Monday, April 24, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Govt Sets Date for Second Peace Conference Session

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 08:35 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The government has set the date for the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference as May 24, after the first Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) on the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) was held in Naypyidaw on Monday.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma Army deputy commander-in-chief Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win, and Karen National Union (KNU) chairman Saw Mutu Say Poe delivered the opening speeches at the JICM, attended by representatives of the government, the Burma Army, and ethnic armed organizations.

Participants discussed the fact that two NCA-signatories—the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and Arakan Liberation Party (ALP)—have, as of yet, been unable to hold national-level political dialogues in their respective states. Talks also touched on possibilities for inclusion of all ethnic armed groups in the peace building process.

It was also decided that the United Nations Secretary-General would be invited to the opening of the second round of 21st Century Panglong conference, according to Khun Okkar, the patron of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO).

He told reporters in Naypyidaw that they had agreed to hold political negotiations at the upcoming conference.

Despite the NCA stating that Union Peace Conference (UPC) sessions need to be held every six months or twice a year, the planned date for the next round of talks was postponed from March, citing scheduling conflicts with the KNU congress.

Prior to next month's peace conference, more non-signatories of NCA—particularly those within the ethnic bloc United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)—are likely to sign, once their proposed terms are negotiated and agreed upon with the government.

In his opening speech, the Burma Army deputy chief said that some ethnic armed groups had misinterpreted the NCA as a disarmament deal.

"The NCA is not about asking ethnic armed groups to disarm. Everybody knows this. However, some organizations misinterpret signing NCA as being asked to disarm," Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win said.

"Now is the critical time for all Burma citizens to make rapid strides toward the goal of permanent peace and democracy," he said, calling peace a precondition for prosperity.

"I would like to urge ethnic leaders of [NCA] signatory groups to exhort, either in person or through their respective organizations, those who don't understand or who pretend not to understand this [to sign NCA]," he said.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is also the chairperson of the government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center, reiterated that she hoped all stakeholders would take part in the peace process and provide input.

"When it comes to permanent peace, I hope [every stakeholder] will think about how they can make progress in the peace process and how they can make peace process more successful, regardless of different views," she said.

Burma Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing had stressed at the previous 21st Century Panglong Conference, in August 2016, that ethnic armed groups needed to abandon their policy of armed struggle in consideration of people, peace and prosperity in their respective regions.

"Our military has a six-point peace policy, and there are also provisions in NCA as well as our military code of conduct," said Min Aung Hlaing's deputy, Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win.

"If ethnic armed groups respect each others' views, non-signatories are likely to sign [NCA]. I hope there won't also be big problems with NCA signatories, and that we will achieve the eternal peace that all of our citizens aspire to," he added.

The NLD government is obliged to take over the duty of the previous government—which run by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party—to implement NCA, as is Burma Army, said KNU chairman Saw Mutu Say Poe, who is also the head of the Ethnic Armed Organizations' Peace Process Steering Team.

"As we have signed the NCA, we have committed to implementing it," he said.

Nyein Nyein contributed to this report.

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English Teacher Arrested in Magwe for Alleged Rape

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 07:23 AM PDT

MANDALAY — A volunteer English teacher in Pakokku, Magwe Division was apprehended and sent to Pakokku prison on Monday for rape charges, according to local police.

Myo Zaw Htwe, a volunteer English teacher at a local charity group was arrested last week for allegedly raping his girlfriend and threatening to post indecent pictures of her on the Internet if she went to the police.

"We received his statement, filed a case under Article 376 of Burma's Penal Code and sent him to prison. The case will be brought to court next week," a Pakokku police officer said.

The incident spread on social media, with many saying the National League for Democracy member had defamed the party's image.

Pictures of Myo Zaw Htwe wearing an NLD shirt and participating in election campaigns were circulated, with netizens condemning him and urging the party to take action.

However, the party office in Pakokku issued a statement that said he was not a party member and that according to office records; he had no affiliation with the party office.

The charity group where Myo Zaw Htwe has volunteered as an English teacher also issued a statement to the effect that this case was a personal matter and unrelated to its affiliated organizations.

The post English Teacher Arrested in Magwe for Alleged Rape appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Is Burma Still Exercising a ‘Neutral Foreign Policy’ with China?

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 07:13 AM PDT

Burma's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will attend China's New Silk Road summit in May. It will be her third official visit to China.

After the visit, the State Counselor plans to hold the second round of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference.

Her push for peace has been bolstered by assurances from China that it will persuade some ethnic armed groups in northern Burma, including the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA), to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA).

China's Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang told Wa leaders that China no longer has any commitment to back the UWSA and reportedly asked the Wa to consider signing the NCA.

The Wa remained defiant and surprised observers by denouncing the NCA at a summit of ethnic armed groups in the Wa Self-Administered Division capital of Panghsang in February.

Bao Youxiang, chairman of the UWSA's political arm the United Wa State Party (UWSP), criticized the government-led peace process and called on ethnic armed groups to develop a new ceasefire agreement.

It is difficult to say how China will exert its power and influence to pressure the Wa into entering more meaningful negotiations with Burma's government.

Despite a number of connections between China and ethnic armed groups—through respective militaries, diplomats, cultural and community groups, and businesses—China was unable (or unwilling) to prevent coordinated attacks on military targets in northern Shan State by the Northern Alliance in November last year.

China's Premier Li Keqiang with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China in August 2016. (Photo: REUTERS / Jason Lee)

Whatever the influence China has over Burma's ethnic armed groups, the country will continue to be a key player in Burma as it searches for peace and stability under the civilian government.

But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is facing mounting criticism that Burma is coming to rely on China.

Since she became de facto leader of the new civilian government last year, China's active engagement in the country has been visible and one can also see Burma's strategic rebalance toward its powerful neighbor.

During President U Htin Kyaw's first visit to China, the two countries agreed to promote cooperation in trade and investment, infrastructure development, hydropower and energy projects, and border economic cooperation zones.

China and Burma also signed an agreement on a crude oil pipeline running from Kyaukphyu port in Arakan State to southwest China's Yunnan Province. President Xi Jinping also promised to play a constructive role in Burma's search for peace.

China and Russia voted against a UN Human Rights Council resolution on a fact-finding mission to investigate alleged human rights abuses by security forces in Arakan State.

It is ironic that Burma's civilian government led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi continues to rely on China to avoid scrutiny of human rights by the UN.

Looking at recent engagement between the two countries, can we say that Burma remains under the shadow of China as in the past?

And if so, how will the current government manage simmering anti-China sentiment in the country due to China-backed mega projects and their exploitation of natural resources?

The Elephant and the Lamb

In the past, Burma was distrustful of its giant neighbor. Former prime minister U Nu once famously described China and Burma as "the elephant and the lamb," and expressed fear of China's aggression and potential invasion of Burma in the early 1950s.

Thus, Burmese leaders conceived not to antagonize Beijing, but to adopt a policy of "peaceful co-existence." This fear and apprehension also shaped Burma's foreign policy of neutralism during the Cold War.

U Nu and Mao Zedong in Beijing in 1954. (Photo: Unknown)

Burma was once active in the non-aligned movement, known as NAM. This policy was to assure communist China that Burma was not interested in joining a Western bloc.

The policy was not entirely smooth sailing.

Under Gen Ne Win there were anti-China riots in 1967 whereby both Beijing and Rangoon recalled their ambassadors. Gen Ne Win visited Beijing several times to mend ties.

A year later, China-backed Burmese communist troops crossed the border and waged war against Ne Win's regime. Historically, there has been significant distrust of China by Burma's generals.

In the last two decades of Burma's military regime (1988 to 2010), relations between the two countries warmed.

China provided political and diplomatic support to the repressive regime and supplied arms, infrastructure development, and aid.

The international community, including China, waited to see whether Burma was neutral to Beijing when ruling leaders opened up the country in 2011.

Gen Ne Win and Chinese Foreign Minister Zhou En Lai are welcomed by an honor guard in this undated photo. (Photo: Unknown)

Since then, Burma's active and independent foreign policy has been in full swing.

Relations with the West were normalized and EU and US sanctions were lifted. Leaders U Thein Sein and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited the White House. On a visit to Burma, former US President Barack Obama praised Burma's reforms and cemented ties.

Burma is no longer a pariah in international diplomacy. Appearing to move away from China's orbit, U Thein Sein suspended the controversial Myitsone hydropower dam project when he came into power.

Interestingly, newly appointed military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing selected Vietnam as the location for his first official international visit in 2011, conspicuously not choosing to go to China like his predecessors had done.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited Germany and Austria this month and last year was invited to take part in the European Union Military Committee meeting in Belgium. It would not be surprising if he was invited to visit the United States soon.

The United States and Burma have had limited military engagement—in 2014 Lt-Gen Anthony Crutchfield addressed the Myanmar National Defense College in Naypyidaw and in March this year US navy ship USNS Fall River made the first port call by US forces since World War II.

Under Gen Ne Win, Burma would seek Beijing's green light when it wanted to engage the West, but today this ceases to be the case.

Burma no longer practices a neutral foreign policy with China. The situation is still that of U Nu's elephant and lamb, but the geo-political strategic re-balance between China and Burma is on full display as it unfolds.

The post Is Burma Still Exercising a 'Neutral Foreign Policy' with China? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sniffer Dog Welfare Group Founded in Memory of ‘Sergeant Michael’

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 05:11 AM PDT

RANGOON — A charity group for the welfare of Burma's sniffer dogs will be established following the death of Rangoon's five-year-old German Shepherd bomb squad member during the Thingyan water festival.

Sergeant Michael died of gastrointestinal problems on April 15. His handler family said the cause of his death was possibly intense fatigue, brought on after carrying out continuous missions as the only sniffer dog on duty in the country's biggest city.

Filmmaker Ma Kyi Phyu Shin said she founded the "For Brave Dog" welfare group along with other dog lovers. It will be launched officially on May 15, on the one-month anniversary of Michael's death. The group will use Michael's picture as its logo, she added.

The government had granted a monthly stipend of 40,000 kyats (just under US$30) for Sergeant Michael's care to his handler family. Ma Kyi Phyu Shin emphasized that trained sniffer dogs need thorough care and that the government allowance for their maintenance is not sufficient in even covering the cost of their food.

"[Taking lessons from Michael's death], the group's purpose is to help the welfare of existing and future sniffer dogs like Michael, which are valuable to the country and serve the public," she told The Irrawaddy.

The welfare group plans to donate 30,000 kyats monthly for every sniffer dog that will be on duty after finishing training at the Central Military Dog Training Academy (Mingalardon), Ma Kyi Phyu Shin explained. In addition to monetary donations, the group will provide necessary medical care for the on-duty sniffer dogs with the assistance of veterinarians across the country, she added.

"These dogs might not know that they are serving a duty to the country while performing exactly what their handlers ask them to do."

"Such obedience is very beneficial for the country," she told The Irrawaddy, referring to Sergeant Michael's help in finding four explosive devices in Rangoon last year.

Michael carried out his duties at nearly 600 important events in Rangoon and Naypyidaw during his four-year service with the squad, including working during the 2014 visit of former US President Barack Obama to Burma, as well as the 2013 Southeast Asian Games, state-level events, presidential visits, football matches, and motion picture academy awards ceremonies, according to his handler Lance Corporal Aung Phite.

Rangoon regional government's police authorities have bought two yellow Labrador Retrievers that will be assigned as the city's sniffer dogs after training at the Mingalardon academy for six months starting in August.

There are four sniffer dogs on duty with bomb squad teams in Burma, assigned separately in the capital Napyidaw, as well as in Rangoon and Mandalay. Rambo, a one-and-a-half year old black Labrador, will fill in for Michael until the police have more trained dogs to take on the role.

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Rangoon MP: Owners of Unlawful Game Centers Should be Punished—Not Employees

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 05:01 AM PDT

RANGOON — A lawmaker has called for clearer definitions of illegal gambling machines sometimes found in "game centers" in Rangoon and more accountability for the owners of such firms.

MP U Than Naing Oo of Panbedan Township asked Rangoon Mayor U Maung Maung Soe in a divisional parliamentary session on Monday to specify illegal gambling machines in game centers—also known as amusement arcades—as the 19th century legislation in use is too vague.

He cited the police shutdown of City Center located near Bogyoke Market in his constituency, which was raided on the charge of illegal gambling in early February. Nineteen employees were arrested, all of whom were detained in Insein prison.

U Than Naing Oo said some have been released on bail but did not give an exact number.

City Center owner Dr. Thein Myint, granted a license to run the business in 2009, and the firm's manager were not charged, said U Than Naing Oo, adding that the workers believed the center was legally operating under the permission of the authorities.

He said most of the employees were graduates who had come to Rangoon to seek work.

"Some of them had weddings planned and others were going to attend their graduation ceremonies," he said.

"The people responsible for game centers like these are escaping conviction while the young, innocent people who work there are being jailed. It's a great loss."

The lawmaker told The Irrawaddy that he would raise the issue again in the coming days in parliament and emphasized the need to release the young employees of City Center.

Organized gambling is illegal in Burma under the 1899 Gambling Act, which forbids "advancing or furnishing money for the purpose of gaming" and "using the instruments of gaming for the profit or gain of the person owning."

A person partaking in gambling can be punished with at least six months in prison if found guilty. A business owner allowing gambling can receive one year in prison and have their business license revoked.

Police targeted the game center, said U Than Naing Oo, because it had a fish catching group video game, known as the "Shark Game" locally. The Irrawaddy has observed other game centers in downtown Rangoon that use the same machines.

"The issue of specifying what machines are illegal is the responsibility of the Ministry of Commerce," said U Maung Maung Soe, answering on behalf of the city's Security and Border Affairs Minister Col. Tin Aung Tun.

"We will provide a list [to U Than Naing Oo] of all licensed game centers which are officially operating on the ground."

He said authorities regularly visit the 43 Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC)-licensed game centers in Rangoon to see if they are following rules and regulations.

YCDC began allowing game centers to provide entertainment in the form of video games, arcade games, small rides, dance machines and shooting galleries in 2013.

U Maung Maung Soe added that the government stopped issuing new licenses in 2014 and the game centers required the recommendation of local police and several government departments.

In late October 2016, two National League for Democracy lawmakers asked the regional parliament whether the government would address unlawful game centers.

Border affairs minister Col. Tin Aung Tun promised the lawmakers that if his department discovered game centers acting illegally they would take action against the owners.

He said YCDC would reconsider whether existing permits should be extended or halted and that Rangoon Division Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein would personally supervise the license approval process.

"Call me immediately if officials fail to arrest unlawful game center owners and I will deal with it directly," Col. Tin Aung Tun told the lawmakers.

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NLD Spokesperson Reminds Lawmakers to Act ‘With Dignity’ Following a Recent Incident

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 04:22 AM PDT

The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party spokesperson reminded lawmakers to behave appropriately and in line with the law, following an incident two weeks ago in Tenasserim Division.

A video of a Tenasserim divisional lawmaker slapping a villager during a dispute went viral on Facebook on Saturday.

NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the party has requested that the concerned lawmaker submit a report.

U Nyan Win said he could not comment on the incident until a report was filed and deliberated, adding that laws did not permit the lawmaker's actions.

"Everyone must be treated equally under the law and that applies to the lawmakers," he said. "Thus, parliamentarians must behave better and with dignity."

The incident happened on April 8 when Tenasserim divisional lawmaker U Ye Myint Swe went to inspect a new school building in Pawa village, more than an hour by boat from Tenasserim town, according to U Aung Thu Ra, a Tenasserim lawmaker.

Two weeks later, the short video was posted, widely shared and criticized on social media.

U Ye Myint Swe slapped villager Ko Tun Hla when he allegedly harrassed a woman while a debate regarding school building materials carried on around him.

"As you can see in the video, Ko Tun Hla sexually harrassed a woman and [U Ye Myint Swe] slapped him, but Ko Tun Hla blocked the slap," said U Aung Thu Ra.

The lawmaker later apologized to the villager and they settled the matter.

This incident has raised larger criticisms online regarding the actions of lawmakers.

In early 2014, U Ohn Myint, the former minister of livestock, fisheries and rural development, was under fire in Union Parliament after issuing a verbal threat that he would slap anyone who insulted or opposed the [former] government.

The post NLD Spokesperson Reminds Lawmakers to Act 'With Dignity' Following a Recent Incident appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Military Ties That Bind

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 02:01 AM PDT

A military delegation led by Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing left on Sunday for a goodwill visit to Germany at the invitation of Chief of Defense of the German Armed Forces General Volker Weiker. It is the senior general's second visit to Europe. He went to Belgium in 2016 to attend the European Union Military Committee, where he stated that Burma Army representation in Parliament was still necessary because of the country's delicate multi-party democracy.

This story, originally published by The Irrawaddy in August 2011, charts the history of close relations between Burma's military rulers and Germany's Fritz Werner GmbH Company.

Geisenheim is a small town in the State of Hessen of the Federal Republic of Germany that hosts a plush old spa of sumptuous beauty, where since Roman times people have bathed amidst lush forests beneath the Taunus Mountains. To the surprise of all visitors, in the middle of a vineyard near the town is a grand, Burmese style house.

The Myitta Paungku Beikman (Love Connection Monument), was built by former Burmese dictator Gen Ne Win and donated to the Fritz Werner GmbH Company (FWG) on Jan. 1, 1971 as a sign of appreciation for the company's assistance in preserving him and his much-hated military regime in power.

FWG is a Berlin-based company which since 1896 has specialized in machinery for the production of small arms and ammunition. The company, which played a vital role in Germany's WW I efforts, has cultivated a unique relationship with the Burmese ruling elite over the years. There is a great deal of mutual trust between FWG and the Burmese regime, whose military-minded leaders look for characteristics such as reliability and discretion in a business partner.

After WW II, FWG was wholly-owned by the West German government, falling under the jurisdiction of the government's Ministry of Economy. The company was bought with money from the Marshall Fund which was meant to rebuild industries that were destroyed during WW II, a war which FWG helped fuel with its machinery for the production of weapons and ammunition.

In 1948, Burma gained independence from Great Britain, and FWG struck up its partnership with the new Burmese government in 1953. The German company's first project was the production of the BA52 submachine gun—aka the Ne Win sten.

Burmese soldiers who violently cracked down on the 1988 pro-democracy uprising were armed with the Fritz Werner GmbH Company's G3 automatic rifles. (Photo: Alain Evrard / Impact Photos)

Beginning at the time of this original contract, Ne Win cultivated friendly relations with FWG, both diplomatically and personally. Fritz Werner technical advisors posted in Rangoon had continuous access to the dictator, a rare privilege not extended to the representatives of other foreign firms. The fact that FWG was owed by the West German government itself created a close personal relationship between the two governments, causing some to say that Burma was the friendliest nation toward West Germany in Asia.

FWG's secretive Burmese operations, which have often been shrouded under a veil of mystery, got into full swing in 1960 when the West German Ministry of Defence gave the company permission to produce G3 rifles in Burma and it later established its first weapons factory on the outskirts of Rangoon with the assistance of the West Germany arms company Heckler & Koch.

The factory was supervised by German engineers from the German Technical Corporation Agency (GTZ). Until the production of that plant started, the Burmese regime used FWG as the middleman to purchase G3 rifles through Düsseldorf based arms producer Rheinmetall, which shared production with Heckler & Koch.

In 1961, West Germany's Foreign Office in Bonn granted permission to export 10,000 G3 rifles as well as four million rounds of ammunition manufactured by Metallwerk Elisenhütte Nassau (MEN), an FWG subsidiary, to Burma. The West German government had "no reservations" about authorizing further transfers, even when Ne Win toppled the democratic government of U Nu in 1962—Rheinmetall received permission from Bonn to sell 12,000 G3 rifles and 800 MG42 machine guns, and MEN received permission to export 18 million rounds of ammunition. Then in 1969, the West German Foreign Office permitted FWG to export machinery for the production of explosives, as well as a complete rolling mill for sheet brass.

With the assistance from West Germany, the self-sufficiency of the Burmese armed forces increased continuously, and the Burmese military often used German-produced weapons to oppress the Burmese people and various ethnic minority groups, especially after Ne Win and the military seized power in 1962.

For example, on July 7, 1962, just three days after the military's Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) was formed, the students of Rangoon University organized a peaceful demonstration inside the Campus. The Burmese military— equipped with G3 automatic rifles—fired into the crowd of thousands of students, killing over 100 and injuring many more. The next morning, the military blew up the Rangoon University Student Union building, which was a treasured historical monument of the Burmese struggle to gain independence from Great Britain. The building was blasted to pieces by heavy explosives, and every trace of it removed.

During the 1988 democratic uprising, over 3,000 people were once again killed by Burmese troops using German-produced weapons. Despite this, the West German government welcomed Ne Win as a guest of FWG in March 1988. In addition, after the military coup by Burmese Gen Saw Maung in Sept. 1988, the West German Federal Ministry of Economics gave permission for FWG to export machinery for the production of ammunition.

Not only did FWG set up three plants in Rangoon and Prome to produce the vast majority of armaments required by the Burmese military, they also served as a conduit for all importation of raw materials, machine parts and chemicals used in explosives production.

Burmese soldiers who violently cracked down on the 1988 pro-democracy uprising were armed with the Fritz Werner GmbH Company's G3 automatic rifles. (Photo: Alain Evrard / Impact Photos)

The cozy relationship between the West Germans and the Burmese military was something of a closely kept secret until 1988, when the democracy uprising and surrounding political crisis blew the lid off the Burmese situation and drew the attention of the whole world. Due to international pressure brought upon the West German government by the horror of the Sept. 1988 coup, it suddenly became one of the outspoken critics of the Burmese regime, as if it didn't know before how many Burmese had died at the hands of Burmese troops firing West German weapons.

The German government did, however, suspend development co-operation activities with Burma, including negotiations regarding Burmese debt cancellation, and ceased authorization of arms shipments to Burma. But regardless of assertions made by the Germans that FWG was no longer participating in the production of weapons and explosives inside Burma, and that technical co-operation had been reduced to a minimum, the manufacture of explosives and weapons continues to date, and German employees of GTZ remain in the country, disguising their true field of expertise.

Despite Germany's hasty withdrawal of economic support from Burma after the 1988 crackdown, it didn't take long before FWG found an opportunity for renewed investment. In 1990, FWG formed a joint venture with the Burmese military, a partnership that was made possible thanks to an old US $500 million loan that the West German government had made to Burma in the 1960's.

FWG stands by itself in Burma, and the joint venture grew out of a very personal relationship between the company and the Burmese generals. This personal relationship has helped preserve the Burmese military regime in power, despite the various insurgencies and unrest in the country.

Following the uprising in 1988, the European Community and the US began imposing economic sanctions on Burma, identifying the high incidence of human rights abuses by the military regime as the primary reason for imposing sanctions. However, the annual reports of the German Federal Office for Export and Trade proves that licences for the export of dual-use-goods were authorized nearly every year, despite an EU arms embargo established in 1991.

In 1999, Germany even allowed the Burmese regime to renovate the notorious "Myitta Paungku Beitman" in Geisenheim.

On May 4, 2011, during a Burma Conference in Berlin, Dr. Markus Löning, Germany's Federal Government commissioner for human rights policy and humanitarian aid, pushed for more engagement with the Burmese military regime and for the modification of sanctions on Burma.

For many Burmese activists, Germany is just paying a lip service to the human rights situation in Burma. A cable revealed in a 2009 Wikileaks report indicated that Germany exported sophisticated equipment to Burma, which was followed by a visit of German diplomats to the factories where the machinery was installed.  In 2009-10, Germany was the biggest trade partner of Burma in the European Union.

The suffering of the Burmese people at the hands of their military rulers is undeniable. The irresponsible investments by foreign firms and others are not benefitting the people of Burma, but only contributing to the torture, persecution and killing of the many ethnic nationals, monks, students and activists who are struggling for democracy inside Burma.

For the Burmese people, FWG's cooperation and partnership with the Burmese regime has been extremely discouraging. It is time for Germany to start listening to the cry of the Burmese people for democracy, and start building a real, people to people, Myitta friendship that will live forever.

The author is a former student activist and chairman of Camp Thaybawboe run by the ABSDF. At present, he is a member of the KNU Foreign Affairs Relations efforts.

The post The Military Ties That Bind appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police, Army Provide Security After Deadly Elephant Rampage in Irrawaddy Division

Posted: 24 Apr 2017 12:59 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — Police and Burma Army soldiers were brought in to provide security in Sin Puu Kone village of Irrawaddy Division's Thabaung Township after two rampaging wild elephants killed a 59-year-old villager on Saturday morning.

Thabaung Township Police Force dispatched over 20 police officers to the village to work alongside the general administration department and forest department in response to the rampage that also damaged local farmland.

"The elephants are still near the forest outside the village—we could not scare them away," chief of Thabaung Police Station police Capt. Myint Lwin told The Irrawaddy on Sunday. "We had to explode firecrackers at night to keep them away."

U Than Win, 59, was trampled to death by the elephants on his way into the forest, he said.

Soldiers from the No. 308 Light Infantry Battalion of South-West Command initially joined police to provide security on Saturday, but left later in the evening.

"Police plan to scare the elephants away in collaboration with the forest department personnel and local residents," said Thabaung Township Lower House lawmaker U Thein Tun.

"If that does not work, police will corner the wild elephants using the forest department's tamed elephants ridden by skilled mahouts, anaesthetize the wild elephants, and transport them back to the forest," he said.

Wild elephants often visit the villages of Thabaung, Ngapudaw, Ngwe Hsaung, and Chaungtha in the Irrawaddy Delta, adjacent to the western Pegu Mountain Range, during the hot and cool seasons in in search of food.

They often damage local race paddies and other crops and cause human casualties.

The post Police, Army Provide Security After Deadly Elephant Rampage in Irrawaddy Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Military Delegation Continues European Goodwill Visit

Posted: 23 Apr 2017 10:26 PM PDT

A delegation led by Burma military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing arrived in Austria on Sunday to meet with the Chief of Defense Staff of Austrian Armed Forces as part of the delegation's European trip to Germany at the invitation of Chief of Defense of the German Armed Forces General Volker Weiker.

The delegation, including the senior general's wife Daw Kyu Kyu Hla, Chief of the General Staff (Army, Navy and Air) General Mya Tun Oo and senior military officers from the Office of the Commander-in-Chief (Army), left Burma on Saturday. The Burmese military stated that the purpose of this trip was a goodwill visit.

For Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the trip is his second visit to Europe. He went to Belgium in 2016 to attend the European Union Military Committee, where he stated that Burma Army representation in Parliament was still necessary because of the country's delicate multi-party democracy.

The Burmese military and Germany have had a good relationship in the past. When ex-dictator Gen Ne Win was in power, he inked a partnership with the Fritz Werner GmbH Company (FWG) that got into full swing in 1960 when the West German Ministry of Defense gave the company permission to produce G3 rifles in Burma and later established its first weapons factory on the outskirts of Rangoon with the assistance of the West Germany arms company Heckler & Koch.

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Environmental Challenges Confronting Northern Chin State

Posted: 23 Apr 2017 10:16 PM PDT

TEDIM and FALAM TOWNSHIPS, Chin State — Chin State is considered one of Burma's least-developed and most impoverished areas, but it is also a region of great natural beauty and cultural heritage.

Project Maje, an independent Burma information project, has conducted research in Tedim and Falam townships and written a report titled Unsheltered Heights: Northern Chin State's Environmental Issues.

As seen in this photo essay, issues facing the region include mining, deforestation, energy needs and watershed protection.

The deadly floods brought by Cyclone Komen in 2015 caused hundreds of people in Chin State to lose their homes in landslides and the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation reported that over 190,000 acres were flooded on the plains of neighboring Sagaing Division.

With climate change, more flood-causing conditions are expected. Protecting northern Chin State's vital watershed is now more urgent than ever.

Northern Chin State is at a crossroads. Its people may be led toward resource extraction and terrible "natural" disasters or it may instead choose a more cautious and well-informed path to sustainability and self-sufficiency.

The full report can be read here.

Edith Mirante is founder of Project Maje, which distributes information on Burma's human rights and environmental issues, and author of "The Wind in the Bamboo."

The post Environmental Challenges Confronting Northern Chin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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