife Inge is the theme of a recent movie, Twilight Over Burma, which could not be shown at this year's Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival in Rangoon. According to the BBC: "The invited audience in Rangoon was told censors thought it damaged the army’s image and national reconciliation."

As for eliminating threats to national unity, British Burma specialist Martin Smith wrote in his obituary of Ne Win for the Guardian on December 6, 2002: "Far from quelling opposition, Ne Win's tactics created a new cycle of insurgencies. At one stage, the deposed prime minister U Nu also took up arms with Karens and Mons in the Thai borderlands, while Beijing lent military backing to the Communist Party of Burma in the mountainous northeast."

In the same vein—blaming non-Burman and other rebels for the country's woes—Taylor claims that, during the August-September 1988 pro-democracy uprising, "insurgent groups along the border were taking advantage of the chaos to attempt to enhance their own positions." (p. 530). In fact, one of the most remarkable features of the events of 1988 was that the ethnic rebels and the insurgent Communist Party of Burma, did nothing at all to "take advantage" of the situation, or to link up with the urban movement. Instead there were clashes between Karen and Mon rebels at Three Pagodas Pass over claims to territory. It was only after the military had stepped in on September 18—not to seize power, which it already had, but to shore up a regime overwhelmed by popular protest—that the ethnic rebels joined hands with pro-democracy activists who had fled to the border in the wake of a second massacre in Rangoon and other cities and towns.

It would be tedious to list all other inaccuracies and distortions of history that Taylor's book contains. But it is worth noting that Taylor is not an outcast among Burma watchers. He is closely affiliated with the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, a supposedly serious academic institution based in Singapore, and his comments on contemporary Burmese politics have appeared in the Nikkei Asian Review, a not particularly successful attempt to emulate the old and well-respected Hong Kong weekly Far Eastern Economic Review, which folded in 1994.

More importantly, Taylor's account of the life and rule of what Smith refers to as the "last great Asian despot" is an insult to the people of Burma and all those who lost loved ones in massacres carried out by the military in urban as well as frontier areas where the non-Burman nationalities live. They deserve better—and so does Burma, which has been misruled and terrorized by successive military-dominated regimes since 1962. Whether the situation will improve under the present government remains to be seen. But, against the backdrop of repression and tyranny that Ne Win left behind, it would be an almost insurmountable task for any civilian government to achieve national reconciliation and restore economic prosperity. That is the tragic legacy of the Ne Win era.

Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review and author of several books on Burma.

The post Book Review: General Ne Win: A Political Biography by Robert H. Taylor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Kachin State militia leader ousted from parliament

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 09:09 AM PDT

A Kachin warlord-turned-politician has been ordered to vacate his seat in the upper house of parliament for violating election laws, including intimidating his political rivals, the Union Election Commission ruled on June 24.

Military files lawsuit against local paper

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

The Tatmadaw is suing local newspaper 7Days, accusing the media outlet of trying to destroy the military with a story that quoted former Speaker and retired general Thura U Shwe Mann.

U Gambira brought to Insein, could see additional charges

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

U Gambira a former monk and leader during the Saffron Revolution, has been transferred to Yangon's Insein Prison where his family and lawyer fear he will face additional charges.

Cutting off ‘snake heads’ and addressing Myanmar’s growing drug production problem

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

It's time for the new government to "cut off some snake heads", according to international anti-narcotics experts.

Thief swallows nabbed cash

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

It was a fair cop, at least according to the X-ray machine. A man, so far unnamed, is under arrest after snatching K95,000 ($US80) and a bag of medicine from Daw Than Than Htwe of Dedaye township, Ayeyarwady Region. 

‘Trained to Torture’ press event cancelled in Yangon

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

A press conference on alleged human rights abuses by the Myanmar army in Shan State was cancelled yesterday, with the organisers blaming the regional government for forcing the hotel where the event had been booked to withdraw permission to hold it.

Taking stock of hluttaw’s first session

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

As members of parliament have dispersed to their constituencies during this month's parliamentary recess, observers have been mulling over the past session, the first to be dominated by the National League for Democracy after years in opposition. How did NLD MPs, debating questions under the supervision of NLD-appointed Speakers, and addressing an NLD government, compare with their predecessors in the Union Solidarity and Development Party?

All members re-elected to Nay Pyi Taw’s Ma Hta Tha

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

An election for the Nay Pyi Taw Supervisory Committee for Motor Vehicles has brought no turnover to the body as all currently serving members were re-nominated.

Excavation at Thai king’s tomb stops pending bilateral talks

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

The excavation of the tomb of an ancient Thai king in a Mandalay cemetery has been suspended on order of the city's development committee. MCDC has written to the officials in charge of the excavation of the tomb of King Udombhara in Lin Zin Kone Cemetery, in Amarapura township.

Mandalay blood bank 34% shy of requirement

Posted: 27 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT

Mandalay General Hospital needs more blood.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Tatmadaw accused of killing, arbitrary arrests near Lashio

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 04:00 AM PDT

At least one villager was killed, while three were injured and another five arrested by the Burma Army on Saturday in northern Shan State's Lashio Township, according to a local source.


According to the resident of Mong Yaw sub-township, who wished to remain anonymous, a unit of Tatmadaw [Burmese military troops] pulled into the village of Long Mon in about five trucks and suddenly opened fire.

"They fired near the maize fields while villagers were still working," said the source. "When people heard the sound of shooting, they tried to run away."

He said that three female villagers were injured by gunfire, and were taken to the local hospital in Mong Yaw.

"After unloading their guns, the soldiers began stopping and questioning drivers as they passed by," he said. "One man was shot dead at the check point. However his body is still missing."

The Burma Army allegedly ordered farmers who were trying to run for cover to line up by the side of the road for questioning. Most were later allowed to go home, but five villagers were reportedly taken into custody. They were named as: Aik Hseng, 23; Aik Lod, 39; Aik Maung, 27; Sai Mon Awn, 17; and Sai Aik Maung, 23.

The eyewitness said that the shooting happened at about 2 p.m. He said that the battalion responsible was from Lashio, and that they sported a logo of a gun and sword on their uniforms, with the words Ja Ma Ya 10 on the other side.

Reached for comment by SHAN, Sai Wan Leng Kham, an Upper House representative from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), said that it was reported to him that fighting took place in that area on June 25. Therefore, he said, his team went to investigate the area the following day.

Sai Wan Leng Kham said he had reported news of the five arrests to a senior level of the Burmese military. However, he had not received a response to date.
"The Burma Army has apparently denied arresting those people. They said they released everyone," said the Mong Yaw source. "But those villagers have still not returned home."

A number of armed groups are actively operating in the Mong Yaw area, among them: Manpang Peoples Militia, led by Bo Mon; the Kachin Defense Army (KDA) People's Militia, led by Matu Naw; the Kachin Independence Army (KIA); the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA); and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA).

 BY Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)


THE FOUNDING OF THE UNION OF BURMA THROUGH THE HILL PEOPLES RFFORTS

Posted: 28 Jun 2016 12:05 AM PDT

Khun Kya Bu
The Memoirs of Khun Kya Bu of Hsipaw
Signatory to the Panglong Agreement.
Foreword

These memoirs, originally in Burmese, took a period of two years to write. They were completed in 1978, when Khun Kya Bu was already 81 and nearing the end of his life. He died on May 31, 1980.

Khun Kya Oo
I had initially wanted to translate the
Khun Kya Nu
wholo work, but after re-reading it. I realized that it would be an enormous task, not least because of my deficiency both in English and Burmese. Nevertheless, I thought many things written in it ought to be told to the Shan People, and particularly to those who are interested in Shan affairs, both abroad and at home. I have therefore tried to present it in the form of a summary, which I hope will satisfy some and fire others with enthusiasm to learn more from this truly important work.

I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the late Khun Kya Bu for his invaluable parting of knowledge and experience, and to his sons, Khun Kya Oo and Khun Kya Nu, for their comments and encouragement.
Khuensai Jaiyen
March 1, 1993

SUMMARY
Khun Kya Bu begins his memoirs with the words "Shanland is a separate entity from Burma. It has existed without being part of Burma. However, we became British slaves at the same time as the Burmesewhile they fell under British sovereignty, the Shans fell under British suzerainty.

He goes on to say that through the British annexation, the Shans lost two-thrids of their territories to the Burmese, including Mawlake, Sawngsob (Thaungthut), Wiangsurh (Wuntho), Kardsar (Katha), Banmaw (Bhamo), Mongyang (Moe Hnyin) and Mongkawng (Moegaung) in the north, and an area to the east of the Sittaung named Salween Division which stretches as far as Martaban and Kyawknyat, Shwekyin, Pay (Prome)and Taikkyi on the Irrawaddy delta.

The British, and later the Japanese, knew well that the Shans were a separate entity. That was why under the British, Burma had become a colony and the Shan States a subordinate ally and protectorate, a fact supported by Clarence Hendershot in his The conquest, pacification, and administration of the Shan States by the British (1886-1897). The Japanese, especially Premier Tojo, and the officials involved in Burma affairs, Col Nagata and Mr Ichi, had recognized the Shans status. At a speech made by Tojo on January 28, 1943, on the occasion of granting independence to Burma, he said: "With regards to the territorial composition of the New State of Burma, it is to include the whole territory of Burma with the exception of Shan and Karenni areas." However, the theater commanders, bowing to the vigorous lobbying of the Burmese, went on to include the Shan States and the Karennis in Burmese territory, with the exception of Mongpan and Kengtung, which were transferred to the Thais for the duration of the War.

Several comments by foreign travelers concerning the Shans, are also quoted:
                "The Shans have no desire for worldly riches though they are rich in minerals."
                "Shans are the most peace-loving people, who trust everybody and envy nobody."

Shan festivities were attended by youths armed with muskets and swords. Foreigners were struck by the fact that they were watched over by a mere handful of policemen, who were each armed with only a whistle and a baton and yet managed to keep ugly incidents at bay.

The Shans were also mentioned as good fighters, especially under able commanders. One example was the successful repulse of the 1449 Chinese invasion at Banmaw (Bhamo) under the generalship of the Prince of Mongkawng.

According to Khun Kya Bu, the Shans were treated with esteem by the British. He mentions the invitation by Queen Victoria to Sao Khun Hseng, the Prince of Hsipaw, in 1898 to visit the court of England and how he was received with courtesy as befitted a ruler of an independent state. British officials in the Shan States also took care they remained only in an advisory role. "Although they had the upper hand, in order to win the Shans hearts they never imposed their authority."

The interstate motor roads were completed in 1896, barely ten years after the annexation. "Most of the roads we are using today are handed down from that period," he added with feeling.

The British had also honored the Shan written language. In their coins, paper currency, steamers and railway stations, Shan letters could be seen alongside those of English and Burmese. These were however omitted after independence. Still, the odd thing was Shan was not taught at government operated schools. Only English and Burmese were taught. The British were in a way helping the Burmese cause by trying to integrate, rather than segregate as many believe, the Shans and the other non-Burmese into Burmese society. "Nevertheless, through the conscious efforts of the Shan monastic order, 65% of the local population was reported to have learned to read and write."

He describes with relish how a Frontier resident, Mr Franklin, was transferred immediately after the local people filed a complaint to his superiors that he forcefully pulled down the Shan national flag in the silver mining town of Namtu on March 5, 1947. (It was first designated on February 11, 1947.)

In this way, the British won the Shans' admiration and loyalty. Many Shans went to fight alongside British soldiers during WWin France, Egypt and then in Asia Minor – an area which nowadays includes most of Turkey, Iran and Iraq. However, he remembers only two of them: Captain Khun Oong and Sergeant Zampa.

During the British retreat from Burma, the Shan contingents had been given the toughest mission – to guard the rear. Their courage was proved in the battles of the Sittang crossing, Pyinzalok-Penwagon, and Oketwin Railway Station. The late Sao Htun Yin of Nawnngmawn, who participated there, was decorated for his distinguished valor shown during the later Battle of Imphal-Kohima.

He also quotes a newspaper report about anti-Japanese Shan fighters which is reproduced here:

MOVEMENT AGAINST FASCIST JAPAN IN SHAN STATES
(New Times of Burma, in its issue of 23 November 1946, published the following accounts of what Force 136 did.)

GUERRILLA WARFARE BEHIND JAPANESE LINES

Capt. J. E. Smallwood, in an address to the Roya, Central Assian Society in London, on the 20th November 1946, spoke thus:

"They (Force 136) proved a real thorn in the side of the Japanese and the Siamese lines of communications in Northeast Burma. Rank and file were mainly made up of Shans and Kachins for whom the British officers in charge has the highest praise.

The levies as an urganized forced were no match against regular troops, but operating as guerrillas in the native jungle, there were no troops to touch them.

Although we armed our levies, as they were called, with rifles or sub-machine guns, they were much happier with a dah or long-bladed knife, usually used for clearing the jungle, and it was with these weapons that they did most of the damage."

Shan weaknesses were not glossed over either. He quotes Sao Saimong Mangrai:
"Shans are ready and willing to accept a powerful arbitration from outside, but would perish rather than submit to their own kind, even for the sake of unity."
"Shans lack cohesion. Their intense individuality has prevented the formation of a strong Tai state."

In their relationships with the Burmese, he has credited the Shans as being loyal friends, willing to fight and die for the Burmese using their own resources. History proves, he says, that the Burmese managed to lose their kingdoms through their own traitors despite Shan willingness and readiness to help.

It was the Shans who had successfully broken down the defenses of Siamese capital of Ayutthaya (in 1767), which were passed over to the Burmese troops. The Shans were just glad that it was over and they would be back home with their families soon.

It was the Shans again who had, after the election of the new Shan States Council, which in effect became the Shan parallel government, called for the Panglong Conference on their own initiative and paid for its expenses. This fact is often overlooked by people who benefitted from it.

It was also the Shans with their Levies, and with their Foreign Minister, Sao Khun Khio, who came to the rescue of the Burmese Government besieged in Rangoon by their own rebellious people in 1949.

However, the history of Burma --"full of legends and lies," according to some foreign historians—failed to appreciate this (the Shans' role). In fact, the downward turn of the history of the Shans began with their admission of Brahmas (i.e. the Bamars or the Burmese) from India.

In 1881, the Burmese set up their garrisons in Lashio, Mongpai, Mongnai and Kengtung to oversee the Saofahs. Every commodity was taxed, and requisitions for the military supplies had to be fulfilled. Porters of both sexes were continually demanded. Also to satisfy their greed, gambling had been encouraged. (Commentator's Note: This practice is still continuing today.)

It seems difficult, if not impossible, for the Burmese and especially the Shans to regard each other as fellow nationals. Khun Kya Bu tells us of his reading of Thakin Kodawhmaing's biography, which tells of how he invited the Prince of Yawnghwe to become his Chief Minister. The Thakin, still one of the most revered among the Burmese, however declined the offer because he was determined not to serve "under foreign rule."

During WW , many Chinese civilians in lower Burma had fled to the north in anticipation of the Japanese thrust from Thailand. These were many incidents of their being robbed, raped and murdered on the way by the lawless Burmese. When the Chinese troops marched down, they look their revenge on the Burmese populace. People were stopped on the way and questioned as to their nationalities. All the "Pai-yis" (Shans) were allowed to move on, but the "Lao Mien" (Burmese) were summarily executed. The only magic charm against these mishaps seemed to be the word "Pai-yi", and Khun Kya Bu, with barely concealed glee, tells us how the Burmese populace memorized these words in order to save extricate themselves from their predicament.

If July 19, 1947, is the blackest day for the both Burmese and Shans alike, the next day was no less blacker. Sao Sarm Htun, the Prince of Mongpawn, who was among the wounded during the assassination of Aung San was taken with the others to the General Hospital in Rangoon. His Karen personal assistant personally carried him there. Apart from being unable to speak, because of the bullet wound in his chin, he was conscious and in good spirits when last seen. "But no one was allowed to see him. They just told me he was all right, that there was nothing to worry about him. Then the next day, it was announced that he died from his wounds."

Khun Kya Bu is really bitter here. He does not reveal the Karen PA's name for obvious reasons, because he was submitting his memoirs to the Burma Socialist Program Party. Nor does he disclose what is on his mind, when he tells us about this incident also for obvious reasons, but all the implications are there for us to see.

He recalls that the situation in the post-Independence days was so bad that one non-Burmese colonel came down to Rangoon in anger and told a meeting:
"I suggest that to get things right, each of the nationalities do only what they are good at. Let the Chins and Kachins, who are good at fighting, handle defense matters. Let the Shans and Karennis, who are honest rulers, handle administrative affairs. As for you Burmese, as you are good at fine arts, you should just be responsible for that. Everything will then be straightened out and return to normal."

The above may be too much for some Burmese. However, Khun Kya Bu has reserved his wholehearted praise for one Burmese – Aung San. He tells us how Aung San on his arrival in Taunggyi, after his return from London, admitted to the Shans gathered at the town soccer field his fault in not including Shan representatives in his delegation. Khun Kya Bu gives full marks to Aung San for his courage. (The Shan States Council had set a telegram to London that the Burmese delegation did not represent Shan interests, which  almost jeopardized Aung San's negotiation with the H.M Government.)

Tin Htut
Aung San, he says, was an advocate for Federalism. At the Anti Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL). Conference in May 1947, prior to the convening of the Constituent Assembly, Aung San told the Conference he was opposed to the unitary system of Government. Khun Kya Bu then gives us a copy of Aung San's full speech when he laid down the Seven Directives for the drafting of the Constitution. At one point, he definitely said it should not be a "unitary constitution."

Khun Kya Bu also mourns the death of Brigadier Tin Htut, Commander of the Hill People's Force, who was killed by a bomb blast during the turbulent post independence rebellions. Apart from Aung San, he was the only Burmese who won the Shans' trust. Referring to the Burmese leadership in general, Khun Kya Bu states: "This is what happens when people who have never gotten hold of money, power, weapons and position, get hold of them."

 Towards the end of the narrative, he lectures his Burmese readers: "You have to be responsible for your actions and their outcome. One ought not to pass the blame onto others."

He then, concludes with a moving Greek poem probably composed during the resistance against the Turkish invasion:
                The mountains looked on to me
                And I myself looked upon the plains
                And musing there an hour along
                I dreamed that we might still be free
                For slanding on the aggressor's grave
                I could not deem myself a slave
END