Saturday, August 5, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

From the Archives: ‘We Can Bring about Both–Justice and Reconciliation’

Posted: 05 Aug 2017 02:14 AM PDT

This month marks the 29th anniversary of the nationwide protests in 1988 that launched Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. As one of the most prominent leaders of that uprising against military rule, Min Ko Naing was forced to spend most of the next two and a half decades in prison.

Released in early 2012 along with many other fellow political prisoners, he has since returned to public life as a founding member of the 88 Generation Peace & Open Society, a group dedicated to restoring democracy and human rights in Myanmar. The Irrawaddy interviewed him in 2013 on Myanmar's struggle for independence.

Min Ko Naing is a nom de guerre meaning "Conqueror of Kings," and it has become synonymous with the determination of the people of Myanmar to end unjust and autocratic rule. But these days Min Ko Naing is also actively seeking national reconciliation, even as he continues to push for accountability for human rights abuses committed in the country. However, as he says in this interview with The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Zwa Moe, his quest to uncover the truth about the past is not about seeking revenge.

Min Ko Naing has won numerous international awards for his activism. These include the 2009 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights; the 2005 Civil Courage Prize; the 2001 Student Peace Prize; the 2000 Homo Homini Award of People In Need; and the 1999 John Humphrey Freedom Award. His most recent honor was an award from the US National Endowment for Democracy, which he received in 2012.

Twenty-five years after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, what do you think the movement has achieved so far?

Certainly, they [the authorities] now have to shout louder than we do about democracy. Whether they are really practicing it or not is another matter. The situation today is that they now have to admit that the banner of democracy that we raised is righteous and noble. Here, I think we need to examine what kind of political reform is taking place in this country—is it for all of the people, or just for a group of people? The important question is: who is this current change for?

Back in 1988, many democracy activists, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, called the pro-democracy movement the country's second struggle for independence. Is it still the same struggle today?

Unlike the past, the other side is no longer denying democracy. But things are not moving smoothly, so we still have to struggle. Sometimes, we have to compete with them and sometimes we have to negotiate with them. After all, it is still a struggle.

It will be very difficult to achieve reconciliation in Myanmar without compromising on the issue of justice. How will the 88 Generation Peace & Open Society seek justice for those who have suffered for their role in the struggle?

I think we can bring about both—justice and reconciliation. Of course, it is essential to reveal the truth. We can learn lessons from the past only if we uncover the truth. But this doesn't mean seeking revenge. So first we have to disclose the truth, and then we have to take responsibility together to ensure that injustices don't happen again.

These days, we can see many media reports about human rights violations in the past. So far, I haven't seen any actions taken by the authorities against those publications. I think it's all part of disclosing the truth, although we still can't pursue it as a nationwide mission.

Your group has decided to make peace and reconciliation the theme of its commemoration of the 1988 uprising. Why did you choose that topic?

Peace and reconciliation are essential if we want to move forward. At the same time, however, we will also organize exhibitions about what happened in the past, to continue to disclose the truth.

Myanmar's opposition groups always had trouble dealing with the political games of the former regime, and they are still lagging behind the current government in terms of strategy. Why are the opposition groups so weak at formulating and following strategies?

I don't see politics as a game. Eventually, politics [in Myanmar] will become a game in which there are players. But right now we are freedom fighters, not players in a political game. I don't know the rules of that game. Dhamma [justice] will prevail over Adhamma [injustice] in the end. But it also depends on our might and unity. Unity is not a problem in a dictatorship because it is always a top-down system. But in a democracy, everybody is allowed to be different. That is the nature of democracy.

The people of Myanmar are looking to the 88 Generation for leadership at this critical time. What is the political agenda of the group?

I don't want people to depend on an individual person or group. I think we need collaborative leadership. We are now trying to empower civil society, which is different from forming political parties. I think the civil society groups are getting stronger and stronger. What we are doing today is building a network. You can't see a single tree standing out in a field. Our work is horizontal, not vertical.

Will you form a political party to contest the 2015 national election?

Personally, I have no plan to form a political party. But in our group, there are some who are keen to do so and capable of making it work, so they might form a party at some point. I understand why they want to do it, but as for me, I don't have any enthusiasm or aptitude for it.

Let me say a few words about party politics and people's politics. Those two ideologies always divide us into two groups. Look at Bogyoke Aung San: He formed a party, but he wasn't really doing party politics. Instead, he engaged in people's politics for the good of the whole nation.

I won't form a political party, but I will keep working at the grassroots level. Look at people like Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. We don't criticize them for not taking part in party politics. Their work was hugely influential. So I don't think that that forming a political party and running in an election is the only way to achieve things in politics.

How do you propose to change the current political situation in Myanmar, in which former military leaders still dominate in both the government and the Parliament?

It would be best if power was in hands of the people. To reach our goal, I am more interested in influence than power. After 50 years of being ruled with an iron fist, our people tend to think of power as something used to oppress them. It was power that intimidated and enslaved them. The way governments took or seized power wasn't right, either. That's why I want to apply influence rather than power. By building influence, we will be able to put power into hands of the people.

What is the difference between the struggle you started in 1988 and the challenges you face today?

In the past, our struggle faced total denial and a closed door. So we had to put all our energy into opening that door. Now the door is open and we've received promises [from the authorities] that they will walk together with us on this road [to political reform]. We have to admit that we now enjoy more freedom. The media, for example, is much freer than before. We couldn't even dream of such freedom in the past. These are changes we can't deny, but that doesn't mean that those changes are complete.

What I am concerned about now is whether these initial changes will be able to continue to grow. We now have basic rights to form and run associations, organize activities, and so on. But if these rights can't grow and develop, they will be like bonsai trees in a living room—just for show.

There are traps and obstacles that we have to overcome. There are still restrictive laws in force, such as the draconian Electronics Act, under which we were given 60-year prison sentences for sending out four emails—that's 15 years for each email. Those laws are still instruments that they can use to throw you into jail anytime they choose.

You said earlier that you are not satisfied with the current political reforms. What kind of political transition would satisfy you?

Let's talk about what should be done in this situation. One of the most critical issues in our country is the ethnic problem. Unless that issue is tackled seriously and immediately, any political reform will be a sham, and we won't be able to build up a new nation. If we really want to continue this political reform, we need to solve the ethnic issue right away.

The post From the Archives: 'We Can Bring about Both–Justice and Reconciliation' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Archive: What We Were Fighting For

Posted: 04 Aug 2017 10:48 PM PDT

This month marks the 29th anniversary of the nationwide protests in 1988 that launched Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. In this commentary originally published in 2013, The Irrawaddy's Aung Zaw reflects on his own participation in the movement, and reconciling the reality of the present with the events of the past.

It was 25 years ago that students led a massive uprising against military rule in Myanmar—an event that has shaped an entire generation and affected virtually every person in the country. After 26 years of disastrous decline under the regime of Gen Ne Win, the people of Myanmar had had enough. Little did they know then, when victory had seemed so near, that it would be nearly the same number of years again before they would finally begin to see the end of the long, dark night of oppression.

As a student at that time, I can clearly remember the exhilaration of knowing that the entire nation was behind us, that we could not possibly lose. But we were wrong. Though people came out into the streets in their millions all over the country, the military would not stand down. Too accustomed to holding power, and believing that only they could lead the way out of the crisis that they had created, the generals gave the order: shoot, shoot to kill.

And so thousands of young lives were mown down, and with them, the hopes of an entire nation. Some fled to the jungle to take up arms or seek allies abroad, while others went underground to defy the new regime from within. For more than two decades, an undeclared war continued to rage—a war on students, on the very people who had refused to lose faith in their country's future.

They knocked on doors in the middle of the night: the military intelligence agents who didn't care about the sobbing parents as they dragged their children away with hoods over their heads. They tortured and imprisoned any who dared to speak out against the regime. And when they couldn't throw everyone who opposed them behind bars, the generals locked the gates to the universities, knowing they were breeding grounds for dangerous ideas, such as democracy and human rights.

Of course, students were not the only victims of the violence, which also targeted ethnic minorities and opposition politicians and affected everybody from poor farmers to rich businesspeople who fell afoul of the all-powerful generals. But it was students who were treated with the greatest distrust, because the weapons they wielded were their own minds, which refused to be yield to force.

Later, the junta refined its strategy for dealing with students: while keeping most campuses closed, it created new ones, banishing students to the distant outskirts of cities. Thus the prisons, home to some of Myanmar's best minds, became in some ways the country's most important centers of learning, while the universities, deprived of decent facilities and properly qualified instructors, became little more than holding centers for a dispossessed generation.

Now all of this has changed, or so we would like to believe. Students are no longer vilified in the state-run press, and most of Myanmar's political prisoners have been freed. Some of the '88 activists are now politicians, media people or artists, all determined in their own way to keep their struggle for democracy alive. Those forced to flee have begun to return, looking for ways to help rebuild the country they never really left behind.

There is some hope in the air in Myanmar today, but it is nothing like that of 1988. Then, it was possible to believe that the country could easily return to the days when, before the coup of 1962, it was seen as the most promising in the region. Now, there is half a century of rubble to remove before rebuilding can even begin.

But perhaps it isn't necessary to clear away every remnant of the recent past, as we tried to do in 1988. Perhaps as we reclaim the space that was taken away from us and learn again how to speak openly, without fear of our overlords, we can, in the process, dismantle the legacy of military rule.

Does anybody really believe that the former generals who now rule Myanmar understand the meaning of democracy? Probably not. But perhaps it doesn't really matter, as long as we are all determined to make what use we can of the little freedom we now have to create a nation based on respect for the rights of its people, rather than on dread of its despotic rulers.

This does not mean that we can forget the past, especially when its effects are still very much with us. Those who sacrificed their lives must be remembered, not only by their loved ones, but by the nation as a whole. But this can only happen in a country with real leadership. Until Myanmar has leaders who can acknowledge the past, the road to a better future will be strewn with obstacles.

These days, the way forward looks particularly daunting. Despite numerous ceasefires, conflicts in the country's north remain unresolved because of the current government's refusal to accommodate the desire of ethnic minorities for greater self-determination. Meanwhile, religious riots—evidently backed by some still in power today—are hurting the country's efforts to rejoin the international community after decades of isolation.

Myanmar won't be able to recover from its long years of abuse at the hands of its rulers on its own. It would truly be a tragedy—and a betrayal of the spirit of 1988—if agents of hatred and intolerance succeeded in robbing the people of Myanmar of the respect they have earned in the eyes of the world for their tireless struggle for democracy. Only by continuing to resist the forces of ignorance and brutality will we be able to win the war on students, and on the minds of all Myanmar citizens.

This story first appeared in the August 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post From the Archive: What We Were Fighting For appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (July 31 – August 4)

Posted: 04 Aug 2017 09:22 PM PDT

Monday (July 31)

The Lower House approved a proposal by Dr. U Hla Moe of Aungmyaythazan Township to launch an education television channel. According to the education and information ministry, the channel will be aired by the state broadcaster Myanma Radio and Television starting in the next fiscal year.

The channel reportedly aims to facilitate learning in rural and remote areas, offer new teaching methods to educators, and keep the public informed about academic progress in the country.

U Kyaw Lwin Aung of Sidoktaya Township urged the government to issue a disaster alert through mobile SMS messages to help mitigate the impact of disasters. Deputy Minister for Transport and Communications U Myo Kyaw said that Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) sent its subscribers a download link to the 'DAN Myanmar mobile application' in December, which provides emergency telephone numbers, dos and don'ts in times of disaster, and weather news and disaster alerts in real time.

In addition, Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement runs a Facebook page and a website which also provide real-time weather reports and disaster alerts.

In the Upper House, parliamentarians debated a bill proposing amendments to the 2012 Farmland Law.

Tuesday (August 1)

Ten MPs debated President U Htin Kyaw's proposal to make the sale of diamonds, emeralds, and gold bars, which are listed as special commodities under the Special Commodities Tax Law, exempt from commercial tax. Seven lawmakers debated in favor of tax exemption, and three others endorsed exempting tax on basic commodities, rather than luxury products.

Wednesday (August 2)

The Lower House voted down the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) MP U Thein Tun's proposal which urged the government to boost awareness of H1N1—also known as swine flu—across the country in order to reduce infection rates and deaths. Out of a total of 392 votes in Parliament, 146 MPs voted in support and 231 against the proposal, while four abstained, and 11 MPs did not join the ballot.

In response to the question by Tamu Township MP U Naing Naing Win, Deputy Commerce Minister U Aung Htoo said that his ministry for the time being had no plan to establish a Myanmar-India border trade zone in his township.

Daw Khin Hnin Thit of Padaung Township urged the government to equalize the required matriculation marks for both male and female students for admission to vocational institutes. Currently, women are required to earn higher scores to attend the same institutes, particularly in studying subjects like medicine. Deputy Minister for Education U Win Maw Tun said the required marks are the same for both male and female students for admission to universities of economics, education, technological and computer studies. However, the education ministry currently has no plan to change the male-female ratio for medical and pharmaceutical programs.

The Upper House voted down the scrapping of the Article 66(d) of 2013 Telecommunications Law, but approved proposed amendments, such as a provision allowing for bail.

MPs also debated the bill amending the law on narcotics, drugs and psychotropic substances. There were different views and the speaker asked the bill committee to review the amendments.

Thursday (August 3)

In the Lower House, Deputy Minister for Planning and Finance U Maung Maung, in response to a question by Minhla Township MP Dr. Than Aung Soe, said that the government has for the time being no plan to increase the pension for retired military personnel and civil servants.

The Upper House approved a bill amending Myanmar's Gemstone Law. The bill has yet to be discussed in the Lower House.

The new law will ban large-scale mining, and only allow medium- and small-scale ventures.

Friday (August 4)

In response to a question by Dr. Daw Pyone of Kachin State's Indaw Township, Deputy Home Affairs Minister Maj-Gen Aung Soe said that the government had adopted a road map to design a new comprehensive anti-drug policy. This, he said, would address the country's drug problem at the national level. In addition, the home ministry will send a special drug squad to be stationed in Indaw Township which is situated on the smuggling route for drugs to jade mines in Kachin State, said the deputy minister.

The MPs discussed the regional development tasks of their respective constituencies in the Upper House.

The post This Week in Parliament (July 31 – August 4) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 5)

Posted: 04 Aug 2017 09:05 PM PDT

Philippines Firm Eyes Myanmar

A Philippines-based rice research firm is considering expanding operations to Myanmar and India, ABS-CBN in Manila reported.

The firm could invest up to US$3 million in Myanmar, Chairman Henry Lim said.

The company plans to produce seeds for sale to farmers, and then to sub-contract farmers to produce rice including the company's own brand, Dona Maria.

Last month, SL-Agritech signed a collaboration agreement with Bangladesh firm EnP Solutions for the seed production of a high-yielding rice hybrid which can withstand both dry and wet climates.

Lat War Group in Health Deal

The Lat War Group in Myanmar has joined with Singapore-based Asian American Medical Group (AAMG) to explore healthcare opportunities, the Edgemarkets reported.

The deal is with Lat War's subsidiary, Golden Land United Health Group Company.

Lat War is mainly involved in garments, textiles, paper manufacturing, power generation and real estate.

It has extensive business networks in Myanmar and a proven track record, AAMG chairman Dr. Tan Kai Chah said.

Golden Land managing director Dr. Khin Maung Aye said, "While Lat War is new to healthcare, we are experienced in doing business in Myanmar. Backed by the track record and international network of Dr. Tan and his team, I am confident we will make rapid inroads into this exciting sector."

AAMG specializes in liver treatment and oncology and is listed on the Australian Securities Exchange. It will take a 51 percent stake in the joint-venture Gold Bell Healthcare Ventures Company Ltd, with Golden Land holding the remaining 49 percent.

Yoma Sees Profits Up

Singapore-listed Yoma Strategic Holdings saw a sharp rise in net profits this year over the previous year, according to a company report.

Better operational performance across all its businesses helped revenues group year on year by more than 46 percent from $17.6 million to $25.8 million.

Its consumer business, including KFC outlets, were up 42.1 percent in revenues and the automotive and heavy equipment business rose by 61 percent, it was reported. The real estate business was also up.

Thais to Probe Shan State Opportunities

Shan State officials will receive a delegation from Thailand's Foreign Trade Department on a five-day mission starting Monday in an attempt to boost border trade, the Bangkok Post reported.

The goal is to expand border trade by five percent this year, said deputy director-general Adul Chotinisakorn. Opportunities in Shan State are primarily in hotels and tourism, restaurants, agro-industries, electricity and livestock, he said.

Thai companies who will join the trip include the Provincial Electricity Authority (PEA), Bangkok Mass Transit System Plc, the Port Authority of Thailand and Amata Corporation Plc.

Thanaka Products Make Inroads in Thailand

Traditional Myanmar thanaka (a fragrant paste traditionally used in Myanmar for cosmetic and medicinal purposes) is finding new markets in Thailand, according to Asia Nikkei.

British Dispensary, a Thai personal care products manufacturer, introduced a cooling body powder that contains thanaka to the Thai market earlier this year. The product marketed under its Snake Brand line is billed as a way to cool the body before going to bed or after a shower.

Thanaka used directly on the face also has potential in Thailand, according to the company's president Anuruth Vongjanij. "People might initially find it weird to put a powder on their face, but I think it could be a new fashion trend from Thailand."

British Dispensary spent more than $5 million marketing thanaka on social media, according to the report.

Another Thai company, Everyday Happy, has introduced a thanaka skincare line that includes soap, foundation and body powder. Sales of De Leaf Thanaka products have been doubling every year since 2014, according to the report.

Myanmar Squashes Trade Zone on India Border

Myanmar will not yet set up a trading zone on its border with India at Tamu due to slow trade in the area and poor immediate potential, it was reported last week.

Deputy Commerce Minister Mr U Aung Htoo told parliamentarians that the Tamu trading point has been open since 1995 but trade value has been low.

A series of joint committee meetings between Myanmar and India was held last week with a view to improving bilateral trade and border trade. There were also discussions on opening a trade zone in Chin State.

According to official statistics, Myanmar-India bilateral trade amounted to $1.743 billion in the fiscal year 2016 – 2017.

New Hotel to Open by Inya Lake

A 15-story hotel and apartment complex overlooking Yangon's Inya Lake is due to open at the start of September, Hotel Lotte of South Korea announced.

The Hotel Lotte Yangon will have 343 guest rooms, all with a view of the lake, and facilities will include a large banquet hall and a swimming pool overlooking the lake.

The 29-story apartment block will have 315 units and facilities will include a children's playroom. Apartment sizes range from 62 to 339 square meters.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 5) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘Housemaids Need Protection of Law’

Posted: 04 Aug 2017 08:49 PM PDT

May Sitt Paing: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the growing problem of abuse of young housemaids in Myanmar and legal protection for them. There have been a few high-profile cases over the past year including the abuse of young housemaids at Ava tailoring shop, and another case in [Yangon's] Dagon Seikkan Township, which have not yet been settled. U Nyi Nyi, lawmaker in Yangon regional parliament representing South Dagon Township and Daw Hla Hla Yi, director of Legal Clinic Myanmar, join me to discuss laws and legislation for the legal protection of housemaids.

The issue of housemaid abuse is under the spotlight. U Nyi Nyi, you are currently acting for 13-year-old housemaid Ma Khaing Hnin Wai of Dagon Seikkan Township. How is the progress in the prosecution of her employer?

Nyi Nyi: She is 13 years old and was working as a housemaid in Dagon Seikkan Township. Her employers [a married couple] have been released on bail. The case was reported to me last month only after local residents were not happy with the charge of causing minor injury. She was pressed with a hot iron on many parts of her body, and locals were not happy with the charge of causing minor hurt. As far as I'm aware, her employers have been released on bail. The [Yangon Region] parliamentary committee on social affairs is coordinating with concerned authorities and locals to bring justice for the girl.

MSP: Firstly, the couple was charged with causing grievous injury. And then the charge was altered to minor injury. So, U Nyi Nyi, what do you think of the actions of the police force?

NN: As far as I know, police accepted the case under the charge of causing grievous hurt. But, after they submitted the interrogation and medical reports to the township law officer, when the case was brought before the court, the charge had been changed to causing minor hurt. As I am not a legal expert, I am not clear on the reasons behind the downgrading of the charge. But from the point of view of ordinary citizens, she is just 13—we must take her age into consideration—she was pressed with hot iron on various parts of her body, and was also hit in her face. The parliamentary social affairs committee made a field trip to Dagon Seikkan Township on Friday, and met the responsible persons. According to the medical superintendent [of the township hospital], they found 10 serious injuries on her, but only reported nine of them in the medical report. He said the hospital had had to wait and see if that injury would leave a scar. According to the updated medical report, she got injured in her face, which spoils the beauty of a girl, and the medical superintendent suggested that the assault was deliberate. The medical superintendent said the updated medical report has been submitted [to the police]. And the township judge also told us that the charge may change again depending on the results of the medical report.

MSP: The issue of the abuse of housemaids had come under the spotlight with the reported abuse of a young housemaid by the wife of a township judge in Bago over the past years. Then, the Ava tailoring factory case is a high-profile one. And in the last one, a young housemaid working at the house of a retired [Myanmar Army] lieutenant-colonel had got her teeth knocked out. The problem between housemaids and their employers is growing. What is your advice from the legal point of view to help solve this problem?

Hla Hla Yi: Firstly, a law is necessary to protect them. Sadly, there have been many reported cases of abuse of young housemaids lately. Such cases are prosecuted under the Penal Code, and the charge may vary depending on the severity of the injuries. Domestic workers are different from other employees in terms of the job nature. Other employees have fixed working hours, and they don't have to work the whole day and sleep at the workplace. This different job nature poses risks to young and adult housemaids. Assessing the cases reported to our office, we found that they are either sexually or physically abused—to name a few serious things, for instance, pressing with an iron and hitting knuckles. They are also suffering from emotional abuse. So, the general laws covering general laborers are not enough for them. There is a need for the enactment of a specific law for them. Because their job involves greater risks than other employees, and young housemaids are at greater risk in particular. So there is a need for the announcement of a law dedicated to domestic workers. In our country, many don't understand and therefore have no respect for human rights, and labor rights. So, domestic workers are forced into work in conditions akin to modern slavery—many of the cases we have seen and heard today. To prevent these, a dedicated law is necessary. But so far, there is still no such law. On the other hand, house owners also complain about bad domestic workers. I don't deny that there are bad domestic workers. Some domestic workers are immoral and give trouble to house owners. We have also heard about such cases. There is a need for contracts to be signed between house owners and domestic workers. Only then, will we be able to curb the problems facing domestic workers to a certain extent.

MSP: Many legal experts have called for the announcement of a law regarding domestic service. But have you ever made your voices heard by the concerned ministries? What actions are you taking?

HHY: Yes, we've called for enacting laws to protect the rights of housemaids. But for the time being, we haven't yet made an official request to the concerned ministries to enact such laws. But then, we have discussed enshrining provisions that protect women against sexual abuse at the workplace in the draft law on the prevention and protection of violence against women.

MSP: Young housemaids are exploited by house owners. They have no fixed working hours. And they are also subject to sexual and physical abuse. Legal experts have called for enacting legislation to give protection for them. As a lawmaker, what is your advice for the adoption of such law in Parliament? What steps are lawmakers taking?

NN: It directly concerns the Parliament at the Union level. Such a law shouldn't be applied to cover Yangon Region only. There is an urgent need for lawmakers of both houses to discuss laws covering the terms of agreement between housemaids and house owners, the protection of housemaids and the regulations for housemaids. If there are right laws, and when there is momentum in their enforcement, domestic workers will have legal cover.

MSP: Besides the enactment of laws, raising the awareness of both house owners and domestic workers is also important. Ma Hla Hla Yi, what is your view?

HHY: There are two parts. Some employers know that hurting their housemaid is a crime, but they do it deliberately with the knowledge that housemaids are too weak to file a complaint and seek legal protection. And some employers do not know it is a crime. So, it is important to raise legal awareness of each and every citizen. But our capability to do so is limited. I think state media can play a role here to raise the awareness, warning them about the criminality of physical and sexual abuse of housemaids, because civil society organizations have limited resources to do so. I'd like to suggest that the government should raise awareness through television channels. Again, housemaids in our country are forced by limited job opportunities and poverty into this job, but not because of their own choice. It is therefore very difficult for them to file complaints and seek legal protection and justice. So even if a law won't be enacted immediately, the government should at least adopt policies urgently detailing the rights of domestic workers as well as obligations of house owners and domestic workers.

MSP: What are your recommendations for public awareness of this issue?

NN: Prevention is better than cure. Now is the opportune time to take actions. In fact, we could have taken actions earlier. But it is not too late if we are committed to solving this issue. [Awareness-raising] pamphlets should be distributed in affluent and middle-class neighborhoods. The [number of] abuse cases have slightly decreased because of extensive coverage of the issue in media. Many more cases would have been exposed if those children knew how to file complaints. I've also heard that the potential [number of] abuse cases have been deterred by media reporting. More potential cases can be reduced by awareness-raising campaigns; for example, the social affairs ministry can erect billboards detailing the prison terms for sexual and physical abuse of young housemaids. This will largely reduce potential cases, I would say.

MSP: Thank you for your contributions!

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'Housemaids Need Protection of Law' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Archive: Why the Past Can’t be Put to Rest

Posted: 04 Aug 2017 07:05 PM PDT

This month, Myanmar commemorates the 29th anniversary of the nationwide protests in 1988 that defined the pro-democracy movement. Ma Win Maw Oo, a 16-year-old schoolgirl, was gunned down in Yangon with other demonstrators on Sept. 19, 1988—the day after a new junta seized power. Her final request to her father was that he not perform the last rites over her body until the country had become a democracy. In this article from 2013, Ma Win Maw Oo's family explains why they honored her wish.

In 2016, after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy administration was elected and took office, Ma Win Maw Oo's parents finally put her soul to rest.

YANGON—Though it happened more than two decades ago, U Win Kyu is still haunted by old memories. Daw Khin Htay Win, his wife, is torn between her wish and her husband's promise to their daughter.

His mind drifts back to a September evening 25 years ago. He was running from ward to ward in Yangon General Hospital looking for his daughter after learning that she was in critical condition after being shot by the army. Around him, the hospital was teeming with patients badly injured by trigger-happy soldiers. He recalls that there were pools of blood on the floors.

"Every year at this time, it all comes back to me," said the 61-year-old father, recounting the last hours of his daughter Ma Win Maw Oo, who moaned in pain on the hospital bed suffering from a fatal wound caused by a bullet that shred a lung.

The 16-year-old schoolgirl was gunned down in downtown Yangon with other pro-democracy demonstrators on Sept. 19, 1988—the day after a new junta seized power after months of protests. Her fatal shooting was captured in a photograph that shows her blood-soaked body being carried away by two young doctors. That image, which appeared in the Oct. 3, 1988, issue of Newsweek's Asian edition, soon became an icon of the brutality of the crackdown.

Every year in September when the anniversary of their eldest daughter's death is approaching, the couple in their sixties faces a great dilemma: should they perform Buddhist rites to release Ma Win Maw Oo's soul into the afterlife, or fulfill the wish she expressed to her father from her deathbed? Her dying words were, "Don't call my name to bestow merit upon my soul until Myanmar enjoys democracy."

The eighth-standard girl's final wish is a shocking one in Myanmar society, where a deeply rooted traditional belief has it that a person's soul can't rest in peace until his or her name is called out by the family to share their merit with the deceased.

"As a mother, I don't want her soul to wander," Daw Khin Htay Win said with a deep sigh. "But I have to respect her wish and my husband's promise to her," she added, explaining why the family hasn't shared their merit with their daughter for the last 24 years.

Despite Myanmar's recent democratic reforms, the family said they still don't feel that they can call for merit to be bestowed upon their daughter's soul this year.

"You cannot say democracy is now flourishing in our country," U Win Kyu told The Irrawaddy recently, sitting in front of an enlarged picture of his daughter in the family's one-room shack on the outskirts of Yangon.

"As long as we don't have a president heartily elected by the people, we cannot call her name to bestow merit upon her soul," he said. His wife nodded in agreement.

Both parents remember Ma Win Maw Oo as a "good" daughter who supplemented the family income by selling sugar-cane and traditional snacks in the streets. She wanted to be a singer inspired by the Myanmar pop star Hay Mar Ne Win (not related to then dictator Gen Ne Win). She hated injustice, so when the country's people rose up against military rule in 1988, she knew she had to join.

"It was her burning sense of [the government's] injustice that took her life," said Daw Khin Htay Win.

Min Ko Naing, the most prominent student leader of the 1988 uprising, said that Ma Win Maw Oo and others who gave their lives for the cause of democracy did not do so in vain.

"If possible, I wish I could tell her we are still marching to the goal she wants by crossing the bridge she and other people built by sacrificing their lives," he said.

Since Ma Win Maw Oo's death, her family has had an extreme dislike of the army. But, as time goes by, their hatred toward Myanmar's military men diminishes. U Win Kyu said he prefers to let bygones be bygones, and is not interested in seeking justice for his daughter.

"My daughter was brutally killed and I myself also used to have bitter feelings toward the army," he said. "But now I've come to realize that it was her destiny to face that kind of death. We no longer hold a grudge."

But they still want something.

"We want the president to make some sort of memorial to honor those who fell during the '88 uprising," said Daw Khin Htay Win, adding that that would be the best way to assuage the grief of families who lost loved ones in the struggle to restore democracy.

"If it really happened, it would fill us with pride and joy," she said.

This story first appeared in the August 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post From the Archive: Why the Past Can't be Put to Rest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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