The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- ANP Objects to Issuing of ‘Pink Card’ to Muslim Woman
- Peace and Reconciliation Call For New Ways of Looking Back
- Bagan Tourist Interest Bumps After Quake
- Human Rights Activist Denied Bail in Arakan State
- Massive Highway Project Displaces Karen Communities: Rights Groups
- Mon Groups Pledge to Block Coal Power Plant
- On the Border in Mae Sot
| ANP Objects to Issuing of ‘Pink Card’ to Muslim Woman Posted: 26 Aug 2016 09:10 AM PDT  Col. Htein Lin (standing), Arakan State's security and border affairs minister, talks with Kyaw Zaw Oo, an ANP member of regional parliament representing Sittwe's Constituency (2) (sitting, center) in a public meeting on Wednesday in the Arakan State capital. Also pictured are Aye Nu Sein, a lawyer and the ANP vice chairperson (right) and Htun Aung Thein (left) an ANP regional lawmaker for Buthidaung Township. (Photo: Kyaw Zaw Oo / Facebook) RANGOON – Arakan National Party lawmakers have raised objections to a Muslim woman in Arakan State's Buthidaung Township being issued full citizenship earlier this month—an act which they say was carried out against existing regulations. Kyaw Zaw Oo, an ANP regional parliamentarian, said that his claim that the woman's citizenship status was granted wrongfully is backed by the head of the immigration department, Win Lwin, and the Arakan State security border affairs minister Col. Htein Lin, a statement which The Irrawaddy could not confirm at the time of publication. On Wednesday, four ANP representatives and the state governing body held a public meeting to discuss the objection of Buthidaung Township's Buddhist Arakanese residents to the national verification committee's recommendation for 31 of the township's Muslim residents to be granted citizenship. Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law allows for three levels of citizenship with diminishing rights: full, naturalized and associate. Of the 31 individuals who applied under the category of "Bengali," in Buthidaung Township, it was reported that "two or three" of the applicants obtained full citizenship and the rest were recommended for naturalized citizenship. After anti-Muslim violence spread throughout Arakan State in 2012 and 2013, an "Action Plan" for the region was introduced under the administration of ex-President Thein Sein in 2014. Included was a citizenship verification drive aimed at stateless Muslims in Arakan State—some of whom have other ethnic affiliations, such as the Kaman, an officially recognized group. Those self-identifying as ethnic Rohingya were required to register as "Bengali" in their application—an assertion that they are migrants with origins in Bangladesh, rather than Burma—or not be considered for citizenship. Kyaw Zaw Oo, the ANP MP, said that in Wednesday's discussion, Col. Htein Lin—the minister for border affairs and security—and Win Lwin of the Arakan State immigration department openly debated the issuing of a "pink card" to the Buthidaung Township woman in question, a gesture indicating the granting of full citizenship. The provision of the pink card was traced to her parents' status as holders of "tri-fold cards," the officials said. These documents were issued starting in 1958 and originally entitled holders to equal rights as other Burmese citizens, until the 1982 Citizenship Law re-defined citizenship eligibility along ethnic lines. Kyaw Zaw Oo claims that there are two short sentences on the tri-fold card stating that it must not be regarded as identification for citizenship; by issuing a pink card, or full citizenship, to the woman in question, he said, the government would be legally recognizing the now-defunct tri-fold cards as a basis for the citizenship of its bearers. "So, why should they give a pink card to her?" he said, describing the officials' action as "daring to contravene the law." Many of the applications for citizenship by Muslims in the area are based on possession of tri-fold cards. According to Aye Nu Sein, the vice chairperson of ANP who participated in Wednesday's meeting, security and border affairs minister Htein Lin promised the ANP representatives that the government would adhere to existing laws, but he remained vague on whether they would terminate the township level committee's recommendations for citizenship in the case of the group of 29 of the 31 Muslim residents in question, as the ANP has demanded. On Aug. 17, around 400 Arakanese Buddhist residents of Buthidaung Township gathered at the Aye Zedi monastery to denounce government officials and launch a poster campaign in response to the recent citizenship recommendations. "For sale" signs were placed in front of their homes and businesses, suggesting that they would leave the township if ineligible "Bengalis" started being recognized as citizens, which they say has led to a rise in crime and disputes over land. The post ANP Objects to Issuing of 'Pink Card' to Muslim Woman appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Peace and Reconciliation Call For New Ways of Looking Back Posted: 26 Aug 2016 08:14 AM PDT  Children attend class at a school in Rangoon. Whose history are they learning? (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Burma has moved one step in the right direction, towards federalism. This has been the result of mutual commitment by the government and ethnic armed groups, as part of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement signed in October last year. The form of federalism to be adopted, and the processes of establishing it, presents a likely agenda for political dialogue between the government, the military, ethnic armed groups and political parties, which is a crucial part of the peace and national reconciliation process. But where does history fit into this process? The question is important for two reasons. The first relates to the possibility that political dialogue could address the country's seventy-year-old armed conflict. This conflict resulted from the country's colonial and postcolonial histories. Against this legacy, certain historical narratives—coded by postcolonial winners—have institutionalized the erasure of ethnic minorities' autonomous histories, so as to legitimate the subordination, exclusion and oppression of minorities' call for federalism and equality. Secondly, at this important moment, when there is a rare political opening to address the conflict through dialogue among multiple actors, Rangoon University's undergraduate history program attracted no new students for the 2016-2017 academic year. While Rangoon University is not the only university that hosts a history department, it is the largest university in the country and its history department has monopolized historical knowledge production for half a century. That the history department has received no new students reflects a perception, not about history itself, but about historians and history education—and their significance as agents of change. This triggered the Rangoon-based Myanmar Cultural Research Society to organize an event on Aug. 20, involving various academic historians from Rangoon University, writers and students. Participants highlighted various practices under past regimes that undermined history education's reputation. One major outcome of half a century of government intervention in history writing was a negative reputation for the History Department's own history, for serving regimes with state-friendly historical narratives. While many academics were unhappy, the politicized history department—with sometimes state-friendly department heads—could not resist state seduction, perpetuating nationalistic historical narratives written from the dominant, central, urban and Burman points of view. Homogenized and ethno-centric historical narratives, institutionalized at the university echelon of historical knowledge production, have paved the way for popular history writing that further eliminates minorities' own autonomous and dignified histories, as well as national history—or histories—looked at from non-dominant points of view. A topic of discussion at the Myanmar Cultural Research Society event was the reliability of existing (popular) historical knowledge. While historians highlighted that history is a matter of debate and of certain points of view, they also suggested that the content of history be addressed so as to fix known errors that have so far been politically untouchable. They also suggested changes in the methodologies used in both teaching and inquiry. These suggestions should be supported, both domestically and internationally, and by the government and public alike. For, addressing the country's armed conflict and realizing reconciliation require resetting the way the military and the people understand history—most importantly regarding the relationship between territory and people. As a human geographer, I see history in terms of geographic processes, and the historical struggle over power as a struggle over territory. For power is exercised within specific territories. The power to govern people within specific territories requires that territorial boundaries be constantly redefined, as well as the relationship between people and territories. The federalism, self-determination and autonomy that minority groups have been fighting for (however lacking in agreement over meaning and substance), and the sovereignty and unity that the military has been propounding, are narratives of struggle over territory. On the one hand, the military claims all territories within postcolonial state boundaries as "national" territories that should be under the central government's complete control, if the "nation" is to exercise its "national sovereignty," however bogus the concept may be. On the other hand, minority groups see the lands known today as "ethnic states" as ancestral lands, over which they lost autonomy to colonizing Burmese regimes. Regardless of the on-and-off independence of these "ethnic territories" prior to British invasion, and regardless of, for example, the existence of powerful Mon and Arakanese kingdoms that waxed and waned through time, the dominant historical narratives of Burma deny their autonomous histories. The official national history of Burma starts with a "First Burma" established by King Anawratha, proceeding to "Second Burma" and then "Third Burma," as if these were the only historical kingdoms of Burma and were continuously extensive and powerful up till the British invasion. The histories of others are subsumed into that of generalized subordinates and rebels who betrayed the rational and mighty Burmese kings, only to be crushed brutally to maintain peace. The problem does not end there. Minorities' ownership of ancestral land, however one defines it, goes unrecognized as well. A good example is the national anthem, which states, "We love the land because it is the heritage of our forefathers." The question is, who is "we", and whose "land" and "forefathers" are being referred to? Because the national anthem sees the "nation" from the majority perspective, it leads those considered the dominant group to assume they own all pieces of the "imagined national territory." To them, the land from the northern top to the southern tip is unconditionally theirs— and not minorities' distinctive ancestral land. In this sense, the national anthem is an ecstasy of deception for minorities, requiring creative historical inquiry. In short, a combination of dominant historical narratives and the national anthem effectively deny autonomous histories and the ancestral land rights of minority groups. Because of this, when minority groups call for self-determination in certain territories in the context of debates over federalism, those from the dominate position cannot understand why these minorities should want "our forefathers' land" to themselves. But how is this discussion relevant to the peace process and national reconciliation? It is relevant because a big chunk of the peace and national reconciliation process is about federalism, with varying forms and degrees of self-determination, which cannot be detached from the question of struggle over territories. This requires creative historical investigation into the geographic imagining of nation, territory and politics. Current national historical narratives do not work. Known errors only make the problem worse by subordinating minority peoples, discrediting their claims to ancestral land rights, and denying their histories of relative autonomy from the dominant group. Apart from the conceptual dimension, practical problems arise from not investing in new approaches to historical research, narratives and teaching. That is, when dominant and minority groups engage in dialogue about federalism, peace and reconciliation, the lenses through which the past is viewed will not be the same. Supposed national heroes, such as King Anawratha, are not minority peoples' heroes—nor even the late Gen Aung San. Neither is Bagan a proud historical reference point for minorities. Rather, the First Burma (Bagan), Second Burma (Taungoo) and Third Burma (Konbaung) are understood to have destroyed minority peoples' kingdoms. Forcing minorities to express pride in these figures and kingdoms only adds salt to unhealed wounds. But when past regimes uttered such historical narratives, minorities saw it in terms of a drive to deny them equal rights and control their lands, in the name of perpetuating national sovereignty. It was understood as business-as-usual from the junta. However, in the new political context of the peace process, where the possibility of national reconciliation is contingent on trust developing between dominant and minority groups, the reiteration of national narratives by civilians from dominant groups only causes minorities to identify their attitude with that of the junta. The problematic reality is that civilians, even those from the establishment, might be uttering these narratives innocently, with an intention to mutually establish a peaceful federal union. Nonetheless, national history, as the only available tool for imagining the past, traps them in false convictions, causing at best embarrassment with minority groups. To sum up, national reconciliation requires recognizing the diverse pasts of minority groups—autonomous histories that are as dignified as that of the dominant group. Regardless of bloody histories, in which groups mutually violated each other, seeing each other's histories through more dignified, diversity-friendly and humanistic lenses is called for. As the current national narrative does not allow for this, new historical approaches are urgently needed. This is where academic historians can, and should, play an important part in seeking new methodologies for critical research, teaching and the dissemination of historical knowledge to decision makers and the public. This is how those who study the past can contribute to today's work on peace and reconciliation. There is a saying that one should shoulder a sword while talking about history (and religion) because debating history only ends up in conflict; some want to avoid historical questions in order to escape complicated debates. But any attempt to fix historically contingent problems by ignoring history, and most importantly the way those problems are narrated, would be a waste of time. Dr. Sai Latt received his Ph.D. in Human Geography from Simon Fraser University in Canada. He is a Research Associate at the York Center for Asian Research at York University in Toronto. His research covers violence, securitization and displacement. The post Peace and Reconciliation Call For New Ways of Looking Back appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Bagan Tourist Interest Bumps After Quake Posted: 26 Aug 2016 08:07 AM PDT  Foreign tourist navigate the debris at Bagan, a day after a 6.8 magnitude earthquake hit central Burma. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Damage to almost 200 historic pagodas and temples in Bagan, after a 6.8 magnitude earthquake struck central Burma on Wednesday evening, has not dampened tourist interest in the ruins of the ancient Burmese capital. Quite the opposite: Burmese tour operators say inquiries about Bagan tours have shot up since the earthquake, and fears of mass cancellations have not materialized, despite government orders to restrict entry to some of Bagan's most iconic sites, due to damage. The earthquake struck at 5:04 p.m. on Wednesday, 25 kilometers west of Chauk in Magwe Division, at a depth of 84 kilometers. It was felt across Burma, and in neighboring countries. The Bagan Archaeological Department has cited damage to 187 pagodas and temples, including iconic favorites Sulamani, Ananda, Htilominlo, Myazedi, Shwesandaw, Lawkananda and Dhamma Yazaka, and the murals at Ananda Oakkyaung. "After the earthquake, we were worried about the old temples in Bagan, and concerned about the impact on tourism—but, amazingly, we've received many inquiries from tourists about Bagan tours," said Aung Myat Kyaw, vice chairman of the Myanmar Tourism Federation. "We can promote voluntary tourism in Bagan later, since many tourists are interested in visiting damaged areas," he said. The temples of Bagan, dating from between the 9th and 13th centuries—when the Kingdom of Pagan ruled over much of lowland Burma—and numbering several thousand, are considered Burma's biggest tourist draw. Some 80 percent of foreign tourists in Burma visit Bagan, industry observers have said. Daw Sabei Aung, managing director of the Nature Dreams tour company, said they had received many inquiries from tour-seekers who had learned of the damaged temples. "I don't worry for the tourism industry after the earthquake. Bagan is even more popular right now, and there have been no cancellations of bookings from clients," she said. She said that tour agencies could arrange alternate tour plans for Bagan, to account for the restricted access to some of Bagan's most famous temples. "We won't get inside the compounds of the damaged temples, but we have opportunities for photo stops outside, alongside other sightseeing approaches," she said. On Thursday, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi sent notice to officials in the Bagan archaeological zone not to "rush" the restoration of the damaged pagodas, and to seek technical assistance from Unesco. A team from Unesco is currently doing a damage survey, and has expressed concern over premature efforts to clear debris. A state run newspaper on Friday quoted Culture and Religious Affairs Minister U Aung Ko saying that restoring Bagan's most iconic temples was the government's "top priority." "It is a great source of merit to have the chance to repair and renovate Burma's cultural heritage damaged by the earthquake," the minister said. Figures from the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism put tourist arrivals in Burma at 4.68 million in 2015, with 5.5 million expected over 2016. However, these figures count all international arrivals as "tourists," and count day-crossings of land borders without overnight stays as "arrivals," in contravention of international norms. The post Bagan Tourist Interest Bumps After Quake appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Human Rights Activist Denied Bail in Arakan State Posted: 26 Aug 2016 07:58 AM PDT  Khine Myo Htun faces charges for accusing the Burma Army of committing war crimes in Arakan State. (Photo: ERI) RANGOON — A court in the Arakan State capital of Sittwe has denied a bail request from prominent human rights and environmental activist Khine Myo Htun, who was arrested last month and faces charges for accusing the Burma Army of committing war crimes in the state. Khine Myo Htun, deputy-spokesperson for the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), was arrested on July 25 in Sittwe on charges of sedition and incitement under sections 505(b) and 505(c) of Burma's Penal Code. In April, the ALP incited controversy when it accused the Burma Army of violating the Geneva Conventions by targeting civilians for forced portering and torture. The charges against Khine Myo Htun were filed by Lt-Col Tin Naing Tun from the Sittwe-based Regional Operations Command of the Burma Army on May 5. The Arakan Liberation Army, the military wing of the ALP, was one of eight non-state ethnic armed groups that signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) last October with the former government. Oo Kyaw Thein, the defendant's lawyer, told The Irrawaddy they requested bail because arresting Khine Myo Htun was the same as punishing him before the court had made a decision regarding the case. He added that Khine Myo Htun was a representative from one of the NCA-signatory groups who attended the Union Peace Conference under the previous administration. The court has said the case is related to the stability of the state and that the accused has failed to appear at two previous court hearings. Oo Kyaw Thein said his client was traveling at that time, prior to his arrest. United States based advocacy organization Earth Rights International (ERI) called for all charges against Khine Myo Htun to be dropped on Friday. "The use of Sections 505 (b) and (c) and the targeting of only Khine Myo Htun demonstrates a clear attempt to silence human rights advocacy and deter activists from exposing ongoing violations," Ka Hsaw Wa, executive director of ERI, stated in a press release. He added that the investigation that needs to happen is one that looks into allegations that the army has committed abuses against civilians in Arakan State. The activist is currently detained at a prison in Sittwe. His next court hearing is on September 2. If he is found guilty, he could face up to two years imprisonment and a fine. The post Human Rights Activist Denied Bail in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Massive Highway Project Displaces Karen Communities: Rights Groups Posted: 26 Aug 2016 05:58 AM PDT  Border Guard Force groups monitor a section of the Asian Highway in July 2015. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A major highway project that will serve as a trade link between Burma and Thailand has been displacing local communities who live along the route in Karen State, southeastern Burma, say human rights organizations. The Asian Highway project also connects the greater Mekong sub-region's east-west economic corridor, and is leading to increased militarization and the risk of armed conflict, said three ethnic Karen organizations that conducted a study in the region. In press conference on Friday in Rangoon, Saw Alex Htoo, deputy director of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN), said that the areas in Karen State most affected by the project are villages in Kawkareik and Thinganyinaung regions. "Rushing business projects and investments in conflict-torn areas that are partially controlled by several different militias leads to human rights abuses. When they [militias] fight to gain control in certain places, villagers have to flee. We are concerned about safety for civilians," said Saw Alex Htoo. According to a statement published on Friday, more than 1,000 local villagers were forced to flee their homes because of armed conflict in the area in July of last year. Sporadic clashes between ethnic Karen armed groups and Burma Army-backed militias were also reported, contributing to instability in the region. Local villagers who live along the highway route "are subject to the whims of the Ministry of Construction, and have been displaced and coerced into accepting unfair compensation for the loss of their lands," said the statement. Naw Eh Thaw of Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) said at the press conference that many of the 1,000 displaced villagers who fled in July 2015 still could not return home due to the risk of landmines and continued instability. "Villagers, including children, are the most vulnerable people when fighting breaks out. They have to flee to the jungle. There are landmines, too. We learned that they [militias] planted more landmines. So I want to raise questions for the safety of civilians," said Naw Eh Thaw. Groups who partially control sections of the Asian Highway in Karen State include the Burma Army, the Border Guard Force (BGF) and ethnic armed organizations such as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Karen National Union (KNU), and another smaller Karen breakaway group known as KNU/KNLA Peace Council. Groups often collect taxes and toll fees in their controlled territories. Mann Thein Zaw of THWEE Community Development Network said, "We villagers have been suffering from conflict as we live in areas controlled by many different militias. So we want stakeholders to ensure that they will address the suffering of local people." Rights groups said that the Asian Highway project linking Kawkareik and Thinganyinaung has been completed and a new road connecting Kawkareik and Eindu region will now be expanded. The Asian Highway projects are financed by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Thailand's Neighboring Countries Economic Development Cooperation Agency (NEDA). The rights groups also said that the ADB and NEDA disregard "international safeguard standards, causing highly destructive environmental and social impacts." They called on the ADB and the Burmese government to properly consult with local communities and address their grievances before starting the expansion project from Kawkareik to Eindu. In its report, titled Beautiful Word, Ugly Actions: The Asian Highway in Karen State, the rights groups reveal how various development actors and financiers contribute to massive infrastructure plans that lead to human rights violations such as forced displacement, and little or no compensation to affected communities. "It is highly irresponsible for the ADB to finance and endorse a development project in an area where land rights are not clearly defined, and where armed clashes are liable to break out at any time," according to the statement. They also called on the Burmese government, its Ministry of Construction, and the ADB to "halt the dispossession of people's lands and suspend construction activities in an active conflict zone." The post Massive Highway Project Displaces Karen Communities: Rights Groups appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Mon Groups Pledge to Block Coal Power Plant Posted: 26 Aug 2016 04:44 AM PDT  Ethnic Mon leaders are pictured on stage at the three-day Mon National Conference in Taung Pauk, Karen State. (Photo: Ah Hr / Facebook) One of the resolutions which came out of the three-day Mon National Conference has been to stand against the use of a coal power plant by a cement company in Mon State's Kyaikmayaw Township. Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL) has moved forward with plans to power a cement factory with coal, despite objections from local ethnic Mon in the area concerned with pollution and the degradation of water sources. Held in the Taung Pauk area of Karen State, 446 representatives from civil society, political parties, and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) attended the eighth Mon National Conference from Aug. 22-24. The main issue of discussion was that of federalism, in preparation for the Union Peace Conference beginning on Aug. 31, which the NMSP is slated to attend. "We intended to form one voice from this three-day meeting. This will show how we have unity, and our ideas will support upcoming 21st Century Panglong conference, which intends to build a federal system in the country," said Nai Win Hla, an executive member of the NMSP, on the group's preparation for the peace conference. Yet the issue of the coal plant also took precedence at the event, as representatives promised to collectively oppose the action by MCL. Rights activists expressed concern about the effect of coal power on the local community, and said that MCL "should find another way" to power their cement factory. "We will not stop their job, or their transport of cement," said Nai Win Hla. "We will block their transportation of coal. We know how they transport their coal—they use ships." The MCL factory is a subsidiary of the Siam Cement Group, based in Thailand, and is expected to produce 1.8 million tonnes of cement annually. It is located near the Zami River, which serves as a source of water for at least five villages nearby. The post Mon Groups Pledge to Block Coal Power Plant appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 26 Aug 2016 04:32 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. The Thai border town of Mae Sot has been a haven for Burma's political dissidents and exiles for over two decades. Since Burma began undergoing a democratic transition in 2010, an increasing number of individuals politically exiled to Mae Sot have cautiously returned to their motherland. The town's Burmese community continues to host visitors, merchants, and, largely, migrant workers—of whom there are an estimated 3 million from Burma in Thailand, seeking work and educational opportunities that remain difficult to come by particularly in rural parts of their homeland. Although they are not recognized as refugees, of this population, an untold number have also been displaced by Burma's ongoing conflict. Meanwhile, the Thai government is taking measures to set up a special economic zone in Mae Sot—dubbed the "western exit economic hub" of Thailand. So far, a highway is under construction between Tak—the capital of Tak District—and Mae Sot. Another highway linking Myawaddy and Kawkareik in Burma's Karen State has already been constructed. Plans are also underway to build a second "friendship bridge" connecting the two countries. The post On the Border in Mae Sot appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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