Tuesday, May 23, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Tailor Shop Family Accused of Abuse and Enslavement to be Formally Charged

Posted: 23 May 2017 09:00 AM PDT

RANGOON — On Thursday a court will decide on the charges with which to prosecute six family members for torturing and enslaving two children in a downtown Rangoon tailoring shop for five years.

Ko Latt, 63, Tin Thuzar, 59, Tin Min Latt, 37, Yarzar Tun, 25, Su Mon Latt, 27, and Thiri Latt, 37, who ran Ava tailor shop and factory in Kyauktada Township, are currently detained in Insein Prison and will be present at the session at Rangoon's West District Court.

The court will decide under which laws to prosecute the individuals, as well as hear the testimony of the defendants and prosecution witnesses, defense lawyer U Myo Nyunt told reporters.

Police arrested the family members last September after it was found that the girls from Kawhmu Township had been forced into domestic servitude.

Police and the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement initially charged the six family members under Burma's Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law, 1993 Child Law and under Articles 325 and 326 of the penal code for assault. Violations of the anti-trafficking law carry a sentence of ten years to life in prison, while the child law prescribes up to two years' imprisonment and/or a fine. Convictions for assault are accompanied by a prison sentence of seven years to life.

The two girls, Ma San Kay Khaing, 17, and Ma Tha Zin, 18, suffered five years of abuse at the hands of the owners of the tailoring factory before the case came under the spotlight in August 2016.

Ma San Kay Khaing received treatment at Rangoon General Hospital for more than five months for burns, broken fingers and flesh wounds reportedly inflicted with knives and scissors.

The two girls said they had worked as housemaids at the shop since they were around age 10. They escaped from the slave-like conditions after Myanmar Now news agency launched an investigative report into the allegations of abuse.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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State Buddhist Authority Bans Nationalist Organization’s Name, Signboards

Posted: 23 May 2017 07:45 AM PDT

RANGOON — The state Buddhist Sangha authority, Ma Ha Na, imposed further restrictions on Burma's biggest religious nationalist group, the Association for Protection of Race and Religion, better known as Ma Ba Tha, banning the organization from operating under its current name and ordering that their signboards be taken down across the country by July.

It was the second blow by the Buddhist cleric authority after their announcement last year that Ma Ba Tha was not a "lawful monks' association" as "it was not formed in accordance with the country's monastic rules."

Founded in 2014—two years after Burma experienced religiously motivated riots largely targeting the Muslim minority—and now with sub-chapters across the country, Ma Ba Tha has become virtually synonymous with Buddhist nationalism.

Some of its leading members, including U Wirathu, have preached anti-Muslim sermons, claiming that the country's Buddhist foundations are under assault, that the Muslim population is outpacing the Buddhists, and that Burma needs to be vigilant against fundamentalist influences.

On Tuesday, after a special meeting between Ma Ba Tha leading monks and Ma Ha Na's senior monks, two clerics from Ma Ba Tha signed the notice, agreeing to adhere to the order.

"According to the 1990 law relating to the Sangha organization and existing laws, action will be taken by the Ministry of Home Affairs against any monks or lay persons that violate the ban," the statement reads.

The penalties of the Sangha organization law say any monk or novice who violates the law will be punished with a period of imprisonment ranging from six months to three years.

The ban comes at a time Ma Ba Tha was preparing for the fourth anniversary of the organization's founding, which they were planning to commemorate in Rangoon with members from across the country. They claimed that nearly 10,000 attendants would join the celebration, scheduled for the end of May.

Soon after Ma Ha Na's announcement on Tuesday, Ma Ba Tha released a statement saying that they would no longer hold the celebration as planned. Instead, they asked all of their members to be present at their Rangoon headquarters to be briefed on Ma Ha Na's decision.

Ashin Sopaka, a leading Ma Ba Tha monk, told The Irrawaddy that he didn't think the association had been abolished completely.

"It doesn't matter whether we have signposts or use the name. We have been protecting race and religion as a mission that we must do," he said right after the Ma Ha Na's announcement on Tuesday.

The association was criticized at home and abroad for lobbying for the country's controversial race and religion laws. Despite their public anti-Muslim preaching, Ma Ba Tha outlived the previous Thein Sein government, which was criticized for turning a blind eye to the association's actions.

Since it was outlawed by Ma Ha Na in 2016, the association has keeping a lower profile. Recently they announced that they had nothing to do with a midnight confrontation between Buddhist nationalists and Muslim residents near downtown Rangoon.

However, there is speculation that the new bans will not likely have a significant impact on Ma Ba Tha. In late April they reorganized one of their subchapters, "Dhamma Wunthanu Rakhita," as a "vigilance society" made up largely of laymen and led by senior Ma Ba Tha monks, with the purpose of "protecting" race and religion "when it comes to cases in which Buddhist monks can't be involved."

 

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Don’t Forget Children, UN Urges on Eve of Peace Gathering

Posted: 23 May 2017 06:46 AM PDT

On the eve of the second session of the 21st Century Panglong conference, the United Nations called for a renewed effort to achieve peace in Burma so that some 2.2 million children affected by conflict will have a better future.

Children in war-torn areas of Kachin, Karen and Arakan states are suffering "poverty, lack of opportunity and the ever-present fear of violence," according to UNICEF, the UN's children agency, in a report titled Lives on Hold: Making Sure No Child is Left Behind in Myanmar.

Political, social and economic reforms are taking hold in Burma, but the challenges to improve the lives of children remain huge, UNICEF said.

Nearly 30 percent of all children suffer from moderate or acute malnutrition, and one in five children are not registered at birth, it said.

An estimated 67,000 women and children are living in more than 100 IDP camps in Kachin State; children and adults in Karen State are still affected by conflict, including the presence of landmines; while in Arakan State children need greater protection against violence and other deprivations, the UN said.

UNICEF called on the government to increase access to conflict areas for humanitarian organizations. The UN had not been given permission to deliver aid to around 40,000 displaced people in Kachin State and thousands of others could not be accessed in northern Shan State, according to the report.

It called on the government to revoke restrictions of movement imposed on communities in Arakan State and to address long-term deprivation in the area.

"Myanmar faces a real challenge in ensuring that children everywhere—and not just in urban areas—gain from the country's rapid development," said UNICEF executive director Justin Forsythe.

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Peace Parlay: Northern Alliance Flies In, UNFC Stays Out

Posted: 23 May 2017 05:48 AM PDT

RANGOON — Burma's bloc of ethnic armed organizations the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) will not attend Wednesday's Union Peace Conference as its members were only invited as "special guests," which the bloc viewed as the status of observers.

"Based on the Panglong Spirit, all of us should have equal rights to self-determination and autonomy," a UNFC statement released Tuesday read. "The UNFC will only support political talks based on genuine federal and democratic principles," it added.

Meanwhile, representatives of all seven armed groups comprising the Northern Alliance arrived in Naypyidaw on Tuesday to attend Wednesday's Union Peace Conference, according to one of the groups' leaders.

"We decided to attend as we wanted to break the deadlock on the peace process," Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)'s Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "We expect this will begin the road to peace."

The United Wa State Army (UWSA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and the Shan State Army North (SSA-N) will attend as "special guests" after receiving invitations from the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) last week.

The TNLA and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MDNAA) received the same invitation last night, according to Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw. The Arakan Army (AA) will only attend the opening and closing ceremonies, he added.

It was decided on Tuesday that special guest status allows groups to submit papers to the conference, but does not allow them to address the conference in the way delegates can, according to government sources.

The TNLA's vice chairman Brig-Gen Tarr Jode Jarr and joint secretary Ta Pan Hla will attend, along with Kyi Myint from the NDAA, Bao Youyi and Zhao Guoan from the UWSA, N'Ban La from the KIA, and Sai Ba Htun from the SSA-N, according to sources close to the ethnic armed organizations.

Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw told The Irrawaddy the Northern Alliance's attendance was down to negotiation by China’s Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang who met with Burma Army commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw on Monday.

The Burma Army had previously ruled out inviting the TNLA, MNDAA, and the AA, who were not invited to last year's peace conference.

The Northern Alliance said they would only attend if all seven members were in invited after a UWSA-led summit in the Wa capital Panghsang in February.

All nationwide ceasefire agreement-signatories—a total of eight groups—will attend as delegates.

Additional reporting by Nyein Nyein in Naypyidaw.

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Burma Army Rejects UN Findings of Abuse in Arakan State

Posted: 23 May 2017 05:19 AM PDT

RANGOON — The Burma Army on Tuesday rejected allegations of human rights abuses during its crackdown on Rohingya Muslim last year, made by the United Nations in a report on the offensive that forced some 75,000 Rohingya to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.

Burma's security forces committed mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya in a campaign that "very likely" amounted to crimes against humanity and possibly ethnic cleansing, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) said in a report published in February.

"Out of 18 accusations included in OHCHR's report, 12 were found to be incorrect, with the remaining six found to be false and fabricated, based on lies and invented statements," the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper said in an article on Tuesday that summed up the internal military inquiry.

It said military investigators, among others, interviewed nearly 3,000 villagers from 29 villages and "wrote down" testimony from 408 villagers, 184 military officers and troops.

Three low-ranking soldiers were jailed for minor offences, such as stealing a motorbike or beating up villagers in one incident, it added.

Apart from the completed military inquiry, a national panel set up by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in December and chaired by vice president U Myint Swe, a former head of military intelligence, is also looking into the allegations.

Besides the latter investigation, the ministry of home affairs, which is controlled by the army, is also carrying out an inquiry. Separately, the UN has ordered a fact-finding mission to examine allegations of human rights abuses.

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News Analysis: China Plays Its Hand in Burma’s Peace Process

Posted: 23 May 2017 05:12 AM PDT

Ahead of the second 21st Century Panglong peace conference, China's influence has been quite visible. Staying in Naypyidaw, Chinese special envoy Sun Guoxiang engaged in quiet shuttle diplomacy between Burma's state counselor, army chief, and powerful armed groups along the China border.

Almost all of the state guest houses (five-star hotels in Burma's administrative capital Naypyidaw) and security has been beefed up to protect special guests. But behind the scenes, Mr. Sun Guoxiang's busy convoy has pressed all sides to engage in dialogue.

It is believed that Sun Guoxiang held separate meetings with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and government chief peace negotiator Dr. Tin Myo Win last week, ahead of the conference's May 24 start. He previously held several meetings with ethnic groups in various locations including in Kunming, Yunnan Province.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Military Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing also met on Tuesday morning in Naypyidaw to discuss peace issues – but this meeting was not publicized.

China repeatedly asked all Northern Alliance armed groups to attend the peace conference and also asked the Burma Army to invite the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Arakan Army and Ta'ang National Liberation Army.

These three armed groups were not invited in the past but it seems as though a breakthrough came after several meetings between China and Burma.

China reportedly told ethnic leaders to wait in Kunming until the commander-in-chief gave the go ahead. The Burma Army needed to give the green light, and it is unclear how Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing was convinced to do so.

The government initially invited nine ethnic armed organizations as "special guests," but later invited the Arakan Army, Ta'ang National Liberation Army and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army under the same status on short notice.

All seven of the ethnic armed organizations from northeast Burma have decided to join. They are the United Wa State Army; National Democratic Alliance Army; Shan State Progress Party; Kachin Independence Army; Ta'ang National Liberation Army; Arakan Army; and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army. As of Tuesday morning, they were waiting in Kunming while Mr. Sun Guoxiang mediated. China had arranged a flight to fly the groups to Naypyidaw as soon as it received confirmation from Burma.

When the Wa and several ethnic armed groups arrived in Naypyidaw on Tuesday afternoon, they were welcomed by Burmese who were involved in peace talks as well as a senior Chinese diplomat from the Chinese embassy in Rangoon.

China Plays Big Brother in Burma's Peace Process

On Feb. 13, the Chinese special envoy met with several armed groups and ethnic leaders in Kunming.

In the meeting, Sun Guoxiang was quoted as saying: "China hopes that peace prevails in Burma, and would not like to say who is right and who is wrong. China will not sit as a judge, but will only push all stakeholders in the peace process. China would like to urge the stakeholders to solve the problems at the negotiation table and will provide advice as a friend in case problems arise."

"China has a unique foreign policy toward Burma and respects the sovereignty of Burma. China will not seek any interests from Burma, but is only doing its duty as a friendly neighbor," Sun Guoxiang continued.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had asked China to help secure peace in Burma. During her recent visit to China to attend the One Belt One Road (OBOR) Forum, Chinese President Xi Jinping told Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that China would continue to help the country achieve peace, and called for both sides to maintain stability on their shared border.

"China is willing to continue to provide necessary assistance for [Burma's] internal peace process," he said.

China is the largest investor in Burma and has political and strategic interests in Burma. It wants to see stability in Burma as it continues to push its ambitious OBOR initiative that will expand infrastructure between Asia, Africa and Europe.

China is no judge but continues to play the role of big brother in Burma's internal conflict, keeping western influences and peacemakers at bay.

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Religious Affairs Ministry Explores Allegations That Naypyidaw Protesters Were Paid     

Posted: 23 May 2017 05:01 AM PDT

RANGOON— In a response to Saturday's protest staged against the religious affairs minister U Aung Ko, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture questioned if and how the demonstration was funded—a warning to its organizers under a provision of the Peaceful Assembly Law.

Section 10 of the new Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law prohibits any act of paying, bribing or threatening people to participate in demonstrations; violators face a maximum of one month in prison.

In a statement dated May 22, the ministry referred to social media posts alleging that protesters were paid sums ranging from 7,000 (US$5) to 30,000 kyats ($22) for their participation, and that about 800 million kyats in total ($584,000) went toward organizing the demonstration.

The ministry asked where the money came from and how the money was used.

"We have seen Facebook posts that some protesters didn't receive the cash contributions and faced financial difficulties in returning to their homes," the statement said, inviting those to air their grievances on the issue to the ministry.

U Aung San Win, a spokesperson from the ministry, told The Irrawaddy that they had not yet received any complaints and would release further announcements on the issue on the ministry's website.

About 300 nationalists and Buddhist monks from across Burma, along with roughly 2,700 of their supporters, traveled to the country's capital of Napyidaw last week for the protest. They gathered at Shwe Nantha football grounds in Ottara Thiri Township, Naypyidaw, and protested against the Union Minister for Religious Affairs and Culture, U Aung Ko.

U Sandar Thiri, from the Nationalist Buddhist Monks Organization in Mandalay, who led hundreds of protesters and supporters from Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin, said he had to spend around 2.8 million kyats ($2,444) for travel costs to Naypyidaw. He said he had received money from some donors and collected funds from the nationalists.

"I don't know about other regions and places. But for the areas which I took accountability—Mandalay, Pyin Oo Lwin—we didn't pay the protesters," he said, denying the ministry's accusation.

The Irrawaddy was not able to reach other organizers of the protest for comment.

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Arakan Army Denies Forcing Chin Refugees into India

Posted: 23 May 2017 04:53 AM PDT

RANGOON — A spokesperson for the Arakan Army (AA) denied on Tuesday his group had forced nearly 300 ethnic Chin to flee from western Burma to northeastern India, after an Indian newspaper reported the claims.

U Khine Thukha, spokesperson for AA's western chapter, said allegations in The New Indian Express, which quoted a senior Assam Rifles officer who reportedly spoke to the refugees, were "based on groundless accusations."

Refugees were threatened and pushed out of their homes in Ralie village, Chin State, and fled to neighboring southern Mizoram on May 19, according to quotes from the article, which was published on May 22.

The Assam Rifles sent two teams to Lungpuk and Khaikhy villages on the Indian side, where the found 200 and 77 refugees respectively, most of whom were women and children.

The refugees were staying in schools and community halls and the Mizoram government was providing them food, according to the article. The Assam Rifles contacted the Burma Army about ensuring a safe return of the refugees, it stated.

Mizoram home minister, R Lalzirliana, said Burma and Indian have an agreement that refugees are allowed to travel up to 15 kilometers inside India and "stay there for some time."

"The accusation would be reasonable if there was armed conflict between the AA and the Burma Army," said U Khine Thukha.

He added that 60 people from Shwe Let Wa village in upper Plat Wa Township of Chin State recently fled to Lungpuk village on the Indian border in anticipation of fighting near their homes. Indian authorities arranged to return the refugees to Burma, he added.

"The villagers of Shwe Let Wa say the AA had come and believed that conflict would happen in the Burma Army reached the region, but actually, the situation is peaceful," said U Khine Thukha, also denying the AA had detained any male villagers in Ralie.

He said a group was intentionally spreading false information in order to defame the AA although he declined to name the group.

On May 4, the AA issued a "warning letter" in the Arakanese language on its Facebook page in late April stating that 30 soldiers from the Arakan Liberation Army (ALA) pretended to be AA soldiers and extorted money from locals near the Bangladesh border.

The same group pretended to be Burma Army troops while they threatened and stole from people in Garam Pa village on May 3-4, added U Khine Thukha.

"We are closely watching the group and the AA will respond with appropriate action if the same conduct happens in future," read the Facebook statement.

Along with its fellow Northern Alliance members, the AA flew to Naypyidaw from Kunming, China on Tuesday afternoon for the Union Peace Conference. The AA's political wing, the United League for Arakan, posted on Facebook on Tuesday that the group would attend the conference at the Chinese government's request, but only to see the opening and closing ceremonies.

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Northern Alliance Members Arrive in Naypyidaw for Peace Conference

Posted: 22 May 2017 11:18 PM PDT

RANGOON — Following Chinese special envoy Sun Guoxiang's meeting with Burma's State Counselor and the army chief on Monday, the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) arrived in Naypyidaw to join the second 21st Century Panglong peace conference on Tuesday at noon.

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) delegation will arrive later on Tuesday, a source close to the ethnic armed organization told The Irrawaddy.

Prior to the second Panglong Peace Conference that will begin on Wednesday, Burma's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Military Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing met on Tuesday morning in Naypyidaw to discuss peace issues.

Following a Burma Army green light, seven ethnic armed organizations from northeast Burma: the United Wa State Army; National Democratic Alliance Army; Shan State Progress Party; Kachin Independence Army; Ta'ang National Liberation Army; Arakan Army; and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, flew to Naypyidaw from Kunming, China on Tuesday afternoon for the peace conference, according to sources close to the government and the ethnic armed groups.

According to the sources, the Northern Alliance groups have requested that the government allow them to participate in discussions and exchange views during the conference and to guarantee the security of the groups.

But the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) has not yet confirmed their attendance, as they are still holding a meeting on Tuesday. Negotiations are ongoing, but it is likely that UNFC members: the New Mon State Party; Karenni National Progressive Party; Arakan National Council; Wa National Organization; Lahu Democratic Union; Kachin Independence Organization; and Shan State Progress Party, will send their delegation for political negotiation to the peace conference.

At the last minute, the government decided to invite all ethnic armed groups under "observer" status. It is not clear yet whether the groups plan to attend only the opening or the full conference.

The government initially invited nine ethnic armed organizations as "special guests," but decided to invite the Arakan Army, Ta'ang National Liberation Army and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army under the same status on short notice.

At the time of publication, the TNLA had confirmed their attendance in a statement released by the group.

CORRECTION: This article previously erroneously stated that all seven members of the Northern Alliance arrived in Naypyidaw.

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Thailand Reassures Foreigners Following Bangkok Hospital Attack

Posted: 22 May 2017 10:59 PM PDT

BANGKOK, Thailand — Thailand's foreign ministry on Tuesday reassured the international community that the country would increase security at sensitive locations a day after a bomb exploded at a hospital in the capital Bangkok wounding 24 people.

Thailand has been ruled by a junta since a May 2014 coup. The attack on Monday coincided with the third anniversary of the takeover and the army has blamed the incident on groups opposed to military rule.

No group has claimed responsibility for the attack, which happened at the military-owned Phramongkutklao Hospital.

"Bombs will have an impact anywhere," Thailand's Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai told reporters on Tuesday.

"Any action at a hospital violates human rights … I would like the foreigners to know that security forces are looking after this," he said.

"We didn't want this to happen. If we can catch those behind this even better," he added.

One of the most popular holiday destinations in Southeast Asia, Thailand attracted 32.6 million visitors last year, a rise of nearly 9 percent from the previous year.

The country's beaches and city destinations continue to lure travelers with Chinese making up the largest group of tourists.

But Thailand has been rocked by attacks, including a series of explosions last year at popular beach locations, which cast a shadow over Thailand's safety credentials.

The beach attacks killed four people and wounded dozens, a day after Thais voted overwhelmingly to accept a military-backed constitution that critics said would only serve to entrench military power.

Thailand's military seized power on May 22, 2014 to end months of street action aimed at overthrowing a populist movement that had won several national elections since 2001.

The coup was the 12th military takeover since 1932 when Thailand saw the end of an absolute monarchy.

Junta spokesman Winthai Suvaree said security would be increased following Monday's attack.

"Any security measures that are not working will need to change," junta spokesman Winthai told reporters at Bangkok's Government House.

On May 15, a small bomb went off near the National Theatre in Bangkok's old quarter, wounding two people. It was not clear who was behind the bomb. An explosion outside a former government lottery office on April 5 wounded two others.

Army chief Chalermchai Sitthisat said on Monday that he believed the two attacks were linked to the hospital attack, adding that the materials used to make the bombs were the same.

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Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week

Posted: 22 May 2017 09:58 PM PDT

A Woman's Place: Life Through the Lens of Myanmar's Women Farmers | May 20-28

Most images of rural Burma are taken by people who live outside of these areas. This participatory photography exhibition offers the chance to see rural life through the eyes of women who live on and work its agricultural land. This diverse range of images offers a glimpse into the communities, livelihoods, social issues and changes which frame being a female farmer in Burma today.

May 20-28, 10:00 am-5:00 pm. Myanmar Dietta Gallery, 3rd Floor, No. 49, 44th Street. Tel: 09-31736154

Short Story Recital | May 24

Many artists and singers will recite short stories, and their voices will be recorded on CDs and donated to schools for the blind. Free Admission.

May 24, 1 pm. Yangon Book Plaza, 5th Floor, Thanzay Market, Lanmadaw Tsp.

Slam Express | May 28

Read a poem, a prose or perform anything you want! Let your spoken words be angry, be kind, be hilarious, be heartbreaking, be thought-provoking, be unique, be awesome and be you or come and listen to those performances. Free Admission.

May 28, 6:30-8:30 pm. Pansuriya Art Gallery, No. 102, Bogalayzay Street, Botatung Tsp.

Study in America, Education Talk | May 27

This is the event for students wishing to pursue higher education in United States of America. Registration is required and can be done at 09-777264230, 09-777254231, 097-99905715.

May 27, 9:00 am-12:00 pm, UMFCCI Building, Min Ye Kyaw Swar Street, near Taw Win Center and St. John Bus Stop.

 

Music Show | May 27

Many famous artists, including Kai Zaw, Nwe Yin Win, Haymar Nay Win and Ne Ne Khin Zaw will perform at this musical event. Tickets are between 7,000 kyats and 30,000 kyats at 1876.

May 27, 6:30 pm. National Theater, Myoma Kyaung St.

 

Photo: encyoclopedia

U Nu's Birthday | May 25

The birthday of U Nu, Burma's first prime minister and a renowned writer, will be commemorated along with his books on sale at special prices. Free Admission.

May 25, 1 pm. Yangon Book Plaza, 5th Floor, Thanzay Market, Lanmadaw Tsp.

THE INTOUCHABLES – My French Film | May 24

A collaboration between the Institut Français de Birmanie and Mingalar Cinemas, My French Film is a monthly programming of the best of French movies in one of Rangoon's cinemas. This time the featured movie is The Intouchables, a comedy inspired by a true story.

Every Wednesday, 6:30 pm. Mingalar Cinema Gamone Pwint (San Yeik Nyein). Entry: 1,500-4,000 kyats

On the Waterfront | May 27 – June 3

James Jennings has painted the Mekong in Phnom Penh, and in Myanmar, the port and the ferries on the Yangon River.

May 27-June 3. Pansuriya Art Gallery, No. 102, Bogalayzay Street, Botatung Tsp.

Living on My Skin: A Solo Exhibition by Arakanese Performance Artist Thadi Htar | May 25 – June 6

"Thadi Htar" means "caution" in Burmese. It is written on electrical boxes and warnings signs throughout Burma. It is also the artist's moniker: one that simultaneously draws attention and creates distance.

May 25-June 6. Myanmar/Art, No. 98, Third Floor, Bogalayzay Street.

Art Exhibition for Charity | May 25 -28

An exhibition by artist Nan Mi Thar and friends will showcase dozens of paintings in different mediums. Fifty percent of the proceeds will be donated to Hninzigon Home for the Aged.

May 25-28. Hninzi Myaing Art Gallery, Hninzigon Home for the Aged.

 

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Improving Education Reform in Myanmar

Posted: 22 May 2017 06:38 PM PDT

In 2016, the new civilian government led by Nobel Peace Prize Winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took over the country. Education reform and the peace process became the top priorities of the government in order to achieve sustainable development and equitable economic growth. To build an enabling environment for a more effective education system in the country, the National Education Strategic Plan (NESP) 2016-21 was developed. Meanwhile, many ethnic armed groups started to engage in a peace process led by the new civilian government for the first time in decades. However, fear and mistrust still linger in the country and it will take generations to overcome those hardships.

Myanmar is a unique country located geographically at the strategic location between China, India and Asean countries. It is now in the process of a rigorous democratic transition. Very few countries are ethnically as diverse as Myanmar. There are at least 135 minority groups characterized by varying degrees of social, political and economic difference. Myanmar's civil war is also known as one of the longest-running civil wars in history. The oppressive military rule for decades in the country also intensified these internal conflicts.

Educating children and young people as agents of positive social change is of vital importance in Myanmar, especially during this critical period. The new education policies in the country should not only be linked to concerns about learning and cognition in schools but also to internal conflicts. Their potential to aggravate or ameliorate conflicts also needs to be thoroughly analyzed. They should be conflict-sensitive and have a general pacifying effect.

However, the NESP 2016-21 does not fully focus on curriculum challenges related to conflicts and mother-language-based teaching. It promises that it will focus on the needs of schools in less developed areas as well as support and promote ethnic languages and cultures. It is obvious that the NESP acknowledges the importance of ethnic language policies and equity issues in a sustainable resolution towards the country's long-running ethnic conflicts. Despite that, the role of education in relation to conflict transformation and peacebuilding through a specific curriculum reform is not discussed in the plan at all.

The curriculum reform is in line with international standards but not linked to any conflict-resolution strategies. Issues relevant to the diverse ethnic groups, and the uneven distribution of educational opportunities are discussed, but they are not treated as important factors in the current conflicts in the country. The introduction of minority languages into government school curricula at the primary school level has been established in some states and regions; however, policies concerning such initiatives remain under-resourced in the NESP 2016-21. Since Myanmar's internal conflicts are long-lasting and complex, the new education system should help people understand the underlying causes of current ethnic conflicts, contribute to social transformation and the peace process as well as learn non-violent ways of responding to conflict.

When I look back on my childhood, all we learned from our history lessons at school in the 1990s was about British colonization, how it caused deep divisions among the ethnic groups, how Myanmar gained independence, how insurgencies began shortly afterward and how the military saved the country from harm. We never learned about the different voices of various ethnic groups. We never had a chance to learn their histories and cultures. And we had never heard of any non-violent ways of responding to conflicts at school. I believe that there should be a new and innovative conflict-sensitive history curriculum and relevant peacebuilding programs at schools for the upcoming generations. What forms and levels of curriculum reform, and under what conditions it may contribute to reducing the risks of conflict, should be decided according to the Education for Peace guidelines by UNESCO.

Quality Node on Peace Education defines "Education for Peace" as a deliberate policy and institutional response to conflict. The UNESCO data shows that 84 percent of the 45 sub-Saharan African countries had national education policies that included a culture of peace values. The Ethiopia Education and Training policy of 1994 recognizes the role of education in the peace process. The Gambian education policy also states that the rights of the individual, cultural diversity, indigenous languages and knowledge must be respected and to promote ethical norms and values and a culture of peace. Likewise, Sri Lanka's "National Policy and a Comprehensive Framework of Actions on Education for Social Cohesion and Peace" in 2008 also aimed to "bring together disparate peace-promoting activities into a coherent framework" through the key strategic areas of curriculum reform accepted by diverse groups.

According to UNICEF, such policies and programs have proven to be effective. In Burundi, a reduction in student-teacher violence, stereotypes and division between children from different groups at risk of conflict in 14 targeted provinces was found after establishing a peace-building program. In South Sudan, between 2014 and 2015, a total of 8,000 children and youth (30 percent female) in five States were able to build peaceful relationships within schools and communities. They also reported a sense of belonging to their country. Therefore, the effective integration of 'Education for Peace' into the curriculum is essential in conflict-affected countries like Myanmar.

In my opinion, there are two policy options that should be taken into serious consideration by current policy makers:

1) Curriculum Reform

As stated above, the Curriculum Reform for Peace is of vital importance in every conflict-affected country. In Myanmar, the history curricula have not been modified since 1986. A carefully constructed history curriculum that has a positive effect on social reconstruction and long-lasting peace is utterly essential during this critical period. The history of the country and the underlying causes of the armed conflicts should be thoroughly taught at schools. However, what to include and what not to include in the history are very delicate as well as political issues which need specialist consultations. The specialist committee should be composed of various experts on politics, education, culture and ethnicity. It should be a positive narrative and could ignite national unity. One the other hand, one should not get caught in the trap of creating national unity only and ignore the protest voices – who want to create a politics of diversity and preserve diversity by not following the routine line of thought. Thus education must allow divergent and alternative narratives to exist. Creating a common positive narrative can have its own hegemonizing tendencies – which could be dangerous in the long run. We could follow the UNESCO guidelines on how to incorporate a "conflict sensitive" approach to planning for education for peace and conflict prevention. There should also be specific school programs to increase the capacity of students, parents and teachers to cope and prevent conflict and promote peace. The main purpose is to prepare learners to acquire peacebuilding competencies.

2) Equitable Education and Incentives

Educational inequality should be carefully reduced by incentives, scholarships or material assistance to under-represented groups. Enrollment and intake ratios should be disaggregated to the smallest unit possible. There should be a specific policy to give incentives to the children affected by conflict and poverty shocks. They should be brought back to schools by all means. In the higher education sector, students from the minority groups and from remote and conflict-affected areas should be given scholarships and brought back to the higher-level universities. If the minorities remain dissatisfied with the current situation, they are less likely to integrate into the peace process. And there should be greater administrative flexibility designed to promote the registration of various ethnic groups.

To conclude, the NESP 2016-21 is a very practical and innovative plan. This is not to argue that the NESP 2016-21 totally fails to strengthen the peace process and partnerships between the government and the different education service providers under the ethnic education systems. It only lacks a conflict-sensitive curriculum reform and strategies for the parallel ethnic education systems in order for them to synchronize with the whole system. To fill in the gaps, a very strong Education for Peace Curriculum policy should be urgently integrated into the NESP 2016-21.
Phyu Phyu Thin Zaw (MBBS, Ph.D.) is a former WHO Career Development Fellow (visiting scholar) at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford, USA. She is currently a research scientist at Department of Medical Research (Pyin Oo Lwin Branch), Ministry of Health and Sports, Myanmar. Her research interests are reproductive health, equity, health policies, public policies and gender issues.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted by Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Improving Education Reform in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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National News

National News

Reproductive health subject proposed in schools

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:40 PM PDT

School curricula should include basic principles of democracy, reproductive health and civics as subjects, says Bago Region Constituency 5 MP Dr Tin Tin Win.

Nylon-tar roads throughout Myanmar by 2030

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:31 PM PDT

Arrangements are being made for all roads in the nation to be upgraded to nylon-tar roads by 2030.

Nurturing the next generation of footballers

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:28 PM PDT

Basic football training under the Youth Development Pilot Project will be given to 315 students from seven districts in July, according to the Mandalay Region Football Subcommittee chair, Daw May Myat Nwe.

Conflict-ridden Nan Si Pon continues to be a bane

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:26 PM PDT

Jade and gems region Nan Si Pon continues to be a conflict-ridden area as mining companies, residents and scavengers fight among themselves for gems in the area. Located 30 miles away from Hkamti township in the upper Sagaing Region, Nan Si Pon is well known for producing marketable and good quality gemstones.

More protests if demands not met: Assn

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:24 PM PDT

A group calling itself the 'Patriotic Association' held a protest on May 20 at the Shwe Nant Thar football ground in Ottarathiri township, Nay Pyi Taw, against what it alleges were unfair actions by Union Minister for Religious Affairs and Culture Thura U Aung Ko.

All food products must have labels: FDA

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:19 PM PDT

All local food products have to be labeled to ensure quality and safety, according to officials from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

Parkland projects suspended pending plan

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:16 PM PDT

Although construction projects in Mya Kyun Thar parkland area along the Inya Lake have been suspended, the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) pledged that they will not cancel all the projects in the parkland.

Five involved in unrest arrested

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:13 PM PDT

Police say that five of the seven people involved in the Mingalar Taung Nyunt township, Yangon Region unrest have been arrested.

AAPP asks what makes one a political prisoner

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:11 PM PDT

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has urged the National League for Democracy (NLD) government and parliament to define what it means to be a "political prisoner" in Myanmar.

Myanmar’s peace process and China’s factor

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:05 PM PDT

During last week's visit by State Counsellor and Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, she got more than what she bargained for.
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Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Resistance Day marked in Wanhai, Loi Tai Leng

Posted: 23 May 2017 12:39 AM PDT

The annual celebrations for Shan Resistance Day were held on May 21 at the two largest Shan armed organizations' HQs—Loi Tai Leng, base of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) on the Shan-Thai border; and at Wanhai in central Shan State, the nerve center of the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP).
Organizers estimate that around a thousand people attended the 59th anniversary event at Wanhai in southern Shan State, where SSPP soldiers conducted a military parade.

Speaking at Wanhai, SSPP/SSA superintendent Gen. Hsoten said, "We continue to bear arms in order to protect our people. We are determined to continue our armed struggle alongside the people. Conflict may exit among us with regard to our rights and differing views. But for the sake of unity and stability, we must tolerate one another. At this time next year, we will be commemorating the 60th Shan Resistance Day. If we were to compare that with a person's life, we would say that it is time to send him off to a home for retirees."
He continued: "However, for those of us who claim to be 'freedom fighters,' there is no retirement. The length of our resistance may be advancing, so we must adapt as though we were continually youthful and strong.
"Be quick! Be fast! Be true [to the cause]!" he appealed to the partisan crowd. "We need to build our strength year by year. Only then can we protect the public. The day that our army breaks away from the people is the day the army is disintegrated. Please stand for our people's interests as a people's army."

At Loi Tai Leng, central command post of the RCSS/SSA, the military parade and festivities were reportedly attended by some 3,000 people. RCSS leader Gen. Yawd Serk addressed the audience, emphasizing the need to maintain a sustainable and stable peace in accordance with the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).
"Being an NCA signatory, we have been maintaining peace as mandated in the accord. And also, as we are a legal organization, if you face arrest for associating with the RCSS, please report the matter to our nearest liaison office. We will continue to fulfill our commitment and uphold the promise of our political objectives," said Yawd Serk.
Pa Nang Lu – wife of Sao Noi Soyanta, the man considered the father of modern Shan resistance – also took to the stage. She spoke about how her husband led Shan youths against the ruthless Burmese army, and how he founded the Shan armed forces, known as num serk han – the "young warriors" who evolved into today's Shan State Army.

The RCSS ceremony concluded with a wreath-laying ceremony to commemorate the martyrs who sacrificed their lives defending the Shan cause.  

Chinese shadow over Myanmar’s wars

Posted: 22 May 2017 08:55 AM PDT

When the second 21st Century Panglong peace conference opens on May 24, government representatives will need to engage ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) from two distinct regional blocs. While all EAOs have similar grievances and political demands, their divergent security situations and negotiating leverages will complicate government efforts to forge a genuine Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).


In Myanmar's insurgency-prone north and northeast, China has powerful influence over armed groups fighting against Myanmar government forces. Politically and strategically, Beijing is known to view the groups as a strategic buffer and bargaining chip in negotiations with Naypyidaw, particularly over its significant trade and investment with the neighboring country.

This translates into supportive relationships with Myanmar's EAOs operating in the north and northeast, some of the most conflict-ridden areas of the country. Some of these groups, namely United Wa State Army (UWSA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), are successor organizations to the Beijing-backed Communist Party of Burma (BCP).

They were established following the mutiny of ethnic rank and file against their largely Burman commanders and political leaders in 1989. China continues to support these organizations through commercial and cultural connections, development programs, and, more importantly to the civil war, through the provision of military hardware, ammunition and other supplies, and training.

The UWSA, the largest and best equipped of Myanmar's EAOs, has received heavy artillery, man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS) surface-to-air missiles and light armored vehicles, as well as training in how to use the equipment from China. The armed group also operates a small arms factory built with Chinese support from which it supplies weapons to other EAOs, particularly in the northeast.

When the MNDAA and its leader, Peng Jiasheng, were forced out of the Shan State's Kokang region of northeast Myanmar into China's southwestern Yunnan province by a Myanmar army offensive in 2009, Beijing provided shelter to the fleeing rebels. When the MNDAA reentered Myanmar in 2015, it was markedly stronger and better armed than before, likely due to Chinese support.

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), traditionally wary of China, also benefits through trade ties and certain logistics support. Through the UWSA and KIO, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N), and Arakan Army (AA) have received weapons and training indirectly from China. Together, the northern EAOs represent the largest and best armed groups in the country.

Thailand, the traditional backer of EAOs in Myanmar's southeast, has over time shifted its view of the insurgent groups. Once viewed and used as a buffer against a traditional enemy, they are now seen as an impediment to cross-border trade and investment opportunities as Myanmar opens to the world.

Previously a profitable conduit for black market weapons and ammunition facilitated by tacit support from elements in the government and military, Bangkok is now actively encouraging EAOs along its border to sign ceasefires and engage in the Myanmar government's peace process.

In addition to increased trade and investment, particularly in agriculture, natural resources and energy, Bangkok is aiming to further limit the narcotics trade out of Myanmar, control illegal immigration and encourage the repatriation of tens of thousands of refugees in camps that for decades have dotted its border.

The main EAOs along the Thai-Myanmar border – Karen National Union (KNU), New Mon State Party (NMSP), and Karenni National Progress Party (KNPP) – lost their profitable tax gates for black market trade between Myanmar and Thailand in the 1980s and early 1990s.

Since then, trade has largely shifted to official border crossings at Mae Sot-Myawaddy and Sangkhlaburi-Pyathounzu, as well as smaller government controlled crossings. Losses in territory have further eroded the ability of EAOs to raise funds through the exploitation of natural resources from logging and mining.

For instance, the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), another group opposed to the Myanmar government, has been intermittently blocked access to Thailand due to its alleged involvement in the narcotics trade. Though because it can still source weapons through Myanmar's Shan state from the north, where China-supported groups are active, it is not totally reliant on Thailand for its survival.

Moreover, stocks of Vietnam War-era weaponry have dried up and Thailand has recently become much less willing to turn a blind eye to illicit arms sales to these groups through its territory. Thailand's government and military, while no doubt involved in the past, have never been a major source of arms and ammunition in the same way as China has provided support to EAOs in Myanmar's north.

In 1995, heavy Thai pressure was an important factor in the NMSP's ceasefire that year. In the 2000s and up until the KNU's ceasefire in 2012, Bangkok put pressure on the armed group to avoid destabilizing armed clashes along its border. In the 2000s, it also sporadically shut down Karen supply routes across the Moei and Salween Rivers to influence KNU policy.

Chinese backing also allows the northern EAOs to negotiate with Naypyidaw from a position of greater strength than more isolated armed groups in the south. They have been able to fight a war in which the Myanmar military has incurred significant casualties and the EAOs have been able to secure autonomous control over significant swaths of territory.

Indeed, these groups' ability to replenish their supplies of arms and ammunition from China allows them to continue the fight at an intensity not seen since the conflict-ridden 1980s. It also puts them in a stronger position at the negotiating table, especially if the UWSA-led Pangshang grouping of northern EAOs consolidate into a cohesive negotiating bloc.

The Pangshang grouping, named after the Wa state's capital, has already stated they will not sign the government's NCA in its present form and that they aim to negotiate new more favorable terms. The main southern groups – KNU, NMSP, RCSS, KNPP and the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) –  face a much different situation.

Without the political or economic backing of Thailand or access to weapons and ammunition, as well as the real possibility of a Thai blockade of cross-border supplies, there is little potential for rearming, raising substantial new recruits, or taking back lost territory as China-backed groups have done.

The level of conflict in the north, including a particularly pitched battle between government forces and the KIO, would be impossible to replicate in the south without a dramatic shift in Thailand's current position.

That's viewed as unlikely under either the current military regime and the possible comeback of Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra's Peua Thai party at future polls, as both have eagerly sought business opportunities in Myanmar.

The main armed groups – KNU, RCSS and DKBA – have already signed the NCA, while NMSP and KNPP are rumored to be amenable to signing but it is still uncertain if they will attend the upcoming conference on May 24.

Other NCA signatories – Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council (KNU/KNLAPC), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Chin National Front (CNF), and Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), and All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) – all have negligible soldiers under arms.

The reality of Myanmar's ethnic civil war is that while many groups share the same grievances, including calls for ethnic rights, self-determination and federalism, there are specific regional and political differences that will require a more nuanced government approach if Panglong is to have a chance at achieving genuine and lasting peace.

Brian McCartan is a Chiang Mai-based independent analyst

Link Story : http://www.atimes.com/article/chinese-shadow-myanmars-wars/

Peace process in pieces in Myanmar

Posted: 22 May 2017 08:49 AM PDT

On May 24, when Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi opens the second round of her signature 21st Century Panglong peace conference, a high-stakes initiative to end decades of debilitating and divisive civil war, the outcomes and upshots will be pivotal to her democratically elected administration.



The meeting will aim to draw on the unifying symbolism of the original Panglong conference held by Suu Kyi's national founder father, Aung San, who signed an agreement with ethnic Shan, Kachin and Chin representatives on February 12, 1947 at the small Shan state market town of Panglong. The agreement paved the way for the declaration of independence from British colonial rule the following year.

Despite the historic parallels and Suu Kyi's strong political clout, few observers believe the upcoming meeting will meaningfully advance national reconciliation without a significant change in tack. Suu Kyi's insistence that all armed groups agree to an elaborate National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) before holding any political talks towards the creation of a federal union remains a major sticking point.

So, too, are major battles underway between government forces and ethnic armed organizations in northern Kachin, northeastern Shan and western Rakhine states. While Suu Kyi speaks of peace and reconciliation, military commander Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has simultaneously ramped up lethal offensives that have led to the heaviest fighting since the conflict-ridden 1980s.  

Suu Kyi has made peacemaking a top policy priority, some say to the detriment of other pressing matters such as bureaucratic, economic and legal reforms. It is one of the few policy areas where she has appeared in public meeting representatives from across political and ethnic spectrums.

But her failure to establish anything resembling peace in the country's north and northeast, and ongoing communal violence in Rakhine state have severely tainted her previous image as a persecuted pro-democracy icon. The perception shift has been particularly damning as a former recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize for her non-violent struggle against military repression and advocacy for peaceful reconciliation.

Ethnic group representatives who have attended meetings with a working committee preparing for the talks say they are appalled by what they liken more to bullying than negotiation, with the military giving them only two options: accept the 2008 constitution, which solidifies a powerful political role for the military over a highly centralized political system, or face annihilation on the battlefield.

The 2008 constitution, drafted under military rule and promulgated after what most independent observers viewed as a rigged and fraudulent referendum, gives the military effective veto power over any bid to change important clauses in the charter. It also gives the military autonomous control over crucial security related ministries, namely defense, border affairs and home.

Ethnic representatives argue that without a new federal constitution that could be put to a genuinely free and fair referendum, prospects for ending the war will remain dim. All ethnic groups want "full autonomy in internal administration for the Frontier Areas," as enshrined in the original 1947 Panglong Agreement brokered by Suu Kyi's independence hero father.

Myanmar's federal constitution was abrogated and replaced by iron-fisted rule after a 1962 military coup that ushered in nearly five decades of soldier-led governance. Myanmar's ethnic wars represent some of the longest running conflicts in the world.  

Officially, eight armed groups signed the NCA in October 2015. Of those only three — Shan State Restoration Council, Karen National Union and Democratic Karen Benevolent Army — actually have armed forces. The remaining five are small groups, claiming to represent the interests of Karen, Pa-O, Chin and Rakhine (Arakanese) ethnic groups, may best be described as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).

On March 30, Suu Kyi announced that five more key groups – New Mon State Party, Karenni National Progressive Party, Arakan National Congress, Lahu Democratic Union and Wa National Organization – were poised to sign the NCA. The groups have since denied they took any such decision.

While the first two groups have armed wings, the other three could hardly be described as "key ethnic armed groups", as most are even smaller than the five NGO-type groups that signed the 2015 agreement. But Suu Kyi appears concentrated on boosting the number of NCA signatories, even if they are largely insignificant to resolving the wars, in an apparent bid to conceal the policy's underlying failure.

Meanwhile, major groups that have not signed the NCA — Kachin Independence Army, United Wa State Army, Ta'ang National Liberation Army, Shan State Army/Shan State Progress Party, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State, and Arakan Army — account for more than 80% of the country's armed rebels.

Failed peace processes are nothing new in Myanmar, previously known as Burma. In 1958, a caretaker government led by General Ne Win offered an amnesty without political concessions to communists, army mutineers and ethnic rebels. Those who accepted were granted business concessions, similar to the terms offered to the few signatories of the current NCA.

Peace talks were held in 1963 in which Ne Win's coup-installed government demanded surrender and offered only "rehabilitation." Groups that accepted were converted into "home guard units", known as Ka Kwe Ye, which were allowed to conduct business, including opium trading, in their native areas. The deal ushered the rise of Myanmar's most notorious drug lords, including Lo Hsing Han and Khun Sa.

In 1980, the government announced a new amnesty for rebels and political prisoners. At that time, separate talks were held with the KIA and the Communist Party of Burma that eventually broke down on the government's offer of only rehabilitation for unconditional surrender.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the government entered ceasefire agreements with about two dozen armed groups in exchange for lucrative business concessions, including a deal with the KIA that held for 17 years before faltering in 2011 when the group started making fresh demands for federalism.

The NCA's only achievement so far appears to be creating rifts between signatories and non-signatories and internal divisions among those who have signed. Within Karen National Union, for example, there is deep disagreement among leaders and those who believe they have sold out their long struggle for autonomy for short-sighted business deals.

Even the smallest of the signatories have been granted lucrative business concessions, including rights to sell imported used cars from neighboring Thailand. Bigger groups have invested heavily in real estate and palm oil plantations.

The main difference between current and past talks is the heavy involvement of foreign peacemakers and lavish international funding in Suu Kyi's initiative, interventions that have further skewed incentives and motivations.

History shows central demands for ethnic groups' unconditional surrender — now dubbed as 'DDR' for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration by authorities — in exchange for business concessions seldom hold and are not a long-term solution to what is at root a political problem.

If Suu Kyi truly wants peace and reconciliation, she could take the moral high ground by announcing a unilateral government ceasefire rather than insisting ethnic armed groups sign an agreement many of them legitimately view as a military trap.

But until the Noble Peace Prize laureate stands up to the military and offers ethnic groups genuine self-determination and autonomy, her signature initiative risks repeating past failed efforts and leaving behind a country more at war than when she was elected as a reconciliatory peacemaker.
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