Saturday, June 3, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (June 3)

Posted: 03 Jun 2017 01:29 AM PDT

Burma's Trade Volume with Asean Countries Slips

Burma's trade volume with member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) was down in the 2016-17 fiscal year from the previous year, according to official figures.

Trade with Asean countries was US$9.6 billion during the 2016-17 fiscal year which ended in March, down from $10.4 billion the previous year and $12.6 billion in 2014-15, according to government statistics.

In 2016-2017, exports stood at almost $3.1 billion, while imports were more than double at $6.5 billion, the Ministry of Com­merce figures reported by Xinhua indicated.

Thailand was the largest Asean trade partner with $4.2 billion in trade during the year, followed by Sin­gapore with $2.9 bil­lion, Malaysia with $980 million, Indonesia with $827 million, Vietnam with $494 million and the Philippines with $56 mil­lion.

Trade with Brunei, Laos and Cambo­dia was less than $3 mil­lion.

Burma's main exports to the region include agricultural and marine products, minerals and finished industrial goods. Main imports include consumer goods, elec­tronic products, capital goods and automobiles.

Jobs in Engineering

Engineers are in high demand in Burma and some of the country's leading employers will be offering positions at a conference next weekend in Rangoon.

Jobs in everything from civil engineering to mechanics and project management will be offered at the conference organized by the jobs portal JobsNet on Sunday, June 11 at the Sedona Hotel.

Local and international speakers sharing insights into the engineering industry will be U Myint Pe of the Myanmar Engineering Society (MES), U Khin Maung Tint of Max Myanmar Construction, Gerhard Hartzenberg of Yoma Strategic Holdings | SPA Group, U Kyaw Kyaw Naing of IGreen Construction & Engineering and Daw Thin Thin Hlaing of Asia General Electric.

The conference is supported by Asia General Electric Co. Ltd., and Peace Myanmar Electric Co. among others. Anyone can attend, but prior registration is required.

Manufacturing PMI Falls Slightly in May

The Nikkei Myanmar Manufacturing Purchasing Managers’ Index, or PMI, fell to 52.0 in May from 52.9 in April, Nikkei Asia reported.

However, the figure also marked the fifth consecutive month of growth for manufacturing in Burma, as measured by the index.

"Supported by strong expansions in output and new orders, operating conditions in the sector improved further," said Sian Jones, an economist at IHS Markit, which compiles the survey.

A reading above 50 indicates economic expansion, while a reading below 50 points shows contraction.

IHS Markit forecasts Burma's overall GDP to increase by 7.1 percent this year.

AYA Bank Widens Market for Visa Cards

AYA Bank has announced that it is making Visa cards available to lower income earners on monthly salaries of above 150,000 kyats.

The bank is also offering its customers the option to redeem points earned through credit card use at gas stations and to purchase home appliances, rather than stays at luxury hotels.

Many banks in Burma require that customers earn a minimum monthly income of 300,000 to 400,000 kyats to apply for a Visa card. With the eased restrictions, AYA Bank hopes credit cards will no longer be restricted to higher earners, Nikkei Asia reported.

The use of credit cards is in the early stages still in Burma. Payments with credit cards issued overseas have only been allowed since 2012. Visa cards can now be used at about 7,000 outlets across the country, and the number is set to rise.

Farmer Program Boosts Agriculture Outputs

A Farmer-To-Farmer technical assistance program is being implemented by USAID-funded Winrock International, with the aim to help growth in the agriculture sector, according to a report.

Winrock has mobilized more than 65 volunteers through the Asia F2F program to support rural development and increased incomes for smallholder farmers.

Since 2014, vegetable growers have been trained in sustainable agriculture practices such as the use of cover crops, green manure, crop rotations, and bio-fungicides. A process to produce an on-farm, locally-made fertilizer was also introduced.

Training for the Mandalay Mango Farmer Group on post-harvest handling and processing techniques for mangos boosted farmers' earnings in some instances by 200 percent, the report claimed.

Avocado growers were guided in techniques that have enabled more exports and resulted in improved fruit quality.

The F2F volunteer program has resulted in Burma farmers implementing improved technologies on more than 14,000 hectares of land and introducing more than 100 new or improved agricultural products and services, according to the report.

Vertiv Aims for Burma Expansion

Technology firm Vertiv which supports mobile and cloud computing among other products is aiming to expand in Burma, according to a report in The Nation.

Vertiv has been involved in business in Burma for more than 25 years through its partner Aung Myanmar, Anand Sanghi, Vertiv's president for Asia told the newspaper.

Reforms in the telecoms sector in Burma had motivated the firm to expand in the country, Sanghi said.

Paul Churchill, Vertiv's vice president for Southeast Asia Sales, said the company's data centers and other technologies were specifically designed for developing countries like Burma where there is limited electricity and frequent blackouts.

The company, formerly named Emerson Network Power, opened an office in Rangoon in 2014 and has a current workforce of 16.

Another representative, Daniel Sim, said the firm recently signed a deal with Burmese technology firm KMD and is cooperating with two Burmese banks.

Chinese-Israeli Venture Eyes Burma Opportunities

A Chinese-Israeli asset management company is planning to invest heavily in agriculture-related industries in Burma as well as Vietnam and Sri Lanka, according to a report in The China Daily.

Hyleen Capital manages a total of $3.2 billion in assets and has been expanding its footprint in Southeast Asia for around two years, the report said.

"The Belt and Road Initiative has shed light on the Southeast Asian and South Asian countries, which used to be downplayed by private investors in China due to geographical and language barriers," Hyleen's chairman Wang Xiang told the news outlet.

"Now it’s the right time for private equity funds to go there as there are actual needs for foreign direct investment, while it’s getting increasingly hard to pick good projects for investment at home," he added.

One of Hyleen's subsidiaries, Yunnan Cross-border Equity Investment Fund Management Company, is looking at manufacturing, agriculture and education in Southeast Asia, according to a Hyleen Capital prospectus.

Yin Jiayin of Hyleen Capital said the company and its partners are waiting for government approval for a $30 million cattle quarantine project in Burma that would enable the animals to be legally exported to China.

Hyleen Capital is also investing in a sweet sorghum plantation project in Burma with a possible investment of $20 million, according to the report. Trial planting is being conducted with the help of Burma's agriculture ministry, Yin Jiavin said.

Wang and Yin also pointed to challenges and risks in doing business in Burma. "The market requires approval from multiple governmental entities if a foreigner wants to set up a company, and there are not established laws telling companies what can and cannot be done," said Yin Jiavin.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (June 3) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Govt Allegedly Reneges on Land Agreement

Posted: 03 Jun 2017 01:17 AM PDT

RANGOON – Local businessman Micheal Kyaw Myint accused Rangoon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein of violating a land agreement with farmers over nine acres in North Dagon Township.

Micheal Kyaw Myint, a former Karen National Liberation Army – Peace Council member, and high school teacher Daw Chaw Kay Khaing held a press conference in Tamwe Township on Friday over the regional government deciding to allow private construction company Myanmar V-Pile to develop high-rises on land that they claim is rightfully owned by farmer U Ohn Han.

The pair had planned to hold their conference at Rangoon's Royal Rose restaurant, which later declined after allegedly being pressured by authorities.

Micheal then proceeded to Tamwe where he answered reporter's questions on public grounds.

Farmer U Ohn Han's son Ko Thet Min Han also spoke on Friday, stating:
"My father and I are unfamiliar with the laws. So my teacher and employer are helping us recover our land."

Micheal Kyaw Myint and Daw Chaw Kay Khaing have been trying to help the farmer and his family reclaim their land since the previous administration.

Micheal Kyaw Myint owns small-scale construction company Shwe Lat Than. He intended to develop a housing project with U Ohn Han's family on the land if the government returned it. Ko Thet Min Han did not elaborate on their agreement.

U Ohn Han and six other farmers owned 33.4 acres of land in North Dagon that was seized in 1990 by the military dictatorship without compensation, according to the divisional Land Confiscation and Investigation Commission.

Many of the farmers fled but later returned to the land after former President U Thein Sein enacted the Farmland Law in 2012 and supported the recommendation to return seized lands on which there had been no development to the original owners.

Some of the 33.4 acres of land had been used to develop housing projects. As of June 2016, nine acres had not been built on but was in phase two of a Myanmar V-Pile construction project.

Daw Chaw Kay Khaing approached the Land Confiscation and Investigation Commission in June 2016 about the land.

The divisional Land Confiscation and Investigation Commission looked into the original owner, and found the nine acres to have been previously owned by U Ohn Han, said North Dagon lawmaker U Naing Zaw Lin.

The committee recommended the return of the land to the farmer.

On May 2, an agreement was reached to return two acres to Daw Tin Tin Myint, who the Yangon City Development Committee currently has listed as the landowner, for no charge, and to sell the other seven acres to U Ohn Han at a government asking price.

However, on May 3, on behalf of Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein, Rangoon divisional deputy director Daw Khin Hla Myint stated that the land was not appropriate for use as a paddy field, and as the government joint-venture project was already in progress, it would proceed with compensation provided to the farmers.

"Ko Phyo Min Thein slyly violated his agreement with us," said Micheal Kyaw Myint.

Micheal Kyaw Myint said he approached the chief minister's personal friend U Tin Tun to urge him to reconsider. He accused U Tin Tun of asking for 5 million kyats for his recommendation, and Micheal Kyaw Myint said he delivered 1.2 million kyats in early May.

"I will sue U Tin Tun for bribery", said Micheal Kyaw Myint, showing text messages with U Tin Tun allegedly confirming the transfer of money to a divisional government employee in the chief minister's office.

The Irrawaddy called U Tin Tun via the phone number shown in the text exchange. He denied Micheal's accusations, receipt of the money, and any communication between the two via text.

He said it was not unusual for businessmen to have his direct number given his close ties to the chief minister but that he did not accept a bribe.

The Irrawaddy reached out to other government officials regarding the land in question but received no reply at the time of publication.

On Friday evening, the Tamwe police station opened a case against Micheal Kyaw Myint under Article 19 of the Peaceful Assembly Act.

 

The post Rangoon Govt Allegedly Reneges on Land Agreement appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (May 29 – June 2)

Posted: 02 Jun 2017 08:28 PM PDT

Monday (May 29)

The Lower House approved a discussion of a proposal put forward by Minbu Township lawmaker U Win Win which urged the Union government to provide systematic packaging and efficient distribution of locally produced urea fertilizer at a reasonable price to farmers.

In Upper House, lawmaker U Htay Oo of Rangoon Constituency (2) asked if the government would be able to issue certificates of residence and household registration within six months to all "indigenous citizens" nationwide who still do not have ID cards or household certificates. Union minister for labor, immigration and population U Thein Swe said though his ministry had relaxed some procedures, it would be impossible to issue such documentation to all those concerned within six months.

Tuesday (May 30)

In the Lower House, six lawmakers debated a proposal put forward by Kale Township lawmaker Daw Aye Aye Mu, which urged the government to take action as necessary to make sure courts not defer trials arbitrarily, in order to fight corruption and bribery and improve public relations with government offices.

Chairperson of the Anti-Corruption Commission U Mya Win blamed trial delays on weaknesses in laws, regulations and procedures, as well as the lack of capacity of or corruption among concerned staff. He also suggested that concerned government agencies take necessary actions in collaboration. He asked the Parliament to put the proposal on record, which it did.

In the Upper House, U Maung Maung Latt of Sagaing Division (9) asked if the Union government had a plan to review Burma-India border trade and hold talks with Indian government for necessary policy changes. Deputy Minister for Commerce U Aung Htoo said his ministry had proposed the establishment of a new border trade post in Mizoram State to the Indian government.  He also promised to discuss possible policy changes at the sixth Burma-India border trade meeting to be held in New Delhi in June.

Wednesday (May 31)

In the Lower House, Mohnyin Township lawmaker Daw San San Ei asked about illegal gold mining around Kachin State's Indawgyi Lake. Union minister for natural resources and environmental conservation U Ohn Win replied that clashes between government forces and ethnic armed groups had hampered the ministry's efforts to tackle illegal mining there.

The Lower House approved the proposal of Dr U Aung Khin representing Pyin Oo Lwin Township urging the Union government to establish green land projects as soon as possible in Naypyidaw, Rangoon, Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin to help mitigate the impact of climate change caused by deforestation.

In the Upper House, in response to the question of U Khin Maung Latt of Arakan State (3), Union minister for construction U Win Khaing said that his ministry had no plan to obtain international loans to construct the Ponnagyun-Rathedaung-Buthidaung motor road, but would build the all-seasons highway by the end of the 2018-19 fiscal year.

Thursday (May 1)

In the Union Parliament, Union minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement Dr. Win Myat Aye submitted President U Htin Kyaw's proposal to sign the Agreement on Cooperation in Natural Disaster Early Warning and Mitigation between Asean and the Russian Federation.

Lawmakers also discussed amendments to a bill on Myanmar Territorial Seas and the Maritime Zone.

Friday (May 2)

The Lower House approved the proposal of Kyaiklat Township lawmaker U Yan Lin which urged the Union government to include consumer education in the curriculum for seventh, eighth and ninth grade students in order to increase the public awareness of unsafe foods and drugs in the market.

In the Upper House, lawmakers asked questions about regional development tasks in their respective constituencies.

The post This Week in Parliament (May 29 – June 2) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


AFTERMATH OF SECOND 21st CENTURY PANGLONG: Opinion on Union Accord and linking non-session clause to ethnic rights of self-determination

Posted: 03 Jun 2017 05:29 AM PDT

Hardly has the ink dried in signing the "Union Accord", better known as "Pyidaungsu Accord" in Burmese, optimistic and as well pessimistic views started to surface in the media. And closely related to it is the linking of "non-secession" clause demanded by the government-military-parliament from the ethnic nationalities – 8 signatory Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and ethnic political parties – and the "rights of self-determination" for the non-Bamar ethnic groups, in the form of self-drawn and adopted constitution for each individual ethnic states.

Let us first look at what the Union Accord has to offer and a bit closer.

 Pyidaungsu Accord

37 agreements approved by the Union Peace Conference—21st Century Panglong (UPC-21CP) 2nd session were signed by  group leaders and witnesses as a part of the Pyidaungsu Accord.
Part 1 of the Pyidaungsu Accord signed in this conference includes 12 agreements on political sector, 11 on economic sector, 4 on social sector and 10 on land and natural environment sector, altogether 37 agreements.

Going through the Pyidaungsu Accord and its four appendices, one would find almost not much to complain, as most are general terms that every stakeholders might have aimed for and could live with it. According to a keen observer: "To my understanding, the EAOs agreed to sign after the resolution that the khwe Ye twe Ye (secession and fusion) question would be reconsidered at the next UPC-21CP. All that left were almost universally accepted maxims, according to the observer, comparable to 'The sun rises in the east and sets in the west'".

Another urging came from the government's side, who is friendly to the EAOs' side,  also urged the EAOs to sign it saying: "Please try to do something for her. She hasn't made first sale of the day yet". 

She would have lost face, if she couldn't show anything for all her efforts. But the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) and Terms of Reference (TOR) also specifies that there would be a signing of the points agreed at each session.

Still there was a real angst that the signing of Pyidaungsu Accord would not materialized,  as Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) maintained that they would not sign the accord, as they were not allowed to conduct national discussion among their own people of Shan and Arakan respectively, as they were blocked by the government-military decision-makers. And thus the argument was: without inputs and consent from their own people they were not in a position to agree to anything.

The debacle was resolved by agreeing that only the group representative of EAOs, Kwe Htoo Win, would sign and not all 8 EAOs' representatives. Likewise, U Thu Wai, representative for political parties, inked the first part of the Union Accord. But still the produced document lacks a solid consensus in a legal sense, so to speak.

Different interpretation on authenticity of Union Accord and secession issue

Apart from the authentic, or rather the full acceptance of the representative groups involving in the first Union Accord signing is now a controversial issue, as Shan Nationalities League for Democracy's (SNLD) spokesperson Sai Leik  came up recently, in VOA report of June 1, with a doubtful remark saying: "Within political parties cluster no agreement was reached. The time was spent quarreling with each other. It is questionable whether just one or two were asked to sign without common agreement among the political parties. If we are going to continue in this pattern, the future Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) path would become less valuable, less trustworthy and see that the peace process could be jeopardized."

State Counselor Office's spokesperson Zaw Htay doesn't seem to have the same opinion, as he wrote in his article titled, "Right of self-determination, commitment and bravery", in DVB of May 31 that during the UPC-21CP, Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) members debated over federalism on non-secession and rights of self-determination issues, the cluster of government (government, parliament and Tatmadaw) and political parties cluster were all in ageement except only a few backing the 8 EAOs' position.

According to him the EAOs only wanted to accept the non-secession clause with a conditional clause, which says "so long as equality, rights of self-determination are practiced there will be no secession".

While there could be disagreement on what Zaw Htay said, particularly where the political parties cluster within the UPDJC, on the full acceptance of the first Union Accord, the non-secession demand of the government is loud and clear.

Zaw Htay closed and summed up his opinion piece stating three points. Firstly, for another convention there is still time of six months left and lots of discussions, negotiations need to be done. Secondly, (EAOs) guarantee non-secession and take (enjoy) rights of self-determination, the commitment (by the government) that would be still there. Thirdly, no need to be downhearted for the first political convention. The following convention would be able to achieve more solid basic principles.

Earlier in an interview with the news media he also said that in order to give the military a sort of guarantee the EAOs and the ethnic political parties should promised that they will not secede.

He pointed out that the military coup in 1962 is due to the belief of the military that federalism could bring dismemberment of the country. But failed to admit that this military undertaking in the form of military coup has been a failure that paved the way for a full blown ethnic rebellion, followed by more human rights violations and accompanying hatred that are still present and become the order of the day in many ethnic states.

On the government non-secession demand the SNLD made a press conference on June 1, at its headquarter, where Party spokesman Sai Nyunt Lwin said: "We never demand secession from the union. We are already there to cooperate," adding, "this is to clearly dispel accusation and rumors that we are not demanding secession."

All this come about as SNLD rejected the non-secession clause demanded by the government to be included in the Union Accord.

Sai Nyunt Lwin made his point by arguing that no such words that could hold back participation of the EAOs that are still negotiating and about to negotiate be used during this period, as this would discourage them from joining the peace conference.

"If we want to secede from the union, we only need to do one thing. We would disregard the treaty signed in 1947. Until we haven't done that, it is normal as it used to be," he stressed as a matter of fact.

Another SNLD party elder, Sai Leik filled in by saying, "To simplify more than this, if we don't want peace and like to secede from the union, we won't form political party and no reason to attend the convention."

But the most hard-hitting response came from Sai Kyaw Nyunt, SNLD's UPDJC representative. He said: "We didn't even make use of our right (to establish our own independent state) and get into this (Union of Burma). Given such condition, do you people still want to prohibit us with non-secession clause?"

He stressed: "This is concerned with the dignity of establishment of the union. This has to do with our Shan dignity. By saying this, it is not meant to secede but the need to respect each others."

What now?

The rejection of the EAOs conditional clause by the government could be countered by asking: "If the non-secession promise is not given by the ethnic nationalities, would there be no more federal union?"

Isn't the government demand also a conditional clause?

It would be far more better to accept the fact that the 1948 Union of Burma is formed through voluntary participation of ethnic nationalities' states, together with Burma Proper or Ministerial Burma. In other words, the components that formed the union in 1948 joined to establish a new country as independent, self-administered, separate political entities and no one has the right to dictate or take away their rights of self-determination, including the rights of secession.


After all, it is far more important and wiser move to build trust and mold better understanding, in the ongoing process of peace negotiation, rather than comes up with the blunt demand of eternal fusion and unity first, that has irked and bred more distrust of the government, which the ethnic people considered to be just a Bamar-dominated regime.