Tuesday, July 25, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Mandalay Court Rejects Lawsuit Against 2008 Constitution

Posted: 25 Jul 2017 04:57 AM PDT

MANDALAY – The Mandalay Region high court refused to accept a lawsuit on Tuesday in which five organizations urged the government to declare the 2008 Constitution illegal.

A spokesperson from the court told The Irrawaddy that the case goes beyond their mandate.

"The judge said the case is beyond the Union judiciary, so it is unacceptable. The file was returned to the complainants," said U Myint Soe, spokesperson and director general of the regional high court.

Fifteen complainants from the Association of Elected Lawmakers from the 1990 General Elections, the United National Democratic Organization, the Farmers' Union, the Human Rights Violations Investigation Committee and the Karen Women's Organization, said they would continue to push the lawsuit forward by submitting it to the Union high court in Naypyidaw.

Representatives of the five groups who filed the lawsuit are pictured outside the Mandalay high court on Tuesday. (Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy)

The coalition pointed to the large gap in population statistics from the 2008 Constitution to the 2014 national census, which they said voids the military-drafted charter.

According to the 2008 Constitution, the country's population was 57 million, but according to the 2014 national census, conducted in cooperation with the United Nations Population Fund, the population of Myanmar is 51 million.

"A Constitution is vital for the country. If we are still accepting the illegal and inappropriate Constitution, it is not good for the future of the country, so we are trying to abolish it and write a new one," said U Aung Thura, the five groups' legal adviser.

"We wonder why the courts are so ignorant of the rights of the citizens. Since they refused to accept the case, we will move forward in order to make this happen, whatever steps it may take," he added.

Submitting the complaint to the divisional high court in Mandalay is the second attempt by the groups to call on the government to label the 2008 Constitution as illegal. The organizations first went to Naypyidaw in early July to file a lawsuit at the Dekkhinathiri District Court.

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Two Die of H1N1 Virus in Yangon

Posted: 25 Jul 2017 04:35 AM PDT

YANGON — Two people died of H1N1 influenza at Yangon Hospital on Monday, the medical superintendent of the hospital confirmed to The Irrawaddy, raising the number of H1N1 deaths to three.

However, the two were new patients and not among the three H1N1 patients already undergoing treatment at the old and new Yangon hospitals respectively, according to the medical superintendent.

"They were admitted yesterday [Monday]. One of them was a pregnant woman whose address is still unknown. The other is a man from Bago. Both of them were in their 30s. They were pronounced dead around 3 p.m. yesterday, and a post-mortem showed they had contracted the virus," Dr. Aye Ko Ko, the medical superintendent, told The Irrawaddy.

Meanwhile, the other three patients are still under intensive care. They are from Irrawaddy Division, Yangon's Insein Township and Naypyitaw, respectively.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Companies Rush to Use Inactive Lands After Govt Announces Seizure

Posted: 25 Jul 2017 03:39 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — More than 100,000 acres of land permitted to some 270 private companies for business activities in Irrawaddy Division's Maubin District remain inactive more than 20 years after confiscation.

Maubin District was hit the hardest by land confiscation in Irrawaddy Division, particularly in the 1990s, when the military regime grabbed hundreds of thousands of acres in Maubin, Nyaungdon, Pantanaw and Danubyu townships before leasing it out to large companies and private businessmen.

According to the secretary of the Maubin District Committee on Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands, U Hawk Sawm Man, more than 170,000 acres of land were permitted to private companies under the previous governments, but only around 67,000 acres had been utilized by the end of November 2016.

"We will require that companies return all inactive lands," the secretary told The Irrawaddy.

The Central Committee on Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands headquartered in Naypyitaw has finalized a list of inactive lands according to surveys conducted by November 30 last year; and has said that it would seize the lands on the list, even if they were used by private companies after that date.

The National League for Democracy (NLD) government, after it came to power in April last year, called for a review of lands confiscated by the previous governments, U Hawk Sawm Man said.

Following reports that the government would seize the inactive lands, companies began digging ponds to breed fish, said U Than Win, chairman of the farmer's organization in Nyaungdon Township.

"This month, companies began using machinery to dig breeding ponds on land that had been inactive for years. They briefly stopped when officials from the Maubin administrative department instructed them to do so, but they have started again," he said.

"One company was digging with eight backhoes day and night on the border of Nyaungdon and Danubyu townships. It stopped only after hundreds of farmers gathered there," he added.

Before the enactment of the Vacant, Fallow and Virgin Lands Management Law in 2012, more than 2.2 million acres of vacant land were permitted to 4,922 companies, businesspeople and organizations. After the enactment of the law, around 96,000 acres of lands were permitted – totaling 2.33 million acres, according to deputy minister for agriculture, livestock and irrigation U Hla Kyaw.

The deputy minister told the Lower House on July 3 that confiscated land committees had found that more than 1.3 million acres of the 2.33 million acres were inactive, and the government would seize them back in line with procedure.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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State Counselor, KBC Discuss Kachin IDP Issues

Posted: 25 Jul 2017 03:05 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) held talks on the resettlement and schooling of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and children in Kachin State on Monday in Naypyitaw.

"We discussed the implementation of pilot projects jointly by the KIO [Kachin Independence Organization] government and the NLD [National League for Democracy] government, as well as the resettlement of IDPs to places where clashes are unlikely," KBC secretary Rev. Dr. Hkalam Samson told The Irrawaddy.

"We also discussed schooling for displaced children and the free shipment of relief supplies," he added.

The hour and a half discussion between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and KBC leaders took place at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center in Naypyitaw, and was the first meeting of its kind between the two parties.

More than 100,000 people have been displaced in Kachin State since new clashes broke out between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed wing of KIO, after a ceasefire between the sides failed in 2011.

Around 50,000 of them have taken refuge in areas controlled by the KIA. Churches play a key role in assisting the displaced population and the KBC is the main provider of food and relief supplies for IDPs in the region.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said the government would cooperate with the KBC in helping Kachin IDPs through the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, according to Dr. Hkalam Samson.

"We particularly discussed schooling for children in KIO-controlled areas. The KBC has a big role to play in realizing the agreements reached with the government," he said.

Besides IDPs, the talks also focused on the elimination of drugs as well as barriers to peace in Kachin State.

KBC leaders reported on drug production in areas controlled by the Border Guard Force (BGF) in Kachin State, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in response, said that the government was working to formulate a new law on drug eradication and would cooperate with the KBC in enforcing that law.

KBC leaders urged Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to work earnestly to put an end to military assaults in Kachin State, saying that Myanmar Army assaults were the only reason for ongoing clashes in the state.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi replied that the government was not in a position to exercise direct control over the Myanmar Army, and there was only formal communication between the two sides, said Dr. Hkalam Samson.

According to a statement released by the State Counselor's Office, the KBC also provided recommendations for the peace process and the two sides discussed the nationwide ceasefire agreement.

According to Dr. Hkalam Samson, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi suggested holding further talks with the KBC.

KBC leaders urged her to bring about peace and a federal Union. They added that the meeting with the state counselor was productive for Kachin IDPs.

Also present at the meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were the Union minister of the State Counselor's Office U Kyaw Tint Swe, chairman of the Peace Commission Dr. Tin Myo Win, Union minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Dr. Win Myat Aye, and the 12-member KBC delegation led by its chairman along with Dr. Hkalam Samson.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Is U Wirathu Poking a ‘Paper Tiger’?

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 11:42 PM PDT

For more than a week, Myanmar ultranationalist monk U Wirathu has been defying government orders to take down Ma Ba Tha signposts in Mandalay, where he remains a leading member of the ultranationalist group.

On July 15, the government's deadline for removal of any Ma Ba Tha billboards, he said in a video post: "We can't take them down even for a while, as the dignity, power and integrity of the Ma Ba Tha monks and patriots is behind those signposts. We will protect them with our lives."

It came across as an open challenge to the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, after the administration delivered its last warning on the eve of the deadline, saying, "if the order is not followed, the government will take action," and that a refusal to comply "could affect the country's stability."

The authorities should not turn a blind eye to the issue as that could potentially create an even worse image of the state of rule of law in the country, making the current government appear as a "paper tiger" in the eyes of the public.

It is perhaps strange that out of hundreds of Ma Ba Tha subchapters across the country, only followers in Mandalay and Karen State have dared to challenge the signpost order. Even the chairman at Ma Ba Tha (Central) in Yangon agreed in writing to adhere to the rule, and removed the signs in question. It rebranded itself "Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation" before the deadline.

Senior monks from the Ma Ba Tha headquarters said the decisions made by those in Mandalay and Karen states were "individual" and did not reflect the beliefs of the movement's leadership.

They could be correct, as U Wirathu declared he had officially resigned from Ma Ba Tha (Central) on May 28, after the rebranding. He stated that his activities and speeches have nothing to do with the Yangon-based foundation.

Zwekabin Sayadaw, the chairman of Karen State's Ma Ba Tha, asked on June 11 that Ma Ba Tha be left alone. "We have four armed groups [that have to strike a peace deal with the government] here. If needed, we will use them," he said. Contrary to U Wirathu, the Sayadaw is not infamous for hate speech against other faiths.

It remains to be seen how the government will take action against U Wirathu this time. Since last year, the NLD government has begun to crack down Ma Ba Tha and U Wirathu systematically.

When the state monks' authority—Ma Ha Na—announced that Ma Ba Tha was not a lawful association in July 2016, it was a significant blow. Since their establishment in 2013, the association and its members, including U Wirathu, had never been questioned by police, let alone arrested for hate speech against Muslims. The previous U Thein Sein government arguably ignored them, despite a series of incidents of deadly communal violence between Buddhists and Muslims. It is believed that U Wirathu and other firebrand monks from Ma Ba Tha are partly responsible for the tension and violence, and they are the one who give a bad name to the compassionate Buddhism that much of the country believes in.

Since the government's denouncement, Ma Ba Tha has been keeping a lower profile, dedicating more time to humanitarian relief for Buddhists and their education efforts.

But U Wirathu is yet defiant in the face of government orders. In March, he was banned from preaching for one year due to his criticism of the current government, religious hate speech put forward at a Dhamma talk, and praise on Facebook of suspects involved in the assassination of NLD legal adviser U Ko Ni.

Despite the ban, he appeared onstage with a recording of a past speech playing in the background, and his mouth sealed shut with tape in what he called a "silent sermon."

The latest rebellion is his refusal to take down Ma Ba Tha signposts in Mandalay.

It is very evident that the government has been taking calculated measures to punish U Wirathu. At the moment, they appear to be weighing the consequences of further action, including division among the Sangha, or widespread criticism from his supporters nationwide.

Despite all the obstacles, the government should not hesitate to proceed if the nationalist monk fails to follow the existing order. They have warned that he will be charged under the monastic association law, which dictates a term of imprisonment from six months to three years. This course of action would send a shock wave amongst nationalists across the country.

On the other hand, the move will be welcomed heartily among the Buddhist community who have despised him for spouting hate, instigating unrest and damaging the religion. It will also serve as a serious warning to those who defy such orders, and might even prod nationalists to learn a bit more about how to be good Buddhists.

 

The post Is U Wirathu Poking a 'Paper Tiger'? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Preparing for Potential Crisis With North Korea –Report

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 11:28 PM PDT

BEIJING — China is preparing for a potential crisis with North Korea by increasing its defenses along their shared border, including establishing a new border brigade and building bunkers for civilians, the Wall Street Journal reported.

China has been strengthening its defenses along the North Korean border since Pyongyang's first nuclear test in 2006, including building a fence along parts of the border and stepping up patrols.

China has also realigned military forces in the country's northeast, the report added, citing Chinese military and government websites and Chinese and foreign experts.

The Chinese government has repeatedly said there can be no military solution for the North Korea issue.

China is in the midst of a broad military reorganization and modernization program.

On Monday, Chinese Defense Ministry spokesman Wu Qian told reporters he could not answer a "hypothetical" question on what China's military would do in the event of a clash on the Korean peninsula.

China has long worried about its porous borders and potential for war or unrest to spill over into China, and had stepped up border defenses in other troublesome areas, such as with Myanmar and Central Asian nations.

The post China Preparing for Potential Crisis With North Korea –Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monsoon Season Tourism Sees Increase in Arrivals

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 10:57 PM PDT

YANGON – With the introduction of the Green Season campaign for Myanmar's low-traffic tourist season beginning in April, the number of foreign visitors to the country has increased, and trips to Buddhist archaeological site Bagan continue all year round.

Tourism has increased 10 percent compared to the first six months of 2016, in which 511,278 visitors came to the country; in 2017 that number was 562,848. The data has been collected from the international arrival departments of the country's three main international airports—Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyitaw—according to the Myanmar Tourism Federation (MTF).

The high season for tourism in Myanmar runs from October to March, so industry stakeholders have been pushing for greater numbers of visitors during the annual monsoon—which has been dubbed the "green season"—from late April to mid October to fill gaps in arrivals.

According to representatives from the MTF, the best places to go during this time are Bagan and Mandalay in central Myanmar and Inle Lake in Nyaung Shwe (Yawnghwe) Township in southern Shan State, which receives less rainfall than Yangon.

"The tourist arrivals in rainy [monsoon] season tend to be lower. It was because of a long-term perception among the tourists that they could not visit Myanmar in the monsoon season," said Daw May Myat Mon Win, the deputy chairperson of the MTF, who leads tourism marketing.

"Actually, the best time to visit Bagan is in the monsoon season, as it is more beautiful and green," she said.

The arrival statistics from January to June show "interesting figures," she said, as there are increases, as of June 2017, of tourists from particular countries: Thailand, China, Singapore, France, Germany, Switzerland, and India.

Thai tourists make up the greatest number of visitors, with more than 110,000 people coming to Myanmar between January and June, followed by Chinese, of whom around 70,000 came during the same period this year.

These figures do not count foreigners who arrive through the border checkpoints, MTF noted, as they said they cannot distinguish them as coming to Myanmar for tourism or business.

Daw May Myat Mon Win said she is positive that the future of Myanmar tourism will improve, as they are promoting travel within the country for both foreign and domestic visitors.

Among the 10 Asean countries, Myanmar stood in second-to-last place for the number of international arrivals, but the nation has seen a boom in domestic tourism.

"We are also hoping more domestic tourists will come to these emerging tourist destinations, as it is also a way of sustaining our tourism industry," Daw May Myat Mon Win said.

In Bagan, there are also health services available for tourists, provided by the Myanmar Tourist Healthcare Association (MTHA), for outreach support and primary and emergency healthcare.

According to Dr. Kyaw Zin Win, chairman of MTHA, some 50 foreigners and 700 locals have taken advantage of the services in the clinic, which is currently only available in Bagan, but the MTHA continues to provide health services in other destinations, he told The Irrawaddy.

The Ministry of Hotels and Tourism (MOHT) works with the MTF—which also collaborates with 11 other associations including the MTHA and the Myanmar Tour Guides Association—for the sustainable development of the tourism sector.

The director of the MOHT said Myanmar will also develop a package tour between Cambodia's Angkor Wat and Myanmar's Bagan later this year under the slogan: "Angkor-Bagan: two ancient capitals, one destination."

A memorandum of understanding on the implementation of the action plan is being developed for signing in September, said U Hla Myint, director of tourism promotion from the MOHT.

Bagan, which hosts around 300,000 visitors annually, has a smaller number of visitors than Angkor Wat, which is known to receive more than one million people.

"We hope with the development of this package tour, we will have gained more visitors in Bagan," said U Hla Myint.

New Ecotourism Sites to Open

The MOHT has aimed to increase the number of tourists in the country during the 2017-2018 period, and has initiated the further development of ecotourism projects, as well as community-based tourism initiatives and marine tourism.

Myanmar currently has 21 ecotourism sites, which include 16 existing sites and a handful of underdeveloped ones, as well as 13 community-based tourism projects in Sagaing, Mandalay, Magwe, and Yangon regions and Shan, Karenni and Kachin states. Marine tourism is also available on the Myeik archipelago.

Myanmar will open its new ecotourism site, near Oaktwin and Pauk Khaung townships, in the Bago Yoma forest at the end of July.

The Bago Yoma ecotourism site is located near the No. 43 mile marker on the Yangon-Mandalay highway road. Tourists can explore the local area, which is home to ethnic Karen cultures, as well as trek, ride elephants or look for different species of birds.

When it is opened on July 29, tourists will be able to stay at the new hotel—the Bago Yoma Eco resort—developed by a local company, Phyo Si Thu.

The area can be accessed through Pyay (Prome) or the Taungoo road, and around two days is a sufficient timeframe for the visitors, added U Myint Htwe, the director of public relations and the information department under the MOHT.

The post Monsoon Season Tourism Sees Increase in Arrivals appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week (July 25)

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 07:36 PM PDT

Urban Talent: Rock Battle | July 29

Young rockers compete at this singing contest along with a performance by the famous Myanmar rock band The Idiots.

July 29, 6 pm to 8 pm. Fusan basketball court near Myanmar Plaza, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road. Free Admission.  

 

Book Sale | August 1-13

To mark its 18th anniversary, Seikku Cho Cho Publishing House holds a book sale with special discounts and gifts.

August 1-13, Anawar Buddhist Hall, Kyar Taw Ya St, Shwedagon Eastern Gate.


Monsoon Classical Concert | July 27

Attachment of Clouds, a youth orchestra that plays at church services, ceremonies and public concerts, performs monsoon melodies.

July 27, 7 pm. Yangon Gallery, People's Park, Dagon Tsp. Free Admission.  

 

Tech Career Expo | July 30

Top tech companies in Yangon recruit for hundreds of openings along with panel discussions and talks on career advancement.

July 30, 9 am to 5 pm. Sedona Hotel.

Zumba Dance | July 29

This event is about dancing Zumba together in order to raise health awareness.

July 29,  6am to 7 am. People's Park. Free participation.

 

Affordable Apartment Exhibition and Sale | July 28-30

Affordable apartments starting from 15 million kyats (US$11,000) will be on sale, with payment plans of up to 15 years.

July 28-30. 9 am to 6 pm. Hledan Center

 

Monsoon Myanmar Arts and Crafts Exhibition | July 19-30

This exhibition showcases paintings, sculptures, bottle art, lacquerware, plus many products that are made in Myanmar.

July 19-30. Shu Khin Thar, Thanlyin Tsp.

 

U Ba Nyan's Commemorative Art Exhibition | July 26-29

This exhibition commemorates U Ba Nyan (1897-1945), who played a key role in introducing Western techniques to Myanmar artists and is seen as an influential figure in the country's art history. Some of his rarely seen paintings will be showcased.

July 26-29. National Museum, Pyay Road.

 

Form, Color & Space | July 29-Aug 1

Artist Ko Sai will show around 20 paintings playing with the theme of form, color and space.

July 29-August 1. Cloud 31 Art Gallery, 31st Street, Pabedan Tsp.

At The Tea Shop | July 22-28

Artist Kaung Kyaw Khaing's solo show will feature around 10 paintings depicting teashops as part of Myanmar society.

July 22-28. Nawady Tharlar Art Gallery. Room No. 304, 20/B, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Tsp.

The post Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week (July 25) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Smooth Civil-Military Relations Should Be The Goal

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 07:16 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein said at an event at Yangon's Sedona Hotel on July 9 that there were no civil-military relations in the democratic era and that the military's commander-in-chief was the same as the level of director-general according to [state] protocol. The military then released two statements asking the government to take action against U Phyo Min Thein. One of the statements said that U Phyo Min Thein's reckless and confrontational comments could damage national reconciliation; and that he could cause difficulties for the long-term process that the government, people, and military needed to continually work and improve on. The military used to hold complete power prior to having an elected government. What is your assessment of civil-military relations in our country?

The Irrawaddy’s Kyaw Zwa Moe (left) and Ko Ye of the Tagaung Institute of Politics (right) during the discussion on civil-military relations.

Ko Ye: That was a personal remark. But as he is Yangon's chief minister, people questioned if his words represented the government. NLD [National League for Democracy] spokesperson U Nyan Win said that these remarks were nothing serious. In a political transition – especially from a military dictatorship like in our country – the military still maintains considerable power. What is worse is that that power is guaranteed by the Constitution. Under such circumstances, there is a testing of strength between the two sides in civil-military relations. It happens not only in our country, but also in other countries that undergo transition. For example, in Brazil, the military still maintains power but there is also an elected civilian government called the democradura. While the government is still a hybrid regime, such a remark by a civilian minister can rock civil-military relations.

KZM: Even before the election, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi exercised extra caution in talking about the military. Mostly, she said that her father founded the Tatmadaw [Myanmar Army] and she wanted it to become a respected and reliable army of the people. Lately, she has avoided saying things that could cause controversy. As you have said, it is important to have smooth relations between the two sides. The government can't take aggressive actions and risk upsetting the military. What actions do you think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will take?

KY: If there is an elected government along with another institution that maintains a strong grip on power, there will be tension now and in the future. But I think that the civilian government will be able to handle this based on its strength, ambition and strategy.

KZM: Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein said that the military commander-in-chief was the same as the level of director-general, but according to state protocol, the commander-in-chief is ranked eighth in the line of succession. What he claimed was wrong. Did he say this because he didn't understand or was he being confrontational?

YN: U Phyo Min Thein said that there are no civil-military relations in democracies. As far as I'm concerned, civil-military relations exist in every country. In countries like the US, scholars still have to study civil-military relations – to what extent the civilian government can control the army, and to what extent the army resists the control of the civilian government. Scholars also point out that the military, although it is an institution of civil servants, is different from other civil servant institutions by nature. You can't describe military leaders according to state protocol. What's more, civil-military relations are more sensitive in countries like ours. Politicians should consider this comprehensively and move carefully for a smooth transition.

KZM: Whether we like it or not, the Tatmadaw has considerable power. There is an exclusive chapter for it under the title of Defense Services in the [military-drafted] 2008 Constitution. Other constitutions might not have such a chapter. It is not strange, as the military held the power in the past. Military leaders view the military as being founded by patriots during the struggle for independence. They see the institution as patriotic and take pride in it. Politicians need to handle this shrewdly.

KY:  The Tatmadaw was born along with the struggle for independence. Tatmadaw leaders refer to it as a patriotic institution formed by hardcore politicians. But then, our country entered into civil war. Countries that face civil war tend to focus on securitization. Security became the country's top priority.

Before independence, there was a slogan that said that independence was first, democracy was second and socialism was third. In 1958, the caretaker government designed state ideologies, and the concept changed then. Stability and peace became the top priority, followed by democracy and a socialist economy. Stability and security rose to the forefront. The defense budget also increased.

In 1962, the military staged a coup and the situation then changed from securitization to militarization. As militarization increased, as in the case of Indonesia, the military adopted the concept that it must also assume the responsibility for politics and social economics, as well as defense. Later, there was indoctrination in the political ideology that the Tatmadaw would play the leading role in politics. In the early days of the coup, U Ne Win always said that the Tatmadaw would not hold power for long. But that changed, and the provision that the Tatmadaw would play a leading role was added to the Constitution.

KZM: Gen Ne Win seized power with the coup in 1962, and then went to a civilian administration according to the 1974 Constitution. But the problem was that the civilian administration was formed with former generals and the ideology didn't change. It seemed that only the uniforms changed. The 2011 [quasi-civilian] government was the same. Ex-general U Thein Sein took power of the civil administration and his government was also full of former generals.

KY: The Tatmadaw has maintained a strong political ideology during successive periods that the country is under its guardianship. This is a major challenge to full civilianization. I believe that the most important aspect of civil-military relations is that the civilian [government] must be able to control the military. How? 'Democratically,' according to a scholar. And civilian politicians must accept that democratic way. Smooth civil-military relations should be their goal. But both civilian politicians and the Tatmadaw need to think about how to realize that vision. Only then, will a full democracy be created.

KZM: As you have said, the country's politics are in a delicate state, and there is every possibility of a U-turn or setbacks. No doubt, the elected politicians need to be judicious.  The political liberation process started in 2011, and it is fair to say that its success depends greatly on military leadership's willingness to allow democratic transformation. What is your assessment of the current military leaders?

KY: Studying the civil-military relations of other countries, I found that not only does the civilian [government] push for change; the military – once a democratic transition is underway – also tries to introduce changes that match the transition. For example, in Indonesia, after the fall of Suharto in 1998, the Indonesian army started to think about how to change. In a democratic transition, both sides have to think about how to introduce democratic changes without causing tension. Rather than the civilian [government] forcibly pushing it, the military needs to make changes incrementally and voluntarily.

Also, the current military leaders are working to establish a standard army and they are expanding their international ties. In April, [army chief] Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited Australia and Germany; last month, Russia; and recently, India. They are trying to improve the military's image. But the civil war is still ongoing. And the military has deep-seated distrust in civilian politicians. They have concerns about their ability to protect state stability and security. We can see the military trying to enhance its image while deepening trust with the civilian government at the same time.

KZM: So, speaking of the military enhancing its image, the Tatmadaw founded by Gen Aung San had a good reputation prior to the country's independence. But the military has gotten a bad name at times, and it shouldn't forget this if it wants to improve its image. Military leaders know this. The military staged a coup in 1962, which was followed by a military administration. Then there were protests in 1988, followed by a crackdown on protestors and another military administration. There was increased militarization over the years, and the country and the world said that there had been considerable human rights violations committed by the military. If military leaders want to win the respect of the people, as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said, it seems they have to take constructive actions. Do you think that could work?

KY: While the military wants to enhance its image and restore its dignity, it is not willing to make radical reforms – only gradual ones. This is contradictory. The idea of limited reforms and the idea of improving its image are in conflict. We need to think about to what extent the military leaders are willing to change. On the other hand, civilian politicians need to raise their political capital and political capacity to restore democratic civil-military relations. The other side [the military] wants to enhance its image, but it also has concerns about reforms, so it has only made limited reforms. The government has political capacity given to it by the election. But, partly because of its short time in office to date, it has not shown a strong performance yet.

KZM: I see people in our country locked in a situation that they find difficult to break out of, which is that the military is a strong institution guaranteed by the Constitution. The Constitution granted it a full political role at the national level. Then, an elected government emerged. People fully support the civil administration, but the reality is that the military still holds the power. And the government wants the military to go back to the barracks. According to famous Chinese philosopher and military general Sun Tzu, the ultimate destination of civil-military relations is civilian control of the military. The civilian government will have complete control of the country, and the military is only meant for State defense. But in the case of our country, it seems we have yet a long way to go to reach this stage.

KY: Yes, I agree. The military said at the Union Peace Conference under U Thein Sein's government that it would try to achieve peace within three to five years. It also signaled that it would quit politics after permanent peace was achieved. Now I've noticed that its message has changed a bit. It is difficult for the government to build peace within one term; peace is a long process. It will take more than three or five years. We will have to wait a while for political institutions to have complete control of the military in civil-military relations.

KZM: We are talking about control, which military leaders won't like or accept. As far as I'm concerned, the most important thing is smooth relations and mutual understanding between the two sides. Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein's remarks caused controversy. Both sides need to exercise restraint in the interest of the people. Thank you, Ko Ye!

The post Smooth Civil-Military Relations Should Be The Goal appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Renovation of Mingun’s ancient buildings to start this year

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 03:25 PM PDT

The renovation of ancient buildings in Mingun town in Sagaing Region will start this year, said an official from the region's Department of Archaeology and National Museum, in a bid to attract more tourists.

Mandalay prison school to be ready early next year

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 03:23 PM PDT

The construction of Mandalay's Ohbo Prison school will be completed this year or early next year, said deputy prison director U Cho Win Tun.

Govt alarmed by rising drug abuse in prisons

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 03:20 PM PDT

The government raised alarm over the high incidence of drug abuse among prisoners in the country underscoring the need to urgently address the problem, a senior human rights official said.

Thailand starts registration of illegal migrant workers

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 03:09 PM PDT

The Thai government has opened 101 centres nationwide from Monday until August 7 so employers can obtain a Letter of Demand saying they would like to formalise the legality of any migrant workers on their payroll.

Myanmar sailors sue vessel owner for unpaid wages

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 02:56 PM PDT

Six Myanmar and two Bangladeshi sailors have sued the owner of a Bahrain-flagged vessel in China for failing to pay their wages and compensation for the death of a sailor, the Myanmar sailors told a news conference in Yangon on July 24.

Ministry to boost ecotourism this fiscal year

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 02:50 PM PDT

The Ministry of Hotels and Tourism will focus on ecotourism, community-based and marine tourism in fiscal year 2017-18 to boost the industry, U Myint Htwe, director of the ministry, told a news conference in Yangon on July 24.

Floods wash out roads, houses in Rakhine

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 02:49 PM PDT

Flood inundated southern Rakhine and swept away roads and houses estimated to be worth K10 million, the state government said on Monday.

One dies, 13 infected in new outbreak of H1N1 influenza

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 02:47 PM PDT

A six-year-old boy died and 13 more people were infected in a new outbreak of H1N1 influenza in Myanmar, health authorities said Monday.

Water buses in Yangon to be equipped with GeoGuard GPS system

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 02:41 PM PDT

The Yangon water buses that will run in Hlaing river and Ngamoe Yeik creek will be equipped with the GeoGuard GPS system as an added safety measure, a senior company official said.

Youth parliament to tackle Myanmar energy sector issues at first-ever session

Posted: 24 Jul 2017 02:38 PM PDT

Students from various ethnic groups are set to tackle issues facing the country's energy sector in the first ever convening of the Dagon University Youth Parliament (DUYP) later in the week.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Learning to share: Time for soul searching

Posted: 25 Jul 2017 01:34 AM PDT

(30 May-2 July 2017)

Everyman is my superior in some way
In that I learn from him.

Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882)

Yes, I have been guilty of reporting almost nothing during the past two months, at least to my readers, if not to my listeners.

A lot of self-assessment sessions have been conducted during the time, which, still ongoing, is expected to be over by early August.

The following is a brief recap of what I have learned from different sources at different occasions during the period.

I have learned from them. And I hope you are going to, too, if you haven't already have.

30 June 2017

"National Accord" signing ceremony 
on 29 June 2017 (Photo:BBC)
Only two days after my return from Naypyitaw, where I had missed the "National Accord" signing ceremony on 29 June, which was yesterday, I'm already under a hailstorm of questions on the Union Peace Conference 21st Century Panglong (UPC21CP) which wound up on the same day.

The outcome is not that I'm just answering their questions as best as I can, but also hearing comments from my listeners. Here are some of them:

§  I have heard from a prominent businessman in Rangoon that the Tatmadaw today is just a Thingyan (water festival) cannon, a lot of noise but with no shells. That's why the secession issue has been a recurring nightmare to the generals.
§  I would say that the "never to secede" clause can be accepted, if they can also accept a counter demand from us that is proportionate to it. For example, "never to stage a military coup."
§  Naypyitaw may say it was following the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) that was adopted by the Joint Implementation Coordinating Meeting (JICM), the top joint decision-making body, on 16 December 2015, Paragraph 12, when it came to signing the 37 points as "part of the Union Accord." But it was clearly violating the approved FPD's Paragraph 6, which calls for 75% ayes upward from each of the 7 agreed blocs of the UPC21CP for important matters (like security and federalism) and  50% ayes upward from each bloc plus 65% ayes together for other issues. Because the 700 UPC 21CP participants merely became spectators there, not even rubber stamps. Their right to have a say was blatantly denied there.

9 June 2017

Hkun Okker (Photo: limacharlienews.com)
Today I give a presentation to the students at the Political Science Department, Chiangmai University. Most of the questions are answered by Col Hkun Okker, Patron of PaO National Liberation Organization (PNLO), who had attended both the UPC21CP's last two day sessions. Here is his summing-up:

§  On the positive side, there are 3 noteworthy points:

1.     This was the first time the participants were doing dialogue, instead of monologues―reading out papers nobody takes time to comment—as they had twice done last year
2.     The conference managed to turn out 37points of agreement
3.     As for other contentious points like "non-secession," it was decided that they be put aside for future sessions, instead of opting for the termination of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) as some militant participants were hinting

§  On the negative side, there are also 3 points that are outstanding:

1.     For the military bloc, it is always a 100% ayes or nays for every issue. For other blocs, it is not easy even to get 50% ayes
2.     The "non secession" issue was packaged together with the Right to Self Determination, that includes the right to have state constitutions, which many consider unfair and unnecessary
3.     The Tatmadaw is against allowing the security issue to be discussed at local, state and regional level, equating security with defense. It insists the issue must be discussed only at the Union level.

§  1. As for China, it has been involved in the country's peace process right from the beginning. It is against participation by the West. But so far, we have yet to hear it saying anything against Indian and Thai participation. On the other hand, Naypyitaw's rejection of the EAOs' demand to have foreign mediation has not made things easier.

2. As far as I know, China has adopted a 3 point policy for its neighbors: good neighborliness, stability along shared borders, and economic development

In the evening, we have an informal dinner meeting with "partners" (according to Nelson Mandela, who said "When you are making peace with your enemy, your enemy becomes your partner") coming from Rangoon. Here are some of the points made by them:

§  One problem with the UPC21CP's last session was: Former negotiators became facilitators and new negotiators were acting as though they were debaters, instead of being negotiators.
§  Another problem is we have only formal meetings. Rarely informal ones where both sides can join hands together to find out how we can overcome the official positions each side is holding. (One government "partner" retorts that we don't have sufficient funds to engage in informal meetings like during the days of the previous government)
§  Concerning the informal meeting which is scheduled for tomorrow with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)'s Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN), a "partner" maintains that the Peace Commission (PC) stands by the "agreement in principle" reached in Rangoon on 3 March, not the text revised by the UNFC/DPN and presented on 28 April

10 June 2017

PC and DPN meet in Chiangmai, 
10 June 2017. (Photo:Irrawaddy)
Today, as the DPN-PC delegated meet downtown, we are having a pre-meeting for the UPC21CP review meeting to be held at the KNU HQ at Lewa/Lawkhila, opposite Thailand's Tha Song Yang district. As I have done in the past, no names of the participants will be mentioned here, except myself.

§  The EAOs and ethnic parties were bullied and bulldozed to accept the 37 points
§  The government did not follow agreed procedure. And you (EAO representatives) agreed to it. You should be reminded that Yemen, after signing the peace accord, went back to war because agreed procedures were allowed to be violated. You may get away this time. But if you keep on pooh-poohing them, blood will be on your hands.
§  Under U Thein Sein, the peace process was a political issue. Now the Tatmadaw says it's a security issue, and the government is following its lead
§  Yes, it was meant to be a joint process. But the whole thing at present appears to be out of joint
§  The UPDJC seems to have taken precedence over the JICM. What was JICM doing during the impasse (over 'non-secession' clause)?
§  Who gave Padoh Kwe Htoo Win (KNU vice chairman and leader of the Peace Process Working Team) mandate to sign the 37 point "Union accord"?
§  Many of our frontline negotiators appear to be suffering from both physical and mental exhaustion. They are just going through the motions like automatons. We should not blame them too much. We should instead find replacements or reinforcements for them.
§  I have looked into the NCA text again and have not found any paragraph saying the non-signatories are excluded from the political dialogue process
§  The proposed points on the 5 dialogue topics should have been distributed long before hand, not on the day of the opening
§  We EAOs are not without blame: we didn't have any plan on who will say what during the "dialogue" days on 25-26 May. Moreover, we had changed our negotiators only a few weeks before the UPC21CP. They were not used to negotiating with their enemies. And there was disconnection between the predecessors and their successors.

11 June 2017

Suwannsam Jataka (Photo:vachalenxeon.deviantart.com)
"How do we do it so that there is a 'seeing my son carrying a bowl full of gold' situation?"

That is a question posed by a "partner" as he is driven to the airport this morning to return to Rangoon.

For outsiders, who are unaware of the Suwannsam Jataka, Burmese version, the story goes like this.

Suwannasami aka Suwannasam is looking after his blind parents. Everyday he goes into the jungle to find fruits and vegetables to feed them. One day, the king who comes hunting sees him, mistakes him for game, and shoots him with his arrow. As he lies dying, a god appears and offers 3 choices: either their son is cured, their blindness gone, or they receive a bowl full of gold from him. Their answer is that they want to see their son coming home carrying a bowl full of gold. Delighted by their wit, their three-fold wish is granted by the god.

This "partner" seems to be a hopeless hopeful like me. No matter how big the obstacles, he doesn't give up. Indeed he is a person after my own heart.

We have another pre-meeting afterward. And here are the selected comments:

§  We EAOs are at a disadvantage when we go to negotiate at Naypyitaw, the government's homeground. Especially when they are resorting to intimidation instead to the culture of negotiations. I'm wondering whether we should propose holding our formal talks outside the country, like others have been doing.
§  The government should be more broadminded. If they can't even treat us signatories right, how can they hope to persuade the non-signatories?
§  We didn't have any problem with the secession issue during U Thein Sein's days. The reason the Tatmadaw wanted to propose it might be because it knows right from the start the EAOs wouldn't agree. And, in the end, the loser would be the State Counselor herself, who has yet to win any EAOs over to sign the NCA.
§  The fact that the ethnic parties won less than adequate seats during the last general elections also doesn't work in favor of the federal cause. If we can't do better in 2020, things may become tougher (which doesn't mean that they should aim for majority seats which is next to impossible anyway, but for swing seats for which the dominant parties must negotiate with them)

14 June 2017

Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative 
Committee (FPNCC) members arriving in 
Naypyitaw (Peace Commission)(Photo:monnews.org)
Today I'm on my way to Lawkhila/Lewa to attend the UPC21CP review meeting there.
Before leaving I make a phone call to our "partner" in Rangoon to inquire the government's stand on the negotiations with UNFC/DPN and the Federal Political Negotiations and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), the latter led by the Wa. His reply:

The government doesn't have any plans to amend the NCA. If ' the UNFC/DPN wants further clarifications and we reach agreement on them, we can add them to the attached decisions. (According to the NCA's Paragraph 30, decisions taken during negotiations shall be taken into account during the implementation.)

He thinks the same principle will be applied in its negotiations with the FPNCC. So far there has been no indication that Naypyitaw is planning to deal with the 7 northern armed movements that make up the FPNCC collectively.

Today, we put up in Mae Sot. Tomorrow we continue our way to the KNU HQ.

15 June 2017

Lawkhila meeting hall room. (Photo:KNU)
Until the military is brought under civilian control, and it soldiers held to account, the circle of violence will continue and the civilians will bear the brunt.

Amnesty International, 14 June 2017

Lewa meeting hall is full of KNU officers when we arrive. There are many who I've known since 1983 when I first make contact with the KNU as a delegate from the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), like Thamein Tun, Soe Soe, etc.

Here are the extracts from the presentations:

§  The UPC21CP can be called the meeting point of three movements:

1.     The NLD, whose main objective is democratization
2.     The EAOs, whose main objective is federalization, and
3.     The Tatmadaw, whose main objective is protection of the 2008 constitution

§  We now have a new agreement whether we all agree with it or not. What do we do with it? How do we make it into a law?

§  We have all made mistakes. Fortunately, we can survive this one. But we and the people we work for will be in big trouble, if we repeat it.

Remember, the old saying:

Fool me once, shame on you
Fool me twice, shame on me

§  The Secretariat must be neutral, professional, follow rules and protect the process. Our mistake was that its members are also UPDJC members. So they follow their interests instead of rules

§  Meeting of 700 people is not the place for dialogue, only for votes and statements

This evening we put up at the River House in Mae Sariang, some 80 km from Mae Salit Luang, opposite Lewa.

Ms Zipporah Sein (Photo:DVB)
16 July 2017

Ms Zipporah Sein, former vice president of the KNU, drops in at our hotel in the morning. As her views are already on the internet, I won't add anything here. The only thing I'm really interested is the unity of the KNU. To my question, which she must have heard several times, she is ready with an answer:

"This should not be of worry for all our well wishers, because the KNU wnity is based on firm principles (not on factions)."

At 16:00, I'm back in my office in Chiangmai.

18 June 2017

U Thant (1909-1974)
This morning I receive the most extraordinary letter from a young friend. It was a declassified memo written by a former British ambassador to Burma to White Hall, dated 11 March 1975.

The letter discusses the U Thant funeral affair that took place in Rangoon in December 1974, 3 months earlier.

What intrigues me is the postscript, in which he describes talking to an illustrious lady from Burma who was then living abroad. "She takes a characteristic Burmese anti-Shan line that these demonstrations were contrived by Shan influences…(she) was not prepared to concede that there might have been something spontaneous about the whole thing," he wrote.

Until now, I have never heard of "a characteristic Burmese anti-Shan line."And I, like most people inside and outside Burma, thought that the whole event was basically a knee-jerk action, probably exploited by "2848" activists affiliated to the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). That anyone would suspect Shans as the mastermind was a thought that never occurred to me.

I later talk to Shan politicians in Rangoon who, no less surprised than me, said they had advised all Shan students within their reach not to get themselves involved, as this was just an "intra-Burman affair," nothing to do with Shans. "However, not all of them were within reach," one says. "And some of them wouldn't listen to our advice anyway."

I know. One of my friends went to jail for it, and another was expelled from school. Fortunately or unfortunately, I wasn't among them hotheads. As I was already a full-fledged armed resistance member since 1969.

After reading the letter again and again to make sense of it, I begin to wonder if there were still other ladies―and gentlemen―like her who are still firmly taking the "characteristic Burmese anti-Shan line" 43 years after, who are ready to believe that if something bad happens, Shans must be behind it. And if they were at the helm of power in Naypyitaw today, what is going to happen to the peace process.

Not that we Shans don't have our own ladies and gentlemen like her. Among us, one will find no dearth of those who are fond of saying the 19th century American equivalent of "A good Indian is a dead Indian."

Happily, we also have not a few of those who say, "In my experience, no human race is meaner than the Burmese. And paradoxically, no human race is nobler than the Burmese either."

For the sake of all the people living in this land, I hope we find more of the latter these days.

28 June-2 July 2017

PPST meeting in Chiangmai on 28 Jun-2 July 2017,
Than Khe is the speaker on the extreme right.
(Photo: ww.moi.gov.mm)
For 5 days , the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) and the Peace Process Working Team (PPWT) embark on a meeting on what areas the signatories should focus in its upcoming "review and reform" workshop.

I have taken some 30 pages of notes. But I find only two excerpts to report, both given by Yebaw Than Khe, Chairman of the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), whose cheerful attitude, despite all the problems he's facing, brightens the participants throughout the meeting:

§  In the village of, say EAO, the headman has 3 people he can rely upon, when he needs to talk to representatives from a neighboring village. They are Buthi, Chet Kyi, and Bike Hsu. The problem is he can't do anything without them and he can't do anything if he keeps relying only on them.

Because Buthi, he's a henpecked husband. He can't go anywhere without making sure that the day's main meal is cooked and ready.

As for Chet Kyi, he can't be asked to do anything once he's drunk, which is quite often.

With Bike Hsu, the problem is he likes cockfights. So whenever there is a match outside the village, he can't be found.

At the other end, the headman from another village has a big bunch of representatives to deal with problems. For money matters, he can send one. For water issue, another one, and so on, while the village of EAO has only 3 to deal with whatever bilateral problems that come up.


§  The NCA is like a ship. Our people are the passengers. Among them, we also see prominent persons like some of those coming from Naypyitaw riding on top deck who know little or nothing about the ship. We (I think he means not only the EAOs but also the Tatmadaw) are the rowers. And we have a problem here. Some of us want to row it forward, white others want it to go backward. The result is clear: the ship won't move.
So what do we do? If we keep doing it the way we have been, we won't be going anywhere. And if we get angry and burst it, it will sink with us and our people in it. We need to find a way to reach agreement with the other rowers.

The meeting ends with a resolution to hold a workshop on 20-27 July at Lawkhila to discuss on topics which include:

§  NCA implementation review

§  Framework on Political Dialogue (FPD) Terms of Reference (TOR) review

§  Structure of National Dialogues

§  Sequencing of topics

§  Timeline

The results are expected to be submitted to the PPST by the end of the month, and decisions early in August. After which the PPST/PPWT will discuss with the NRPC/PC for agreement.

No plain sailing there for sure. A lot of meetings, both formal and especially informal, will be needed before both sides can agree to go ahead with the next UPC21CP. And all the negotiators on both sides have my sympathy and encouragement.

But I also remember what my teacher once said:

There can be only two mistakes one can make on the road to the truth: not starting it, and not going all the way.

It'll be nice to know what "truth" is waiting for us at the end of the road though.