Thursday, July 20, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy

The Irrawaddy Magazine


India Courts Myanmar  

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 08:14 AM PDT

New Delhi is seriously considering courting Myanmar, so as to counter China's influence as well as to urge its leaders to look into the insurgency along the India-Myanmar border.

A substantive package, indicating a deepening relationship, was put forward during Myanmar Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's eight-day visit to India.

India provided red carpet treatment for the army chief's entourage. Prime Minister Narendra Modi received the senior general and the two countries agreed to strengthen defense cooperation. The outcomes of the trip appeared to be extensive.

PM Modi told Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing that his country was "a key pillar" of India's "Act East" policy, the Times of India reported. The Indian PM expressed his "firm commitment" to strengthening bilateral ties with Myanmar, and Min Aung Hlaing received briefings on India's security perspectives and on Indo-Myanmar defense cooperation, the report said.

India agreed to sell weapons and ammunition to Myanmar. In the past, India also provided artillery guns, rocket launchers, rifles, radars, mortars, bailey bridges, communication gear, night-vision devices, war-gaming software and road construction equipment as well as naval gun-boats, sonars, acoustic domes and directing gear, The Times of India reported on July 8.

During the recent trip, the two sides reportedly agreed that New Delhi would train Myanmar Army officers and allow them to study in military academies in India. Similar trainings and studies have been provided for Myanmar military officials in Russia.

India also agreed to dispatch warships that would make regular calls at ports in Myanmar, in addition engaging in joint military exercises.

Sources close to the military told The Irrawaddy that during the visit, Myanmar expressed a desire to buy helicopter gunships from India, but it is not confirmed whether New Delhi agreed to provide them to its eastern neighbor.

According to an article published in the Asia Times in April, Myanmar's air force has at least nine Russian-made Mi-35 Hind helicopter gunships, and one dozen Mi-17 transport helicopters.

The report, by longtime journalist Bertil Lintner, stated that in July 2016, an air force delegation led by Gen Khin Aung Myint had traveled to a Russian helicopter plant with the hope of buying upgraded Mi-17V5 helicopters "that would likely be used to attack ethnic armed groups in the north and northeast."

If India decided to sell such helicopter gunships to Myanmar, they would likely be seen hovering over non-state armed groups along the northern border with China, where daily clashes continue to occur.

In any case, any amount of increased defense cooperation between India and Myanmar will upset China, as military assistance to Myanmar will be seen as New Delhi's counter to Chinese influence. It could also decrease Myanmar's reliance on its northern neighbor.

Interestingly, the eight-day trip took place while India and China were caught in a dispute along the border shared by the northeastern Indian state of Sikkim, the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan, and Tibet. India, a close ally of Bhutan, backed its claim over a plateau, which China says falls within its own territory. Both India and China have reinforced troops in what has turned into a weeks-long standoff.

India and Myanmar also agreed to engage in intelligence cooperation as New Delhi is likely to be closely watching the reported movement of Muslim militants along the border between Bangladesh and northern Rakhine State. There is great concern among top Myanmar leaders, including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that the situation in the region poses a serious security threat.

New Delhi also requested that Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing look into the insurgency taking place along the India-Myanmar border, and New Delhi is reportedly concerned that several non-state armed groups could be seeking refuge in Myanmar.

Rebel groups seeking to establish a sovereign territory in the area are active along parts of the 1,640-kilometer border between India and Myanmar.

Observers speculate that in the coming months, India and Myanmar may conduct a joint military operation in the area as the countries did in 2015.

Ethnic Naga and Manipuri rebels are based along the Chindwin River, north of Hkamti Township in Sagaing Region. One of the most well known organizations is the United Liberation Front of Asom [Assam] (ULFA), led by Paresh Barua, who, it has been alleged, has received Chinese backing.

Bertil Lintner wrote in The Irrawaddy in November 2014, "Obtaining weapons there does not seem to be a problem. Beijing appears to reason that if India can shelter one of its main enemies, the Dalai Lama, then Barua is welcome to stay in China."

Myanmar generals have long fought the rebels backed by China along the border and they have often displayed their distrust toward China.

Flanked between China and India, strategically Myanmar could benefit from two giant neighbors and maintain a stable border. But the two players are not at peace—they are, in fact, geopolitical and economic rivals.

As Myanmar's armed forces under Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing step up to deepen defense cooperation with New Delhi, China will no doubt take notice.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

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Hundreds of Locals Flee Amid TNLA Extortion Claims

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 07:21 AM PDT

YANGON — More than 700 locals from the village tract of Kham Teng in Hsenwi Township, Lashio District in northern Shan State have fled to Hsenwi following alleged extortion of more than 70 million kyats from villagers by Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

About 730 locals from seven villages fled to Hsenwi on Wednesday afternoon, Daw Nan Khin Htar Yi, Hsenwi lawmaker in Shan State's parliament, told The Irrawaddy.

TNLA troops demanded 10 million kyats from each village in the tract when they entered the area at around 2:30 p.m. on Wednesday, she said.

"When villagers said they were not able to pay, they abducted three villagers, threatening to kill them," she said, adding that locals gathered 2.5 million kyats and the three hostages were returned at around 7:30 p.m.

Locals then fled to seek shelter at Buddhist monasteries in Hsenwi, she said, expressing concerns that similar extortions would occur until peace is achieved.

"In fact, the TNLA does not need to come into villages and extort money," she told The Irrawaddy. "To abduct people and ask for ransom is not what an [ethnic] armed group should do. It is kidnapping."

Layperson U Sai Kun of Myo Lel Monastery in Hsenwi Township said that more than 40 villagers arrived at the monastery at around 3 p.m. on Wednesday. They were provided with shelter and food before being moved to Kyaung Hsai Monastery on Thursday morning, she said.

"They have fled out of fear. As they left their homes in a hurry, they have left all the basic necessities behind," U Sai Kun added.

TNLA information officer Col Mai Ai Kyaw, however, denied the extortion at Kham Teng village. He had asked the TNLA troops in Hsenwi Township about the claims, he said, but they denied extorting money.

He explained that TNLA troops are not stationed in the village-tract.

"I think a certain group impersonated us to frighten the public. Maybe this is what happened," he said.

TNLA secretary Brig-Gen Tar Bone Kyaw admitted to The Irrawaddy on July 11 the group levied taxes in the areas under its control to raise "revolutionary" funds, but that it did not impose taxes on those who could not afford to pay.

There are 731 villagers taking shelter at Kyaung Hsai Monastery—among them are 126 children, and the oldest to flee is a 97-year-old woman.

Some locals have remained in their homes in the seven villages of the tract to protect their houses. Those who are taking shelter in Hsenwi said they want to return as it is farming season.

"It is unlikely they can go back," said the lawmaker Daw Nan Khin Htar Yi. "I heard that the military have entered those villages and asked the men who are guarding their houses and villages to leave, saying that they would be hurt in the case of clashes. I also heard the sound of shelling there."

Locals in Hsenwi also reported hearing heavy shelling outside the township, from which the villages are three to six miles away.

Meanwhile, Hsenwi authorities are providing food for the villagers. Donors have also given food and more than 3 million kyats.

Col Mai Ai Kyaw denied ongoing clashes between the Myanmar Army and TNLA troops in Hsenwi Township, but said the two sides clashed in Man Tung Township on Wednesday.

On July 8, police issued a bomb alert to locals in Lashio alleging the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and TNLA were plotting to target public buildings with explosives in the town.

The pamphlets also claimed the two armed groups were targeting Namtu Bridge, Yay Pu inspection gate, government offices, and toll gates in Hsenwi Township. Both KIA and TNLA have denied the allegations.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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USDP and Allies Take Concerns to Military Chief

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 05:02 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar's largest opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and its allies submitted an undisclosed letter to Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, after holding two days of meetings regarding the country's current affairs.

The former ruling, military-backed USDP held meetings with 13 other opposition parties on July 15 and July 18 at the party headquarters in Yangon. The groups discussed politics, the economy, security, rule of law and other social affairs of the country.

National Development Party general secretary U Aung Phyo Kyaw told The Irrawaddy that after the second meeting on July 18, the 14 parties in attendance sent a letter to the Myanmar Army chief to present their views on issues that the country faces.

Recommendations on Rakhine State and security issues were included in the letter, according to U Aung Phyo Kyaw, but specific details remain undisclosed.

"It is not secretive. We have reported out suggestions to the military chief and will most likely release them publicly after receiving comments from him," he said.

"Based on what we see as the needs of the country, we addressed the army chief. If we need to present this to the president, we will do so."

The 14 parties urged the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), of which the military commands a 6-5 majority, to intervene in security and rule of law issues facing the country in January.

The 11-member NDSC was formed under former President U Thein Sein's administration and is empowered by the Constitution to formulate policy regarding certain military and security issues, including the right to petition the president to declare a nationwide state of emergency. Since the National League for Democracy government came to power in April, council members have not been called to meet.

Earlier this month, the USDP and its allies called for martial law in troubled areas in Rakhine State, citing security concerns after recent civilian attacks, violent threats against both the Muslim and Rakhine communities and tunnels and arms found by the military belonging to alleged "terrorist" groups.

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Myanmar Sees Insurgents Behind Rohingya Killings in Northwest

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 04:56 AM PDT

MAUNG HNA MA, Rakhine State — In the middle of the night on July 4, more than a dozen masked men, dressed head-to-toe in black, surrounded Abdu Sulwon's home in northwestern Myanmar. His widow says that was the last time she saw him alive.

"I saw a trail of blood where they dragged him away," said Haleda, 40, showing bruises on her body where she says the men beat her with sticks. Her husband's body was found in a ravine near their village, Maung Hna Ma, on Saturday.

She gave her account to reporters during a government-organized trip to the troubled north of Rakhine State, where most people belong to the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority.

Officials say Rohingya insurgents are behind this and a slew of killings in the area that has been racked by violence in recent months, with security forces accused of committing atrocities against civilians.

"It is clear that Muslim militants are taking out Muslim villagers who are perceived to be collaborating with the government," Thaung Tun, national security adviser to Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, told diplomats in Yangon.

At least 44 civilians have been killed and 27 have been kidnapped or gone missing in northern Rakhine in the past nine months, Thaung Tun said.

It was not possible to independently verify those figures or establish who was behind any of the killings described to journalists. Insurgents have denied targeting civilians.

But in two cases, including that of Abdu Sulwon, relatives of the victims broadly supported the official version events.

If militants were to blame for at least some of the killings, it would add to evidence the insurgency that flared in October has not been fully rooted out, despite the government announcing the end of its security operation in February.

'Back to Grassroots'

A group known as Harakah al-Yaqin attacked Myanmar border guard posts on Oct. 9, killing nine policemen and igniting the biggest crisis yet to face Nobel laureate Suu Kyi's fledgling administration.

About 75,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh during the ensuing military crackdown, which was beset by allegations of rape, torture and extrajudicial killings by security forces.

Suu Kyi's government has denied most of the allegations and is refusing access to a United Nations panel of experts, saying its mission will aggravate the situation on the ground in Rakhine.

Rohingya villagers and Myanmar security sources described to Reuters earlier this year how Harakah al-Yaqin (HaY), or Faith Movement, began as a small group of leaders who recruited hundreds of young men in the run-up to the October attacks.

HaY says it is fighting for the rights of 1.1 million Rohingya who are denied citizenship and face restrictions on their movement in Buddhist-majority Myanmar.

Militants have rarely confronted security forces in recent months, but troops checking a report of a militant hideout in Tin May village on July 9 clashed with armed men, killing two and arresting two.

Anthony Davis, a security analyst with Jane's at IHS-Markit, said the militants appeared to be regrouping.

"The pattern of events we've seen this year appears to reflect a strategy of going back to grassroots and working politically in villages," said Davis.

"It appears they are attempting to eliminate potential intelligence liabilities and to a degree intimidate waverers among the population."

A social media account that claims to speak for HaY, also known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, said in May the group had "never attacked or killed ‘any civilian’ as it is claimed in numerous false, fabricated and fake news."

Fear and Reprisals

Brigadier General Thura San Lwin, Border Guard Police commander, said information garnered from interrogations and the discovery of militant training camps indicated that at least some of the recent killings were committed by insurgents.

Other killings could be down to local disputes, he said.

Mohammad Tason, 28, was found dead with knife wounds across his neck and torso in Yinma Kyaung Taung village.

"My husband was on friendly terms with the military; I think that's why they killed him," said his wife Hawdiza, 23.

Like Haleda, Hawdiza was brought to meet reporters by administrators in Buthidaung Township during a media visit conducted under the close watch of Border Guard Police.

Following Abdu Sulwon's killing, security forces raided Maung Hna Ma village, torching at least one home, arresting several men and sending others into hiding, according to accounts given by women there who beckoned reporters from a river bank to tell of their missing husbands and sons.

"My son has nothing to do with terrorism," said Marmuda Hatu, 48, whose son Saad Ullah, 24, was arrested. "They don't have any evidence."

Chris Lewa from monitoring group Arakan Project said the region was seeing "vicious cycles of violence" with security forces launching night-time raids in response to killings.

Police Major Tun Hlaing said around 20 people had been arrested in Maung Hna Ma this week in the investigation into Abdu Sulwon's killing. Most had been released, he said, but four suspected of working with the insurgents were being questioned.

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Myanmar Military Calls Off Shan Coalition Meeting in Thailand

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 04:30 AM PDT

YANGON — A planned meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand for the Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU) had to be canceled on Thursday due to objections from the military attaché in the Myanmar embassy.

The CSSU is a coalition of the Shan political parties, civil society organizations and two armed groups—the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N). They were scheduled to hold a three-day talk in northern Thailand from July 20-22.

Khuensai, the director of Chiang Mai-based Pyidaungsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue, said they had received a notice from the Thai government indicating that the Myanmar military attaché objected to the meeting, leading to its cancelation.

CSSU released a statement on Thursday afternoon explaining that through the Thai Army Division No. 3, the Myanmar military attaché had tried to bar them from meeting, alleging that the CSSU discussions were not in line with the official peace process. Concerns were reportedly raised that the CSSU included a non-signatory to the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), a reference to the SSPP/SSA-N.

The purpose of the meeting, CSSU said in its statement, was "to gather common perspectives" on five key themes discussed at the Union Peace Conference: politics, economic, social issues, security, and land and the environment. It is not uncommon for CSSU to hold its meetings in Chiang Mai; the last gathering took place there in early May.

"We decided not to hold the meeting in consideration of the sake of the relationship with the government of the Kingdom of Thailand and the development of the peace process," CSSU's statement read.

Sai Nyunt Lwin, secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, told The Irrawaddy that the military attaché was overstepping what should be the role of the government's peace commission, affiliated with the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC).

"The meetings of the United Nationalities Federal Council [a coalition of non-signatories to the NCA] are held in Thailand, and the objection should have never come to the CSSU, which has been led by the RCSS," he said. The RCSS/SSA-S is one of eight signatories to the ceasefire accord.

"The question is how they view the NRPC," he added, saying that the objection "really disturbs the peace building process."

The CSSU was instructed to inform the government's NRPC of any future coalition meetings as well as request permission from the Thai government.

Kyaw Kha contributed to this report from Chiang Mai, Thailand.

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Police Seize More Than 20 Guns in Car Search

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 03:24 AM PDT

YANGON — Police seized 22 guns from a car near Kywe Tet Sone toll gate in Thazi District, Mandalay Region, at around 10:30 p.m. on Wednesday night.

The Toyota Crown car was heading to Mandalay from the Karenni State capital Loikaw when Nay Soe Htwe Min, also known as Ko Sai, 44, who was at the wheel, and his wife Mya Hsu Hnin, 46, were stopped.

Police seized 20 Thai-made automatic firearms, 20 magazines, and two German-made AK-47 assault rifles without magazines, as well as more than 800,000 kyats, and three mobile phones from the car.

The pair have been arrested and charged under the Arms Act of Myanmar, said a Thazi police officer. Violators of the law found illegally carrying and holding arms can face up to three years in jail and a fine.

The bust was unexpected, according to the officer, as police were searching vehicles for signs of drug trafficking.

"We learned that the couple were the middlemen who were going to sell the firearms to someone else. We are investigating to find the accomplices. So far we still don't know how many accomplices there will be," said the officer.

Maw Ra, 45, also known as Zhong Yangsan, from Kale Township, Sagaing Region, was arrested at a hotel in Mandalay on Thursday in connection with the crime and is being questioned at the No. 5 police station in Mandalay's Aungmyaythazan Township, according to local media.

In June 2015, police seized more than 40 unlicensed firearms including rifles, pistols and revolvers, as well as mobile phones and drugs, from two brothers in Chanayethazan Township in Mandalay.

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Asean Politicians Demand Release of Myanmar Journalists

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 02:22 AM PDT

YANGON — Southeast Asian politicians called for the immediate release on Wednesday of three journalists arrested last month in Shan State and the cessation of laws in Myanmar used to curb media freedom.

Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) released a statement rebuking the detention of The Irrawaddy's senior reporter Lawi Weng (U Thein Zaw), and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters U Aye Naing and Ko Pyae Phyo Naing after the reporters' hearing date was unexpectedly moved forward a second time.

"Myanmar authorities must immediately release and drop all charges against these dedicated journalists, who have been targeted on flimsy pretexts for simply doing their jobs," said APHR Chairperson Charles Santiago, a member of the Malaysian Parliament.

"The clear abuse of existing statutes in this case demonstrates the need for quick action to repeal or amend all laws that have been used to arrest journalists and others for exercising their right to free expression. If the NLD [National League for Democracy] government is serious about promoting the rule of law, it must ensure that laws on the books uphold justice and cannot be used to arbitrarily go after critics of the government or military."

The journalists were arrested on June 26 by the Myanmar Army in northern Shan State's Namhsan while on their way back from covering a Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) drug-burning ceremony.

The three reporters—and three men who drove them through the area—were charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for contacting the TNLA and were placed in detention in Hsipaw prison. They could face up to three years in prison if convicted.

"It's the job of a journalist to speak to all sources. Covering developments in conflict areas is already dangerous work, and journalists shouldn't have to add to their list of worries the possibility that the military might imprison them based on a century-old law that clearly wasn't intended to apply to them and should have been repealed altogether long ago," Santiago said.

The collective of regional lawmakers said the continued use of the Unlawful Associations Act, as well as other statutes such as Section 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law, to imprison media workers and others has raised concerns about the state of press freedom in the country and highlighted the "urgent need" for legislative reform.

At least 71 people have been charged for online defamation under Article 66(d) since its passage, read the statement, including over a dozen journalists, as well as many others for posts made on Facebook.

Myanmar officials have indicated amendments will be made to the Telecommunications Law. These include allowing defendants bail and banning third parties from opening cases unless they are affected directly by the action or are acting on such an affected individual's behalf.

"This law is overly broad and wide open to abuse. We are glad to hear that the NLD government is considering amending it, and we urge them to pursue a full repeal of Section 66(d). Its continued use represents a clear attempt to stifle criticism of the government," said APHR Vice Chair Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the House of Representatives of Indonesia.

"We hope that Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD will live up to the promises that got them elected: building an open, tolerant Myanmar that respects fundamental democratic freedoms. Freedom of the press is a core component of sustainable democracy, supporting the promotion of transparency, accountability, and the welfare of the people," Sundari said.

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Religion Ministry Investigates Complaints Against Pagoda Boards of Trustees

Posted: 20 Jul 2017 01:33 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture has received complaints against the boards of trustees of about 10 famous pagodas, according to U Zarni Win, deputy permanent secretary of the ministry.

"We are investigating the complaints. We have officers in respective divisions and states and have asked them to look into whether trustees have breached concerned rules and regulations, or if their terms have expired," U Zarni Win told The Irrawaddy.

He declined to specify which pagodas were named in the complaints.

While the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture directly manages Yangon's Shwedagon Pagoda, Mon State's Kyaiktiyo and Mandalay's Maha Myat Muni Pagoda, other well-known pagodas are under the management of concerned divisional and state governments, said U Zarni Win.

The new National League for Democracy (NLD) government reformed the boards of trustees at these three pagodas, as well as at Botahtaung Pagoda in Yangon. It also manages the contracts for services provided at these pagodas, such as parking and facilities.

Cash donations from pilgrims and visitors to those pagodas have risen over the past year, following the reforms, according to a statement released by the ministry in late June.

The previous government handed more than 58 billion kyats and US$14.8 million over to the NLD administration, it said, as funds for Shwedagon Pagoda. In the previous financial year, which started on April 1, 2016, and ended on May 31, the pagoda received more than 2 billion kyats and $100,000 in donations.

The ministry also saw an increase of more than 3 billion kyats each in donations to Mon State's Kyaiktiyo and Mandalay's Maha Myat Muni pagodas after forming new boards of trustees at the two sites, according to the statement.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Myanmar, Thai Nationals Convicted for Rohingya Trafficking Deaths

Posted: 19 Jul 2017 10:56 PM PDT

BANGKOK, Thailand — An army general, two provincial politicians and police officers were among 62 people out of a total of 103 defendants found guilty on Wednesday by a judge in Thailand's biggest human trafficking trial.

The trial, which began in 2015, had been marred by allegations of intimidation of witnesses, interpreters and police investigators.

Some of those guilty of trafficking were also convicted of taking part in organized transnational crime, forcible detention leading to death, and rape.

A Bangkok court took more than 12 hours to deliver its ruling which rights groups said showed the government was serious about convicting perpetrators.

"The court has sentenced 62 defendants on 13 different charges," the criminal court said in a statement on Wednesday.

In the harshest sentence given by the court, Soe Naing, widely known as Anwar, a Rohingya man who police said was a key figure behind a brutal trafficking network that ran a jungle camp where dozens died, was sentenced to 94 years in prison.

The defendants, among them Myanmar nationals, were accused of smuggling and trafficking migrants on the Thailand-Malaysia border.

Thailand has historically been a source, destination and transit country for men, women and children who are often smuggled and trafficked from poorer, neighboring countries, including Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, to work in Thailand or further afield in Malaysia, often as laborers and sex workers.

Last month the US State Department left Thailand on a Tier 2 Watchlist, just above the lowest ranking of Tier 3, in its annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, because the country did not do enough to tackle human smuggling and trafficking.

The convictions could help lift Thailand out of Tier 2 next year, said rights groups.

"This should potentially show that the Thai government will continue to pursue measures that will lift Thailand out of Tier 2 of the US Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report," Amy Smith, an executive director of rights group Fortify Rights, told Reuters.

Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, head of the ruling junta, asked Thais not to blame the trafficking on military figures, a reference to the army general on trial, Manas Kongpan, the most senior of the officials arrested in 2015.

"There are many people in this human trafficking network," Prayuth told reporters. "Don’t group all soldiers in the country as one." Manas was sentenced to 27 years in prison.

The two convicted politicians, from provinces in the south, Patchuban Angchotipan—a former official in the Satun provincial government better known as "Big Brother Tong"—and Bannakong Pongphol—ex-mayor of Padang Besar in Songkhla—were sentenced to 75 years and 78 years in jail respectively.

Shallow Graves

The trial began in 2015 after a Thai crackdown on trafficking gangs following the gruesome discovery of dozens of shallow graves near the Thai-Malaysia border that authorities said was part of a jungle camp where traffickers held migrants as hostages until relatives were able to pay for their release.

Many never made it out. Some of the dead are thought to have been Rohingya—a persecuted Muslim minority from Myanmar's troubled Rakhine State—although Thailand has yet to release a full report on the graves and the results of post-mortem forensic testing.

Rights groups say trafficking networks were largely left intact by the 2015 crackdown and trial.

"We believe the crackdown is only a disruption of a trafficking network but that network is still very much well in place," said Smith.

Sunai Phasuk, senior Thai researcher for Human Rights Watch, said the death penalty could be the heaviest sentence for those convicted of trafficking.

"The fact that there are very senior officials charged with this crime will help deter criminals in trafficking networks in the future," Sunai, who observed the court proceedings, told Reuters.

Thailand denies that trafficking syndicates still flourish, saying it has largely stamped out human trafficking.

In its TIP report last month, the State Department said Thailand did not "convict officials complicit in trafficking crimes" and official complicity continued to impede anti-trafficking efforts.

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Bad Weather Brought Down Myanmar Army Plane, say Investigators

Posted: 19 Jul 2017 10:05 PM PDT

YANGON — Investigators have concluded that a Myanmar military plane that crashed last month with 122 soldiers, family members and crew on board stalled and nosedived into the Andaman Sea due to bad weather, state media said on Wednesday.

The Chinese-made Y-8-200F transport plane disappeared on June 7 during a weekly flight from several southern coastal towns to Myanmar's largest city Yangon.

A large-scale search and rescue operation found no survivors and at least 83 bodies were pulled from the sea. The military had previously said a large cloud was the likely cause of the disaster and a team including Myanmar military and civilian officials and Australian air force experts was set up to investigate.

The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar said experts had analyzed weather reports and data from the "black box" flight data recorder and cockpit voice recorder that were recovered in a section of the plane's tail.

Investigators concluded that the plane lost control after entering thick cloud just over one and a half hours into the flight, at which point icing was detected in the engine's air intake, it said.

At this point the aircraft was hit by sudden crosswinds, the newspaper said.
The adverse weather "caused the plane to stall, or lose the ability to attain lift, resulting in a spin, also known as a nose dive.

The pilot was unable to recover control, according to investigators," it said.

Investigators met with officials from state-owned China National Aero-Technology Import & Export Corporation, the maker of the plane, and travelled to Xian, China, to access data from the recovered flight recorders, the report said.
They ruled out sabotage, explosion and engine failure as possible causes of the crash, it added.

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Translated Textbooks Hinder Ethnic Language Education

Posted: 19 Jul 2017 07:37 PM PDT

LOIKAW, KAYAH STATE – Ethnic language teachers prefer curriculums based on their own languages to textbooks translated from Burmese, educators in Loikaw, Kayah State told The Irrawaddy.

The former quasi-civilian government allowed in 2012 for ethnic languages to be taught as extracurricular subjects in locations with a majority of non-Burman students. Yet the curriculums utilized were and continue to be versions of the original Burmese primary textbooks into those ethnic languages.

In Kayah State, around 120 out of 150 schools teach their own ethnic languages from grades one to three, while Burmese remains the language of the curriculum thereafter.

Four ethnic languages—Kayah, Kayan, Kayaw and Gaybar—are being taught at the moment to some 10,000 students with over 330 teachers across the state, according to Kayah State's education department. Gaybar language instruction was only added this year, at the first grade level. Other Karenni ethnicities—including Yin Baw, Yintalay, Gaykho and Manu Manaw—have no classes yet.

"Translating Bamar textbooks into the ethnic languages only allows for about 30 percent understanding by the students, as they can make guesses from the pictures. But the text is hard," said Maw Hsu Myar, deputy director at the Kayah State education department, who is responsible for ethnic language development.

A translated textbook used to teach ethnic Kayah language is pictured in Loikaw, Karenni State in the last week of June 2017. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

She said every ethnicity is trying to develop their own curriculums, as translated textbooks "are not effective." Thus far, the Kayah language curriculum has been developed and a textbook and teachers' guide is expected to be available in September. But curriculums for other ethnic languages like Kayan, Kayaw and Gaybar still exist only in translated versions.

Teaching Time

Under the current regulations, ethnic nationality languages are taught for one hour per day; in Loikaw, like in many other places in Myanmar, the classes are taught outside of normal school hours.

The No. 3 Basic Education High School in Loikaw teaches the Kayah language classes for about 30 to 45 minutes at lunchtime, after both the students and teachers quickly eat their food.

"As there is not enough time on weekdays—we have to teach them every Saturday for about half a day, from 8 a.m. to noon, for them to be able to catch up with the curriculum," said Byu Myar Cho, a teacher who is also the Kayah language instructor at the school. She has been teaching Kayah since 2013.

The high school has two classrooms that teach Kayah and Kayaw languages, with 35 students per class.

If it were possible to designate session to teach Kayah language within the class timetable, it "would reduce a lot of the burden" on the students as well as the teachers, Byu Myar Cho explained.

Byu Myar Cho teaches ethnic Kayah language at No. 3 High School in Loikaw, Karenni State in the last week of June 2017. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

"The ethnic students have neither time to play at the lunch break nor to rest on Saturday, while other students can. It is a burden for us now. We want to teach the Kayah language like other subjects, in the class time," she said.

The teachers have to use both languages—Kayah or Kayaw and Burmese—to teach the students, because the textbooks are translations.

"The new Kayah curriculum is easier to teach because in Kayah, we also have our own alphabet, consonants and vowels. The students should be taught from an easy level, starting with the basic Kayah alphabet," Byu Myar Cho said.

It is a "weakness of the policy" that the ethnic languages have to be translated from the Burmese language curriculum, said U Thein Naing, an ethnic language curriculum consultant and curriculum expert. He has been working with the education department for the development of a Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MTE) approach. He is also a curriculum consultant for Mon and Kachin states.

U Thein Naing said the ethnic language policy should be based on MTB-MTE and that the curriculum has to be based on the ethnicity, as well as the locality. The approach recommends that students' native languages not only be taught as separate subjects, he said, but embraced to teach core curriculum content, like mathematics, social studies, and art.

Ethnic Kayah language is taught at No. 3 High School in Loikaw, Karenni State in the last week of June 2017. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing / The Irrawaddy)

He urged ethnic nationality educators to participate in drafting new curriculum content and outlined the importance of states carrying out their own research and having the freedom to make decisions to meet their regional needs. "The government needs to acknowledge those efforts to enhance capacity and should support the ethnic education departments," he said.

Khu Phe Nyoe Reh, chairman of the Kayah National Literature and Culture Committee (KNLCC) said that teaching ethnic languages outside of class time hinders students' advancement to the next level in that language, despite the fact that they move up to different grades in other subjects.

Even though there have been delays thus far, Khu Phe Nyoe Reh said that he sees the government's initiatives as a step toward supporting their needs. He hopes that further efforts will be made to teach ethnic nationality languages during regular class hours, to hire more educators, and to provide greater support for appropriate teaching materials.

The post Translated Textbooks Hinder Ethnic Language Education appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

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Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


OBITUARY: An evolving political legacy of Olive Yang

Posted: 19 Jul 2017 08:03 PM PDT

As Olive Yang's departure from the worldly existence, at the age of 90, news makes the round, my thoughts and memories, in somewhat similar to a sort of nostalgia swept over, for there were past I share in common, like my alma mater Guardian Angle's Convent, in northern Shan State Lashio, where she also went to school.  And together with it, a flashback of many family members of "Yang" and also "Lo or Law" from Kokang that were my schoolmates and classmates, including the sons of Hsenwi and Tawngpeng Saohpas (hereditary rulers), who were my contemporaries.

Besides, I could still recall several encounters and conversations with Olive Yang's elder brother Jimmy Yang, known as Sao Ladd in Shan and in Chinese Yang Kyein Sein, in Chiang Mai Thailand, in the early 1970s, when he was the general manager in Rincome Hotel, one of the two first class hotel in town during that time. The other one was Suriwongse Hotel, apart from the existence of a bit lower grade Prince Hotel, an American GI's frequented one watering hole, especially for those on leaves from the then ongoing war in Vietnam.

As my intention is to weave a convincing portrait of the deceased in an objective manner with what I could find from the secondary sources, I tried to recall my childhood memories, pouring through the books and documents that I have in my collection and, of course, by surfing the internet,  in an attempt to do justice to the legendary woman from Kokang that has been the talk of the town for decades.

In many of the short description on her character traits, two categorization of behavior came up as the main characteristic of Olive Yang. One is opium trafficking laced with warlordism and the other, lesbianism.

While no one would think of arguing against the said well-documented character traits, another facet that her involvement in the building of Kokang fighting force to a new capable height and its follow up events also need to be emphasized.

In addition, as she is still being seen as a good-doer, at least in the eyes of the many Kokangnese that are loyal to her and the Yang clan former rulers, this facet should be also explored. But first let us look at the well known part of her life that had been narrated, if not shedding new findings, just to keep the record of history straight.

Olive Yang, also known as Yang Lyin Hsui, was born in June 24, 1927 and went to Guardian Angel's Convent in Lashio for her education. By the time she was 19 she was already commanding an army of Kokang forces numbering some 1000, nicknamed the Olive's Boys, when she teamed up with the Kuomintang that was expulsed from mainland China in the 1950s, following the defeat of the Nationalist. Together they established opium trade routes along the golden triangle that meets Thailand, Laos and Burma to become the world's most productive opium growing region,   according to Alfred McCoy's 1972 book, "The Politics of Heroin".

Other important milestones in her lifetime were:
·From 1948 to 1950, she was married to Twan Sao Wen, the son of Tamaing's chieftain, and had a son, Duan Jipu.
·From early 1950s to the mid-1960s she ran the Kokang Ka Kwe Yay (home guard outfit approved by the government) and was said to be a dynamic and forceful character, according to the late Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, a  noted Shan resistance leader and scholar in his "The Shan of Burma – Memoirs of a Shan Exile".
·She was arrested by the Burmese authorities, along with her brother Edward Yang (Saohpa of Kokang) in mid-1960s according to  Chao Tzang Yawnghwe and was released in 1968.
·In 1989, she was recruited by Khin Nyunt to help broker ceasefires in Burma with ethnic rebel groups.
·She passed away on July 13, 2017 at the age of 90, in Muse Township, Shan State.

Regarding her romance and love life who professed to practice lesbian life style, "Her affairs and marriages to popular songstresses, starlets, and even an established film stars, Wah Wah Win Shwe, entertained the reading public," wrote Chao Tzang Yawnghwe in his book, under the section of "Who's Who in Shan Politics".

Olive Yang in the eyes of the Kokangnese

Regardless of her lesbian life style that was criticized and many found it highly entertaining, there were positive attitude on her and her undertakings that have to be taken into account.

Celebrated among the Kokang people, she was commonly referred to in Chinese as the
"second daughter of the Yang family," according to the recent Irrawaddy report.

Between 1940-50, she set up a free school in Kokang where she invited Kuomintang generals to
teach the pupils. Drug lords Peng Jiasheng and Lo Hsing-han were among her students,
according to Kokang media.

Kokang media also described her as a revolutionary figure in the region who contributed greatly
to the local economy and education.

In 1989, she played a role in negotiating the ceasefire agreements between Burma's military government and the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), together with Lo Hsing-han who used to be her follower. The then mutineer against the CPB from the Kokang faction was Peng Jiasheng, also her one time student and admirer.

This brings us  to the point to see what kind of impact the political legacy of empowering the Kokang military capability that Olive Yang has left for contemporary political arena to be played out and future prospect for the next generation to come.

During the time span of nearly seven decades, from 1950 to this very days, the Kokang military force was involved in many form of cooperation with various political organizations, such as being part of the covert plan, dubbed Operation Paper, devised as an early Cold War strategy against communism, which was approved by US President Truman in 1950, in collaboration with the Kuomintang; Shan revolution; U Nu's Parliamentary Democracy Party (PDP) movement aimed to overthrow the then General Ne Win's military government; Communist Party of Burma (CPB); and the ongoing conflict between Peng Jiasheng's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Burmese government-backed Bai Xuoqian.

Political legacy of Olive Yang

Olive Yang's political legacy is evolving and in the making. The Tatmadaw or Military-backed faction and Peng Jiasheng's MNDAA is still in a deadlock power struggle, which could actually be seen as a direct conflict between the Tatmadaw and MNDAA. From the Tatmadaw's point of view Peng Jiasheng has been infringing on national sovereignty, as the government installed Kokang Self-administration is legal, while Peng Jiasheng takes it to be justified to wrestle back his rightful place which the government has robbed him of, sided with his rival and chased him out in 2009.

The MNDAA, which is now part of the seven-party Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) also known as Panghsang alliance, poised to negotiate for the political settlement with the government, apart from being a member of Northern Alliance – Burma (NA-B) that is actively taking part in the armed conflict with the Tatmadaw which is still ongoing, has been subject to the Tatmadaw's exclusion in the peace process.

Under such condition, we could only consider that the political legacy left by Olive Yang, to uphold Kokang's rights of self-determination and self-defense, is still very much alive and hard to imagine, if such accepted value and ideology aspirations among the Kokangnese would fade away anytime soon.