Friday, August 19, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Four Girls Missing as Boat Capsizes in Arakan State

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 08:20 AM PDT

 A government boat searches for four missing girls in Rathedaung Township, Arakan State, after a ferry carrying schoolchildren capsizes on August 19, 2016. (Photo: Rakhine Gazette)

A government boat searches for four missing girls in Rathedaung Township, Arakan State, after a ferry carrying schoolchildren capsizes on August 19, 2016. (Photo: Rakhine Gazette)

RANGOON – Four girls are missing after a boat carrying 17 schoolchildren between villages in Arakan State's Rathedaung Township sank on Friday morning, according to a local man who participated in rescue efforts.

The ferry was traveling along the Khwae Dauk River from the village of Kon Zae Tan to Yan Aung Myin when it began to fill with water through holes in the lining, and due to wood that had rotted on the boat's frame. Locals were able to rescue 13 of the students on board.

Normally, the small vessel carries around 10 passengers to school; Friday's 17 exceeded the boat's capacity. As water began to seep in, the children reportedly grew frightened, causing the operator to accelerate the ferry's speed to reach the riverbank. The boat then capsized, said Soe Pe, one of the locals who watched the scene unfold.

Soe Pe said that a fisherman, Maung Aye, was repairing his boat near the riverbank when he witnessed the accident. Using his own boat, and working with the ferry operator, the two men were able to bring 13 of the 17 children to safety.

Among the four girls who have not been located is one 14-year-old, two 12-year-olds and one 11-year-old. The only adult on board was the operator, and the boat reportedly had only one life jacket.

"Some of them were able to swim, and that is why they are alive," said Soe Pe of the children. "If not, I cannot imagine what could have happened there."

The students from the village of Kon Zae Tan pay around 3,000 kyats (US$2.50) per month to cover ferry fees for the half-hour daily trip to school in Yan Aung Pyin village. Many small villages in Arakan State—including Kon Zae Tan—lack government schools at the middle and high school level, leaving students to travel long and often dangerous routes to continue their education beyond the primary level.

On Friday afternoon, the Arakan State Chief Minister, Nyi Pu, travelled by speedboat from the state capital of Sittwe to Rathedaung Township when he heard about the boating accident. He spoke with families who lost their children, according to posts on his official Facebook account.

Soe Pe explained that the residents of Kon Zae Tan and Yan Aung Myin villages are hoping that construction of a suspension bridge connecting their communities will improve transportation and safety in the region, but it is unclear whether the Arakan State government has allocated funds from the budget for such a project.

This boating accident is not the first such tragedy to occur in Arakan State this year. On June 1, the first day that Burmese schools resumed after a long holiday, seven children died when a boat capsized near Poe Shwe Pyin village outside of the town of Ponnagyun. As with the incident in Kon Zae Tan, the boat operator had carried a number of passengers exceeding the ferry's capacity, and provided no life jackets on board, said Wai Hun Aung, an Arakanese social activist.

Wai Hun Aung said he believes that there is a correlation between weak management of government departments and such accidents. The operation of student ferries is not an enterprise open to just anyone—ambitious locals need to compete for a business tender designed by the township municipality. The bidders normally promise to follow the rules and regulations of the auction, but upon being awarded the tender, such expectations and conditions are known to be rarely enforced or adhered to.

He recommended that government initiate auctions for ferry operations with the condition that the "winning" businessmen provide a sufficient amount of life vests on board the boats, or be penalized.  The government, Wai Hun Aung, added, should then actively enforce such requirements in order to minimize any carelessness on the part of the operators.

"I would like to urge the new civilian government to value the lives of the public. These children are the future of our country," Wai Hun Aung said.

Home to an expanse of creeks, rivers and coastline, Arakan State's transportation system is dominated by ferries, speedboats, and shipping routes. On March 13, 2015, the government-owned Aung Ta Kon (3) ship, running between Sittwe and Kyaukphyu, sank near the Naungdawgyi Sea in Myebon Township. The boat was overloaded with various goods and around 300 passengers. According to local publications, at least 160 people died in the accident; only 72 dead bodies were discovered. The Arakan State government has since suspended the route.

The post Four Girls Missing as Boat Capsizes in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘We Cannot Talk Recklessly About Building Peace’: Govt Peace Negotiator

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 05:44 AM PDT

Government peace negotiator and former lieutenant general Khin Zaw Oo. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Government peace negotiator and former lieutenant general Khin Zaw Oo. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Three ethnic armed groups—the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army, Arakan Army and Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army—currently involved in active conflict with the Burma Army in northern Shan State issued a statement on Thursday announcing their readiness to join the Union Peace Conference, scheduled to begin on August 31 in Naypyidaw.

However, a government peace negotiation team requested they announce their "willingness to end armed struggle" in order to participate in the peace talks. The government delegation had met the groups in Shan State's Mongla region last week for a second time.

Khin Zaw Oo, a negotiator from the government's peace team and a former lieutenant general, spoke with Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein about the process.

Has the government invited all groups to attend the Union Peace Conference, including members of the United Nationalities Federal Council [UNFC]?

We will invite the seven members of the UNFC, and the Wa and Mongla groups—which have not signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA]. But these other three groups must issue a statement including what we have asked for. If not, there is no way for us to talk with them yet.

Why can't the government invite them, since the UNFC has been invited?

They are not the UNFC and it is different. They have been actively engaged with us since the fighting in Laogai  [in northern Shan State, February 2015], where they undermined the sovereignty of the nation. We think differently of them.

A statement released after last week's meeting said that it was a success. What has changed?

At that time, they said they would reply to us through an official channel. They should have contacted us officially. If their statement was as we discussed, there would have been a positive response; but if not, it would be negative. We do not want a response through a publicized statement. We want it to come through a negotiation channel.

What was your arrangement for further communication when you met with them?

When we met in the Mongla region, they replied to us via the Mongla leaders. Mongla was the medium. Now, the Mongla did not even know about this statement, when they should be the group  contacting us and letting us know whether or not they agree with our previous discussions.

Will there be any further negotiations? How will you handle it?

Unless they contact us, we have no reason to contact them. Regarding how we will continue, we still need to talk to them. Even if they wish to join the Union Peace Conference, it is not the Taung Pyone festival [an annual Nat/spirit festival held at Mount Popa that all are allowed to join].

Will they be unable to join the peace conference until they pledge what you have asked?

Absolutely. If they want to build peace, they must. If not, there is no way for them to attend the conference.

As far as we know, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi plays the role of negotiator between the Burma Army and ethnic armed groups. You are a member of the group that she leads. Are you following her path as a negotiator? What is your approach to bringing both sides to the table?

The Burma Army and the government share the same view. When we hold talks, we take the views of both the army and the government. It is not that the army goes in direction A and the government goes in direction B. The publicized statement said that the groups would work for peace, but it did not address the issues that we brought up.

Is it quibbling over word choice?

It is not quibbling over a word. There is meaning behind the word. They said they would join the political dialogue, but did not say whether they would continue the armed struggle. They should express their desire to end the fighting in the near future.

If the three groups pledge what you demand—are they doing so to sign the NCA or just to join the Union Peace Conference?

It is different. We have not even considered the signing of the NCA yet. Talking about political negotiation does not equate to proving their commitment. We cannot talk recklessly about building peace. Talking alone does not bring anything, they must follow the path to the peace process.

If so, how much will the government agree to all-inclusion?

All-inclusion cannot happen all at once. But it will happen sooner or later.

The post 'We Cannot Talk Recklessly About Building Peace': Govt Peace Negotiator appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon’s Family Friendly Karaoke Joints

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 03:18 AM PDT

Foodie Myanmar rounds up five spots for you to eat, drink and sing in Rangoon.

Foodie Myanmar rounds up five spots for you to eat, drink and sing in Rangoon.

This week, Foodie Myanmar rounds up five family friendly karaoke joints in Rangoon.

mCube Family Karaoke

The second branch of this karaoke spot just opened in July and offers small, medium, large and VIP rooms. Small rooms hold four people and cost 10,000 kyats per hour; medium rooms hold eight people for 15,000 kyats per hour; large rooms hold 12 people for 25,000 kyats; and VIP rooms hold up to 25 people for 35,000 kyats. Large and VIP rooms include LED disco lights and mic stands. Chinese food is available, while liquor and beer are not.

No. 60, Waizayantar Road, South Okkalapa Tsp.

TK House

The venue offers KTV for families and also hosts birthdays, staff parties and other gatherings. There are three room sizes: small for 12,000 kyats per hour, medium for 15,000 kyats and large for 35,000 kyats—holding eight, 15, and 35 people, respectively. The bar offers BBQ, Thai and Chinese food. In August, it also offers a "buy one hour, get one free" promotion between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m. Otherwise, there is always one free hour included for every three hours purchased.

No. 85 (B), Pan Hlaing Street, Sanchaung Tsp.

K Box Family Karaoke

This karaoke spot serves Burmese, Thai and Chinese food, as well as beer. Prices are 10,000 kyats per hour for a five-person room, 14,000 kyats for a 10-person room, 18,000 kyats for a 12-person room and 25,000 kyats for a 20-person room. All of the rooms have the same amenities and decorations.

Ga Mone Pwint Shopping Center, No. 408, 4th Floor, Insein Road

Pwint Thit San Family Karaoke

This KTV restaurant serves a variety of foods—including breakfast—and is open from 8 a.m. until midnight. Prices are reasonable: 6,000 kyats for a four-person room, 8,000 kyats for a six-person room, 9,000 kyats for an eight-person room, 10,000 kyats for a 10-person room, 13,000 kyats for a 14-person room and 15,000 kyats for an 18-person room.

Kabar Aye Pagoda Street, No. 520 A, near Hninzigon Home for the Aged

Music Box

This KTV bar has two branches—one in the Yangon International Hotel on Pyay Road and another in Junction Square. The first branch serves beer, liquor, cocktails and Chinese food. The room prices are 10,000 kyats for a four-person room, 13,000 kyats for a six-person room, 15,000 kyats for an eight-person room, 18,000 kyats for a 10-person room, 23,000 kyats for a 13-person room and 28,000 kyats for a 20-person room. Larger rooms have better sound systems.

Yangon International Hotel, Ahlone Road, No. 330, Dagon Tsp.

This article was written by Foodie Myanmar. Available for download in the Google Play Store, the Foodie Myanmar app will help you discover great places to eat and ways to share your foodie moments. Available at: http://bit.ly/InstallFoodieMyanmarOnAndroid

The post Rangoon's Family Friendly Karaoke Joints appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Opinion: Dreams for our Daughters and Sons

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:48 AM PDT

Girls attend class at the Kankone village school in Sagaing Division in 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Girls attend class at the Kankone village school in Sagaing Division in 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Since I was a little kid, I have been known for asking too many questions that usually start with "why"—the trademark of an inquisitive kid that often annoys people.

In my household, we would always separate our laundry into two bins—everything my dad and my brothers wore into one bin and me and my mom's clothes into the other. Then, the two bins would be washed separately—a task that my mom managed with undisrupted regularity. Ever since I was old enough to put in my clothes into the laundry bin, I would question why my clothes had to go into the bin on the floor and my brothers got to use the bin on the chair.

When I crawled up to my parents' bed and raised that question with burning curiosity, they would smile and say, "It is because you are a girl and they are boys." The six-year old me simply did not understand how a girl's clothes were so different from boys' clothes that they had to be washed separately, especially when a lot of my clothes used to belong to my brothers.

When I played with my brothers and I accidentally stepped over them during the games, my mom, my dad, or whoever was there to witness it, would tell me not to do it, sometimes in a nice way and sometimes in the form of a scolding. When my brothers stepped over me, nobody noticed. When I asked why, the answer was again "because you are a girl and they are boys."

Even though both my mom and dad had full-time jobs, my dad never had to do any household chores while my mom would rush back home to manage everything. For all the extra efforts she put in every day, she never got a "thank you" from anyone. I would sometimes be asked to make coffee for my brothers but they were never asked to do the same for me. And they did not even have to say "thank you.:

Why?

Because we are women and they are men.

After too many similar incidents and too many questions that got the same answer, I, even as a little kid, began to internalize the message implied in this answer. I am a girl. I am different from boys. There are things that boys are allowed to do that I cannot. Boys can step over me but I cannot do the same to them. My clothes somehow have invisible, intangible "dirt" or "filth" so they cannot be washed with my brothers' clothes even though we are family. There are many things that women are expected to do for men, without receiving any form of reciprocation or even any acknowledgement.

Then, as I grew into a teenager, I was introduced to the concepts of "shame" and "fear." I had been told not to go out by myself because a girl should be fearful. As a girl, I am vulnerable. I am fragile. My dignity, my "purity," and even my whole life could be easily destroyed by a man. If my family is not around to protect me, fear is the only thing that could.

If boys make catcalls at me on the streets, should be ashamed of it. If a boy chose to follow me around or get too close to me physically, even though it was his action, I should be ashamed of it. Shame and fear are integral to being "a good Myanmar woman"—a woman that society values and a woman "worthy" of men's protection. Growing into adulthood, I learnt that there is a rigid social mold for a good Myanmar woman that I was expected to fit within.

At school, I was sometimes criticized for being too argumentative, too goofy, too stubborn, too spontaneous for a woman. When I started to think about what I'd like to do in life, I learnt that I was expected to want to become a doctor—a socially acceptable path to being a good and accomplished Myanmar woman. When I decided that this path was not for me, I disappointed many people.

When I talked about my interests in politics and public policy instead, I was "too ambitious for a woman." When I decided to leave home and study abroad in the US, I was "too brave for a woman." When I raised my voice and articulated my opinions at work or in conferences, I was "speaking too much and too boldly for a woman."

All these criticisms and judgements (which often came in the form of unsolicited, patronizing advice) taught me one thing—no matter what I do, my society, my culture, my religion, and my community will judge me first and foremost as a woman, not as a person. And the social rules and the cultural criteria of judgement are way too different for a Myanmar man and a Myanmar woman.

Being a Myanmar woman is a strong component of my identity. I have great pride in and strong attachment to where I come from—my country, my culture, and my community. I also fully embrace my womanhood. My personal experience being a woman in Myanmar, however, tells me that there is a lot of work to be done for gender equality in our country.

"No women" signs on pagodas, ubiquitous and unchallenged practices of men making catcalls at women on the streets and harassing them on social media, domestic violence, human trafficking, sexual assault and rape, the social norms that dictate that a woman's place is at home and in the kitchen, the fact that there are so few women in leadership positions in all sectors and industries—these are just some of the problems with gender dynamics in our society that need to be fixed.

Sadly, this list could go on and on. And these problems are critical because of the toxic gender norms and expectations that they perpetuate. I feel a personal responsibility to advocate against these problems because it is very exhausting and infuriating to live with them every single day. More importantly, I believe that we were all born with the duty to leave our country better than we found it. All of us, both men and women, have a responsibility to make our country, our culture, and our society better and fairer for our daughters and sons.

My heart would sink if, in the future, my daughter had to live through the exact same experiences of deep-rooted sexism. I would be heart-broken if my daughter was not treated with the same level of respect as others' sons. I would be devastated if my daughter was expected to just be a housewife and live her life doing chores for someone's son. I would be anguished if my daughter thought she could not be a leader because she is a woman. I would be disappointed if my daughter had to dumb herself down to get men's attention. I would be angry if my daughter is slut-shamed for having a boyfriend while others' sons are heroized for having many girlfriends.

I would teach my daughter to always question and push back against gender expectations. I would tell her not to internalize the double standards that her society has in judging men and women. I would tell my daughter that she is an equally worthy person as her brothers. I would want her to believe that she can achieve anything she wants to because there is no such thing as being too ambitious for a woman. I would let her know that she is strong, not fragile. No one and nothing can take away her dignity. I want her to believe that her life is hers to build and that she does not need to defer to anyone in making her life decisions.

Likewise, I would be very ashamed if my son thought it is okay not to respect a woman as his equal. I would be sad if my son defined his masculinity as the ability to dominate and subordinate a woman. I would tell my son not to feel threatened or emasculated by the strength, independence, and success of women around him. I would teach my son not to judge a woman's worth solely based on her appearance. I would let my son know that it is okay for him to have and show his emotions. I would teach my son to cook and clean up after himself so that he does not expect a woman to do it for him.

I would tell my son that he should be ashamed and regretful, not proud or nonchalant, if he ever played around with a woman's trust and feelings. I would teach my son to be grateful and say "thank you" when someone, a man or a woman, does him a favor, whether it is a cup of coffee or a lifetime of support and companionship. I want my son to see that building a family is a duty shared by him and his wife and that his responsibilities are not limited to just earning money.

I want my son to see all the unearned privileges he has simply because he is a man. And I want him to be brave enough to fight against the system and the norms that give him such privileges. I want him to also want a better and more equal society for his daughters and sons.

It is on us, all of us, to strive for gender equality and unlearn toxic norms and expectations that permeate our society. And this is not something that is salient only once a year on Myanmar Women's Day. Women's rights are not a mere political punchline or a feel-good slogan. The fight for gender equality is a duty that every generation of men and women has. And I am very encouraged and hopeful to know that many of my peers, both male and female, take this duty very seriously. We all need to be raising our voices louder and engaging more every day in order to make more progress. We are all responsible for leaving our country, our culture, and our society better and fairer for our daughters and sons.

Htet Moe Nwe Win is from Rangoon. She studied economics and political science in the US and the UK, and is currently working in New York.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Opinion: Dreams for our Daughters and Sons appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi Assures China of Solution to Myitsone Dam

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:42 AM PDT

Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and Burma's State Counselor and Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi (R) review honor guards during a welcoming ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Thursday. (Photo: Reuters)

Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and Burma's State Counselor and Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi (R) review honor guards during a welcoming ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Thursday. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING, China—Aung San Suu Kyi told China's premier on Thursday that her new government is willing to look for a resolution that suits both countries to a suspended Chinese-funded hydropower project in northern Burma, a senior Chinese diplomat said.

Finding a solution to the US$3.6 billion Myitsone dam project is important for Suu Kyi who needs China's cooperation in talks with Burma's ethnic minority armed groups operating along northern borders with China.

Former Burma President Thein Sein angered China in 2011 when he suspended work on the hydropower dam, in the Irrawaddy river basin, after it drew widespread environmental protests.

About 90 percent of the dam's power would have gone to China. At the time, Suu Kyi also called for the project’s suspension.

Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin told reporters after a meeting in Beijing between Suu Kyi and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang that Li had said China hopes Burma can come up with an appropriate resolution.

"Aung San Suu Kyi said that the Burmese government has already set up an investigation committee to look for an appropriate resolution to the Myitsone dam issue," Liu said.

"She also said that she is willing to look for a resolution that suits both sides’ interests via both sides’ energy administrations' cooperation."

China has been pushing for work to restart on the dam, which under the original plans would have sent 90 percent of its power to China.

A Burmese government commission reviewing the project—as well as other proposed hydropower dams, including several on the Salween River—is expected to report by Nov. 11.

Suu Kyi did not mention the dam in remarks to Li made in front of journalists, but said she hoped her visit would "further consolidate and develop" relations.

The two countries also signed a deal to build a strategic bridge near their border.

A Burmese foreign ministry official said China had also agreed to build two hospitals in Burma's two largest cities, Rangoon and Mandalay.

The bridge will be built in Kunlong, 32 kilometers (20 miles) from the border in northeastern Burma and near the Kokang region where an ethnic Chinese rebel group fought Burma’s military last year.

Liu said Premier Li reaffirmed China’s support for efforts to bring peace to northern Burma.

Suu Kyi, who is barred from the presidency by a junta-drafted constitution but holds several government posts including that of foreign minister, will meet Chinese President Xi Jinping on Friday.

The visit is Suu Kyi’s first major diplomatic foray as de facto leader, after a new government took power in April following her National League for Democracy’s sweeping election victory in November.

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‘There is No One-Size-Fits-All Federalism’: Swiss Ambassador

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:37 AM PDT

Switzerland's Ambassador to Burma Paul Seger. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Switzerland's Ambassador to Burma Paul Seger. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

A landlocked, mountainous country in the Alpine region of Europe, Switzerland, which has been a federal state for centuries, presents an interesting example to Burma as it plans to devolve power equitably to its states and divisions under a new peace settlement.

With the opening up of Burma after the launch of reforms in 2011, Switzerland was the first European country to open an embassy in Burma, in 2012.

 Switzerland has funded humanitarian and development programs in Burma over several years, for instance the building of schools and healthcare centers in Karen and Mon states in southeastern Burma. It has been among the international backers of Burma's peace process, which began under President Thein Sein five years ago.

The Swiss Ambassador to Burma, Paul Seger, currently chairs the multinational Peace Support Group, which advises peace process stakeholders and channels donor money.

 Prior to arriving in Burma last year, Paul Seger was Switzerland's permanent representative at the United Nations in New York.

 Irrawaddy senior reporter Nyein Nyein spoke to the Swiss Ambassador earlier this month about Switzerland's development assistance, its role in Burma's peace process, and growing trade relations.

What kind of support has Switzerland been providing to the peace process?

We started supporting the peace process around 2012 by establishing contacts with both ethnic armed groups and the Tatmadaw [Burma Army]. We tried to bring the parties together, to pave the way for the signing of bilateral ceasefire agreements.

We try to reach out to as many ethnic armed groups as possible. We host meetings, we organize preparatory events, etc. I think that it was quite useful, leading up to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA] signing in October 2015. But our support did not end with signing; we continue working both with the Tatmadaw and with both signatories and non-signatories [of the NCA] in support of the current national dialogue.

Multilaterally, we have been chairing the Peace Support Group since May 2015. We would like to maintain the principle of rotation. But, as long as the group wishes us to continue chairing, we are happy to go along with that. Besides, we are donors to the new Joint Peace Fund, which has a clear financial focus. We have been working directly with actors on both sides, under full transparency. At the same time, we try to contribute financial and material support.

What is the Switzerland's place on the peace table?

Our role is in providing support that is effective, but discreet. From my personal experience of other peace processes, confidentially and confidence are the key elements. At the same time, we are transparent in what we do. It is not about sitting at the peace table, but being an active partner.

In the upcoming union peace conference, stakeholders will discuss establishing federalism in Burma. Since you come from a federal country, what is your message to them?

Look at as many examples from abroad as possible. There is no one-size-fits-all type of federalism. Every country has to find its own political system, which is suitable to its own tradition, to its own culture and to its own history.

We have been inviting armed groups and the Tatmadaw, and women's groups and others to explain how federalism works in our country. The idea is to allow people to see how federalism works and what are its limitations and difficulties.

Federalism may be much more complex than it looks. It is not only about the relationship between the union and federal states, but also, within the federal states, to lower levels, such as townships and communities. In Switzerland, federalism has three tiers: communities, cantons [equivalent to states/divisions in Burma] and the federal level.

How important is it to protect the minorities in individual federal states, along with power sharing?

One of federalism's main purposes is the protection of minorities. Cultural identity and language are part of that. Another important element, at least from our experience, is financial autonomy. In Switzerland, it is very important for cantons [equivalent to states/regions] to have their own budgets because, when you have money, you can decide. You can build hospitals, schools, and pay the teachers. Let's take the example of language: if you want to teach the local languages, obviously you need local teachers. Do you want to pay them locally or do you want the federal government to pay them?

To touch on Switzerland's humanitarian and development support in southeastern Burma, what is the specific assistance given and how is it benefiting local people?

Our main area of support is in the southeast, in Mon and Karen states. We have been there about six years. We started with rebuilding schools destroyed by natural catastrophes, particularly Cyclone Nargis [in May 2008]. Since, we have been rebuilt about 100 schools in the region, both directly and in cooperation with others. We have also been working to promote local health projects, providing basic health services to the people. This has the added advantage of bringing people from ethnic armed groups together with people from the government, which in turn may help the political dialogue in the peace process.

Is your assistance delivered through civil society groups or the government?

Our main partners are nongovernmental and civil society organizations, because we want to get close to the people. For us, local ownership, local participation and local impact are very important. So far our experiences with local nongovernmental partners have been proving very successful. But we consult with the government and we keep it informed of what we do. One of our main principles is transparency.

Is your humanitarian support reaching displaced people, especially in northern Burma, where fighting is continuing? Do you face any limitations in supporting them?

We are supporting displaced people in the areas of conflict, mostly through the international organizations, like UNHCR, UNICEF and ICRC. We have strategically decided to concentrate on areas in the southeast to create the best impact within our means. We have a total budget of US$150 million over four years. That may sound a lot, but if you really want to do something concrete, it is better to concentrate.

What are the trade relations with Burma, especially under the new government?

The potential for Swiss investment is there, but there is room for improvement. With democratization, the changing of laws, the furthering of the rule of law and the practical administration of justice, conditions are improving. We have to look down the road a few years. Swiss companies usually are rather prudent. Our main products are mostly high-end, with high added value, usually for clients already at an advanced economic level. Pharmaceuticals, machinery and watches are not cheap products.

We already have some working here, like Nestlé, pharmaceuticals, and some construction companies. We also have some small firms working in tourism, one of the big growth sectors in Myanmar. During my short presence here, there is growing interest. More people are coming here for business opportunities. My hope is that, over the next years, this will only increase.

How do Swiss companies approach corporate social responsibility? We have been hearing about the involvement of Swiss firms in a dam project in Shan State, which environmentalists are campaigning against.

I heard about the accusations and we take them seriously. Together with the company, were have looked into the matter. We found that the company takes environmental, social and cultural concerns seriously. For us, corporate social responsibility is important. We cannot allow ourselves to work in situations where there are violations of human rights or of environmental standards. We are also an active financial supporter of the Myanmar Center for Responsible Business.

What is your impression of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi after she met with diplomats?

Shortly after the election last year, she convened a diplomatic call on November 19 to give an overview of her intentions and goals. I had only one opportunity to meet with her. But I have to say, that one time was enough to be very impressed. She is a very charismatic person.

The post 'There is No One-Size-Fits-All Federalism': Swiss Ambassador appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Heroines, heroes and villains

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:09 AM PDT

Over the past 75 years, Western comic books with a Burma theme have been dominated by stories set during World War II. There were some noteworthy exceptions but, even when new characters appeared and the plots changed, descriptions of the country and its population rarely did.

Civil society organisations (CSOs) urge Chinese president to terminate Myitsone project

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:00 AM PDT

Sixty civil society organisations (CSOs) in Myanmar asked Chinese President Xi Jinping to stop the Myitsone dam project on the Ayeyarwady River in a letter sent yesterday through the Chinese ambassador in Yangon.

FM in China with dam project on agenda

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 12:52 AM PDT

Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met Chinese Premier Li Keqiang yesterday as Myanmar seeks to cement ties with Beijing – long the former military junta's protector.

Shan oppose dams on Thanlwin

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 12:38 AM PDT

Over 20,000 residents of communities along Shan State's Thanlwin River have signed a petition to present to State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, voicing their opposition to various planned hydropower projects in the area.

Still without invite, Kokang groups willing to attend Panglong

Posted: 18 Aug 2016 11:21 PM PDT

Three ethnic armed groups have announced that they would willingly participate in the 21st-century Pang­long conference, scheduled to start on August 31, despite the fact they have not been extended an invitation.

International experts study dolphin tourism

Posted: 18 Aug 2016 11:16 PM PDT

International experts are conducting a study of how to enhance trips to see endangered Irrawaddy dolphins, said U Han Win of the Irrawaddy Dolphin Conservation Team, as part of a drive to promote tourism in the dolphin conservation zone.

Kaman Muslims in Sittwe receive long-sought ID cards

Posted: 18 Aug 2016 11:08 PM PDT

Thousands of Kaman Muslims from the Rakhine State capital Sittwe obtained identity cards this week, some two years after they applied for the documents.

Military funds repatriation of workers from Malaysia

Posted: 18 Aug 2016 11:06 PM PDT

Nearly 140 detained Myanmar migrant workers from camps around Malaysia are scheduled to return home today with help from the military.

Heavy rain expected to bring more flooding

Posted: 18 Aug 2016 11:03 PM PDT

Eight people have died, nearly half a million have been driven from their homes or face imminent threat of flooding, and nearly K700 million (US$590,000) has been spent on flood-relief measures as heavy rain continues to batter most states and regions of the country.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


AN ALL-INCLUSIVENESS PROBLEMATIC: Preemptive masterstroke of three EAOs met with Tatmadaw's blunt rejection

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 06:01 AM PDT



As all domestic and international eyes are pinned on Aung San Suu Kyi's ongoing China visit, back at home a preemptive move worthy to be termed as a masterstroke has been undertaken by the three excluded Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), with a joint-statement saying that they are ready to participate in the 21st Century Panglong Conference (21 CPC), as publicized under the motto of all-inclusiveness, without leaving anyone behind, by the government.

The five point joint-statement released by the Kokang or Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA) are outlined as follows:

1.     Welcomes the government's national reconciliation and internal peace efforts;
2.     Welcomes Aung San Suu Kyi headed  Union Peace and Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) meeting decision of 15 August, on all-inclusiveness and ready to participate (in the forthcoming 21 CPC);
3.     Sixty years of armed conflict happened due to the inability to conduct political dialogue;
4.     The people (of Burma) desire for political dialogue;
5.     Readiness to cooperate in the peace process; and declares that through political dialogue, termination of recent ongoing conflict, leading to nationwide ceasefire, regional peace, development and national reconciliation.

Immediately after the statement, Khin Zaw Oo, the former lieutenant  general and peace negotiator of the government's team out-rightly rejected the three EAOs' overtures, stating that he had not yet received the required "formal reply" and it didn't correspond to the criteria demanded by the military, according to The Irrawaddy report of 18 August.

"We don't have a plan to hold further talks with the three groups unless they pledge [to abandon the armed struggle] in their statement," he said, pointing out that the statement released to media did not meet that criteria.
While Suu Kyi has been pushing and advocating all-inclusiveness to level the playing field, it seems the military faction is determined to impose unreasonable demand on the excluded three, so that they are left out, which in effect would amount to be against all-inclusive notion of the government.

It is a puzzle that is hard to explain, as to why the military (Tatmadaw) faction has been so rigidly acting the way it is doing, except for the explanation that it is keen to keep the war flames on by maintaining a war footing on the three EAOs as the state's enemies number one, so as to position itself in an influential political stance, or purely out of animosity and revengeful attitude. After all, all Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) non-signatory EAOs are allowed to participate in the forthcoming 21 CPC, without having to surrender arms and why is it an exception for the excluded three EAOs?

During the last year's February eruption of in Kokang armed conflict, MNDAA, in alliance with the TNLA and AA, attacked Burma army positions in an attempt to wrestle back its lost territory and power from the military installed local administration.

During the numerous encounters, the Burmese military was said to be badly beaten, taking high casualty figures, counting in hundreds, that had supposed to anger and inflict a loss of face for the top brass, which was hard to forgive. Thus it is reasoned, the demand for the three to surrender or something to that effect to satisfy the military's ego and take advantage to revenge, while at the same time showing that it is the establishment that is calling the shots in the ongoing peace process and not the National League for Democracy (NLD) regime or Suu Kyi.

The military knows pretty well that asking the three to denounce armed struggle and repentance of having taken such a wrong course would not be accepted. For them, the armed resistance is a form of political struggle, which they were unable to practice, one way or the other, within the legal fold or being denied.

On top of that, the military's proposal of locking up the three EAOs' armory - within their trusted hands of United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Mong La or National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) - during the peace process negotiations, is unrealistic and only a halfhearted concession, which no one in its right mind would go along with.

Some even speculate so far that the military wants to show that it is bowing to the pressure of the people and also the big neighbour across the border by talking to the three EAOs last month in Mong La, just for the sake of talking, with unrealistic demands imposed on its adversaries.

To conclude, the solution to this debacle of all-inclusiveness lies with the military faction within the government. All the military needs to do is accept the government and Suu Kyi's lead in the peace process, abstain from acting as "a state within the state" and let bygones be bygones, so that the much publicized 21 CPC could be held in a real all-inclusiveness atmosphere, leading to political settlement, peaceful coexistence and lasting peace.


Ethnic groups discuss shape of a future Shan State

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 02:43 AM PDT


Representatives of 13 ethnic groups have concluded a five-day meeting in Shan State capital Taunggyi, where they discussed how a future Shan State would accommodate each minority group.

 
 According to Khun Soe Myint Tun, a member of the Eastern Nationalities Political Center, or ENPC, the forum focused on the State Reorganization Act, a matter that is on the agenda for discussions at the peace talks beginning in Naypyidaw on August 31 – negotiations that have been dubbed the "21stCentury Panglong Conference." 

"The main discussion was to get support from minority groups in Shan State. We want to hear their opinions on this issue," he said. "At the Panglong conference, we will discuss the matter of the various ethnic groups in Shan State. That's why we had this meeting – to prepare for it."

The closed-door meeting, from August 11 to 15, concluded with an agreement on 10 points of national security, 12 points of national defense, and five points on federal principles. 

Fifty-three representatives from ethnic political parties in Shan State attended the meeting, alongside one delegate from Karenni State and another from Chin State.

The 13 indigenous groups said that they will also seek cooperation with the United Nationalities Alliance, led by Khun Tun Oo, and the Nationalities Brotherhood Federation, chaired by Sai Ai Pao of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party.

Taunggyi farmers face criminal charges over land issue

Posted: 19 Aug 2016 01:41 AM PDT


Some 130 farmers in Shan State capital Taunggyi, who claimed their lands were seized by the Burmese armed forces, are now in turn being sued by the military, according to local sources.

Photo by SHRF: land confiscation for Salween Dam in northern Shan State.

The farmers are all from Yepu village in the Kunlong tract of Taunggyi Township. They were brought to trial on July 25 and charged with criminal trespassing under Article 447 of Burma's Penal Code.
According to Myo Aung, a Yepu villager who claims his land was confiscated, more than 4,000 acres of farmland was confiscated from the local farmers by the Burmese military in 2004.  

"Our farmlands were seized by the military's eastern command in 2004 in order to grow jatropha," he said. "In 2010, they allowed us to cultivate the land again, but we had to pay them 10,000 kyat per acre." 

Myo Aung added that in 2015, the villagers were ordered to stop growing on the land because it belonged to the military. 

"They ordered us to stop cultivation, but then they rented the land to another company," said Maw Maw Oo, a local woman who is among those being charged with criminal trespassing. "Some parts of the land were also sold.

"We are the rightful landowners, but we cannot grow anything on our land," she exclaimed. "And now we are being sued because we dared to grow crops on our own property."

She added: "Almost everyone in the village is being sued."

In May 2015, a Yepu villager named Myint Aung burnt himself to death in frustration at the land grab. 

Yepu residents said that they have endured great difficulties due to the loss of land, and they have collectively called for the Shan State chief minister to intervene in the case. 

During the decades of rule by Burma's military junta, arbitrary land confiscation was a common complaint across the country. By the 2000s, much of the seized land had been rented out to agri-business firms, and a massive government campaign was initiated to encourage investment in the harvesting of jatropha oil. Ultimately, the scheme failed: investors lost great sums of money, while farmers lost land and livelihoods.   

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

“Panglong Spirit” under the 2008 Constitution

Posted: 18 Aug 2016 08:40 PM PDT

Editor's Note: Today's post is a follow-up to a previous post, "'Panglong Spirit' under the 2008 Constitution," which was written by Mael Raynaud as part of our forum on the 21st Century Panglong. Raynaud is an independent political analyst who has been researching Myanmar politics and society since 2002.
In the first part of this article, I explained where I thought the notions associated with the so-called "Panglong Spirit" came from, where different political organizations stood, historically, in relation to it, and why I thought the only realistic way forward, for the next few years at least, was what I dubbed "federalism under the 2008 Constitution."
Before I explain what "federalism under the 2008 Constitution" could mean in further detail, I first need to acknowledge the fact that, to many political activists on the "ethnic" side and certainly for several ethnic armed organisations involved in the peace process as well as in the political process, the idea that federalism is an objective that can be reached without writing a new constitution is an anathema. Many do not accept the 2008 Constitution, and it will be quite a challenge to get them to change their minds.
But what the NLD did in 2012, in accepting to play the game offered by the Tatmadaw after refusing to do so in 2010, ethnic nationalities organisations could do as well. The NLD won the elections and formed a government, so this strategy has already proved it can be successful. As a matter of fact, many ethnic parties did participate in the 2015 elections (and some did in 2010 as well) and it could prove to be only a matter of time (and a significant amount of convincing, on both the NLD's and the Tatmadaw's part) before ethnic armed organisations agree to negotiate regarding their participation in the current political process.
This, as I argued in the first part of this article, does not mean that the notion that a better constitution should be written, at some point in the future, must be abandoned. Rather, it means realizing that Myanmar and its ethnic nationalities cannot wait for that to start working towards a federal system. It is then—when peace, a stronger form of democracy, and some sort of federalism have been achieved—that writing a new constitution will become possible.
What this means is that a two-stage approach needs to be developed. The first stage would be to reach an agreement on how federalism can be realized under the 2008 constitution, which is the topic of this article. The second stage would be the writing of an entirely new federal constitution, at some point in the future.
How long in the future? This question obviously cannot be answered now. But it is safe to assume that new elections will take place in 2020, and that a new government will be formed in 2021, with the 2008 Constitution still standing. It is not impossible that it would take much longer before a new constitution is drafted. If that's the case, then surely it is vital to start by working towards "federalism under the 2008 Constitution."
A two-stage approach means being clear about the objectives of the second and final stage (a new constitution) so that the first stage (federalism under the 2008 constitution) can successfully help with getting there.
There has been talk, in the last few days and weeks of what a new federal constitution could look like. One important issue discussed is whether all States (or whatever the new entities would be called) should be equipped with their own individual constitutions (as is the case with the 50 American States) as well as calls for new State boundaries to be drawn. There is also an argument made that there should be only 8 States in Myanmar, made of the seven existing States and one big "Burman" State made of—essentially—the seven existing Regions. All these points, one must notice, have already been discussed among ethnic armed groups and political organisations associated with them at least two decades ago.
What can be said of these ideas?
First of all, the 8 States concept is deeply flawed, completely impractical, and contrary to the stated objectives. According to the 2014 census, the population of the seven ethnic States amounted to just over 15 million, while the population of what would form the Burman State (i.e., the 7 Regions) amounted to over 36 million. A federation made of 8 States where more than 70% of the population lives in one State alone is highly unlikely to end up serving the interests of the minorities living in the smaller States than the current system. By comparison, the most populated American State, California, only accounts for 12% of the country's population. Also, the Burman State's population would be 127 times that of Kayah State. It is true that California, to continue this comparison with the US, has a population 65 times that of Wyoming. But the current situation, where the Yangon Region only accounts for 25 times the population of Kayah State and 14% of the population of Myanmar, still seems a lot more reasonable. And a lot more likely to give the existing 7 States an equal footing in deciding of the federal laws that would in any case strongly weigh on what States could and could not do, as is the case in any federal system.
In addition to this, it should be noted that, according to article 141 of the 2008 Constitution, each State and Region is provided with the same number of representatives (12) in the House of Nationalities, the Amyotha Hluttaw. This should answer the concern many on the ethnic side have that the Regions would be over-represented against the States, because, as we've seen, they're more populated. An 8 States solution that would provide 7 times as many representatives to ethnic States than it does to the Burman State could in no way be seen as being fair, on the other hand, and would de facto create a two-speed system that could only end-up reinforcing the marginalisation of the ethnic states. The current system, with its 14 local entities (States and Regions), plus the Union Territory of Naypyidaw, seems better suited to allow space for most of the demands associated with federalism.
While equipping all States and Regions with their own constitutions is not a provision of the 2008 Constitution, Articles 433 to 436 do provide details on how it could be amended. Whether the Tatmadaw, the government, and ethnic nationalities can agree on that point or not, only future negotiations will tell, depending on the ability of each side to compromise in one area in order to get their way in another.
Beyond this specific issue, though, it is important to notice that it is indeed possible to amend the 2008 Constitution, and this, I believe, could be done to a point where Myanmar would have a de facto federal system.
Article 53 states that it is possible to re-delineate the boundaries of States and Regions. As history has showed in various places around the world (and which has led to a wide consensus on the matter), trying to redesign controversial boundaries often leads to a lot more trouble than that being faced because of existing boundaries. Opening this Pandora's box, in Myanmar, would take the form of a call for a Wa State separate from Shan State, fighting between the Mon and the Karen over what should constitute each of their two States, potentially a call from the Karen to gain parts of present day Bago Region, calls from the Kachin to gain parts of Sagaing Region and maybe even parts of northern Shan State, and so on. Again, I will argue that the existing 14 States and Regions, with their equal status and reasonable proportions, are one issue that should be better left aside so negotiations can concentrate on more pressing topics.
"Federalism under the 2008 Constitution" can be said to be made up of two main elements: a political/constitutional element, and a cultural element. No constitution will in itself solve the issues of discrimination and second-class citizenship that so many among the ethnic nationalities so rightly complain about. Changes in education, not least in the teaching of history, and improvements in the way Burmans and other ethnic nationalities look at each other and respect each other will have to occur over a very long period of time, in addition to federalism, to reach a point where all citizens of Myanmar feel they and their communities truly enjoy equal status.
What this all comes down to is the fact that associating ethnicity with political representation is not necessarily the best way to promote equality. The call for States to be "ethnic States" beyond their name, meaning that one ethnic group would, as such, control one State it feels belongs to it, could create more problems than it solves. This is why I would now like to suggest an alternative model, based on the four different layers of political administration which I think are necessary to such a federal system
  1. The State and Regional Parliaments
The first and most obvious way to get Myanmar closer to federalism while keeping the 2008 Constitution is to reinforce the powers and the budgets of the 14 local parliaments. Articles 161 to 198 of the 2008 Constitution provide details of how these parliaments work.
Article 188 confirms that local parliaments have the right to enact laws, in a wide range of fields described, towards the end of the Constitution, in Schedule 22, as including finance, planning, the economy, agriculture, land, energy, electricity, mining, forestry, industry, transport, communications, construction, development, housing, and the social sector. This means pretty much every sector, with the exception of education. Including education in the decentralization efforts could be one objective of the negotiations taking place under the banner of the "21stcentury Panglong."
While it is normal, in a federal system, that the local parliaments would be based in their respective States capitals, it would be important for Region and State parliaments MPs to be able to gather and discuss federal issues. Maybe at some point the local parliaments could meet in their States' or Regions' respective capitals when they discuss their own State's or Region's affairs, and use the parliaments in Naypyidaw for special gatherings associated with relations between the States and Regions and the Myanmar government and the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw.
Article 170 describes how the commander in chief nominates military representatives in the local parliaments, as he does in the two chambers of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. Maybe the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed organisations could agree that some of these seats will be reserved for non-Tatmadaw armed groups, as part of any future agreements in the peace process. That the Kachin Independence Army would sit in the Kachin State Parliament as part of a peace agreement would certainly seem like a good way to make a positive use of one of the most controversial provisions in the 2008 Constitution.
  1. Institutions of ethnic nationalities
If identity is to be kept separate from political representation (although there already is a level of representation of specific ethnic nationalities in the various parliaments enshrined in the 2008 Constitution), then certainly there must be institutions dedicated to managing and making decisions on issues associated with ethnic cultures, identities, and languages. Virtually all ethnic nationalities already harbour a number of cultural associations promoting local culture, identity and language. There could be institutions such as a Mon Center, a Shan Institute or a Chin Bureau. If such institutions were public institutions, meaning that they would be independent but funded by the Government (maybe through the Amyotha Hluttaw, the House of Nationalities), they could be the guardians of their respective culture, identity and language, working with the relevant ministries and all relevant political institutions on matters related, for instance, to education (both regarding the teaching of local language and local history).
There would be several advantages to that formula. One is that the Karen in Mon State, or in the Bago, Yangon and Irrawaddy Regions, the Shan in Kachin State or in Magway Region, or the the Ta'ang (Palaung) in Shan State, could all belong to, participate in, and be represented in an institution associated with the community they feel they're a part of, regardless of where they live. At a time when Mother-Tongue Based, Multi-Lingual Education (MTB-MLE) is the topic of so many conversations in Myanmar, who is going to be responsible for producing the textbooks in the Shan language that pupils in Magway Region may need to use? That's only one of many examples that show that language, identity and culture cannot, and must not, be strictly bound to a geographic political entity.
Also, as the third decade of the 21st century is already approaching, culture, identity and language cannot be bound to a single country any longer either. A Shan Institute, while based, for instance, in Taunggyyi, could very well build bridges with universities in Kunming, Yunnan, Luang Prabang, or Chiang Mai. A Mon Center, while based in Moulmein, could build bridges with Mon communities in Thailand and develop research on Mon-Khmer languages with Cambodian scholars, etc.
What I'm describing here is an attempt to open local cultures to the world. If a Chin Bureau could serve as a bridge between Myanmar and India, then the whole region, and certainly the Chin themselves, would greatly benefit from it.
Last but not least, the Burmans themselves would need to create an institution of their own. Federalism means that the Burman culture, identity and language is just as much one of the components of the cultures, identities and languages of Myanmar as all the others.
  1. The GAD and the "prefecture" model
As I wrote in the first part of this article, there are other countries where the Ministry of Interior, or Ministry of Home Affairs, maintains a level of control over Territorial Administration. Here, as in the rest of this analysis, a strong focus is kept on the fact that change in Myanmar has come, and will continue to come, only within the Tatmadaw's comfort zone. The General Administration Department is one institution that the Tatmadaw is very keen on keeping under its control, through the Ministry of Home Affairs, one of the three ministries the elected government does not oversee. The whole process of democratization in Myanmar is a game of using the space made available by the Tatmadaw, and negotiating expanding that space with the Tatmadaw. So far, the country has indeed changed tremendously, so working within that frame is both inevitable and relatively successful.
The GAD could evolve, though. It could make space for elected bodies at the local level, as I will describe below. But it could also make space, within its own hierarchy, for some of the armed groups that the Tatmadaw is negotiating with in the peace process. It is simply a matter of looking at reality as it is: the Tatmadaw does not control a number of parts of the country. Armed groups and militias do.
While ethnic political parties participate in the democratic life of each of the States and Regions, and compete with parties like the NLD and the USDP, maybe the GAD could be turned into an administration where armed groups can maintain the control they already de facto have over some areas while entering what the Tatmadaw calls "the legal fold."
  1. Local democracy
In all "contested areas," armed groups have organised layers of local administration that, for several decades at least, are the only forms of administration hundreds of thousands of citizens of Myanmar have ever known and been confronted with. As local democracy develops in Myanmar, as it very likely will, local forms of democracy implemented by various ethnic nationalities, often based on historical ways they organised politically, could be very useful in smoothing the transition from absolute local control (as a response to war being waged on them by the Burmese State) to being fully part of the Union of Myanmar.
The 74 districts of Myanmar could be an important component of federalism, in that sense. Article 51 of the 2008 Constitution, which describes the relations between the various levels of administration (the Union, the States and Regions, the Districts, the townships and village-tracts, the wards and the villages), seems to be a good basis for a federal system.
These different layers of local administration will need to interact in order to deal with a number of issues, from healthcare to education to security. Here too, federalism will be an answer to many of these issues, in the sense that it will build on existing networks beyond simply the Myanmar State.
Dozens of organisations work in each of these fields, many of them associated with ethnic networks and often even with ethnic armed groups. Giving them the opportunity to continue to exist while providing a level of coordination is the best way the Myanmar State can promote unity and peace.
There are two risks that each side is worried about. The Burman side is concerned that ethnic nationalities will not belong to Myanmar or live within the boundaries of the Myanmar State. The ethnic side is concerned that living under the control of the Myanmar State means living under the control of the Burmans.
Federalism has long been identified as a means of answering both concerns at the same time, and rightfully so. Making Myanmar a truly federal system means compromise on both sides, and being creative about the answers being sought. The ideas described here may not be the best, but the general spirit behind them, the "Spirit of Panglong," is the only way forward.