The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- H1N1 Death Toll Rises to 19
- Tatmadaw Troops Arrive in Sittwe, Bound for Maungdaw: Source
- Govt, UNFC Still at Odds on Signing NCA
- Ministry Pledges Legal Protection For Domestic Workers
- Bill Committee Calls for Reduced Sentencing in Telecom Law
- ANP Asks Army Chief to Segregate Ethnic Communities in Maungdaw
- Raising the Bar
- The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch
- Families Unplanned in Kachin IDP Camps
| Posted: 10 Aug 2017 07:13 AM PDT YANGON — Two more children died of the H1N1 virus on Wednesday, bringing the death toll to 19 since the flu outbreak was confirmed on July 21, according to Ministry of Health and Sports. The two children were from Irrawaddy and Magwe regions, according to the Public Health Department in Naypyitaw. According to the health ministry, a total of 183 people contracted the H1N1 virus—also known as swine flu—between July 21 and August 9. A total of 63 patients—11 at Waibagi Hospital in Yangon and 52 at hospitals in other regions and states—are still receiving medical treatment, but most of them are recovering, according to the ministry. However, according to the daily statements released by the ministry about the virus and deaths, the number of people who contracted and died of virus has continued to rise. Local businessmen, companies, as well as UN agencies and international organizations, are providing cash, medicine, medical equipment and masks, according to the ministry. Turkey will provide flu vaccines, and China will also supply the antiviral medication Oseltamivir, flu vaccines, and medical equipment including respirators. Meanwhile, the medical superintendent of Irrawaddy Region's Pyapon Township Hospital has been discharged from Waibagi Hospital after recovering from the H1N1 virus, the medical superintendent of Waibagi Hospital Dr. Aye Aye Aung told The Irrawaddy. The medical superintendent was admitted to Waibagi Hospital on August 3 after she became sick during the last week of July and was discharged on Tuesday, she said. The deputy director-general of the public health department Dr. Than Tun Aung said at a meeting on the H1N1 flu on Sunday that the ministry would treat the outbreak as a pandemic, and still had not been able to bring it under control. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko The post H1N1 Death Toll Rises to 19 appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Tatmadaw Troops Arrive in Sittwe, Bound for Maungdaw: Source Posted: 10 Aug 2017 07:01 AM PDT Naypyitaw — A fully equipped Tatmadaw battalion believed to be dispatched to Maungdaw arrived at Sittwe Airport on Thursday morning, sources close to the Rakhine State government confirmed to The Irrawaddy. "At around 9 a.m. today, two military planes landed at Sittwe Airport. All of [the passengers] are soldiers. There may be around 100 in each plane. I heard they can't proceed to Maungdaw because of bad weather and are staying in Sittwe," a Sittwe local who was present at the airport told The Irrawaddy on the condition of anonymity. Sources close to the Rakhine State government told The Irrawaddy that they do not know the exact number of troops, but that they are meant to assist the security police force rather than directly engage in area clearance operations.  The dispatch follows the Arakan National Party (ANP)'s request to the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to boost security in the area on Wednesday. "We've officially asked for further deployment of Tatmadaw forces for the security of Rakhine State. We pointed out that existing security forces are too small to protect ethnic villages. The army chief said the Tatmadaw has large forces and that he would increase the troops if necessary. And he did as he said today," ANP lawmaker U Pe Than, representing Myebon Township in the Lower House, told The Irrawaddy. A senior military officer who asked for anonymity confirmed that the deployment was made at the request of ANP. However, he declined to give further details, citing security reasons. A spokesperson from the Rakhine State government said that the civil administration is not informed of military matters, and that he knew nothing more about what was reported regarding troop movements. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Tatmadaw Troops Arrive in Sittwe, Bound for Maungdaw: Source appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Govt, UNFC Still at Odds on Signing NCA Posted: 10 Aug 2017 05:53 AM PDT Government representatives expressed high hopes of reaching an agreement in peace discussions with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in Yangon on Thursday, despite UNFC representative Khu Oo Reh saying the trust-level between the parties was zero. The comments were made in opening remarks at the sixth round of formal talks between the government Peace Commission and ethnic bloc the UNFC's Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN) at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center in Yangon. An agreement to have UNFC members sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) would be reached at this round of talks after 14 months of negotiations, said Peace Commission chairman U Tin Myo Win in his opening remarks. The Peace Commission and the UNFC discussed the DPN's nine-point proposal of conditions leading to the bloc's groups signing the NCA—one of which being that all five members of the UNFC are invited to sign. U Tin Myo Win added that chairperson of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center State Counselor Daw Aung San Su Kyi had sent a message to say she strongly believed the talks could finalize the ethnic bloc signing the NCA and she hoped they could "walk forward towards peace" at the next stage of the 21st Century Panglong Union peace conference. DPN leader and UNFC general secretary Khu Oo Reh, however, said in his opening remarks: "I feel like the essential trust level is still at zero after after 14 months of talks." The position of peace policy markers bore no reality to the situation on the ground, he added. Active members of UNFC which will decide whether to sign after talks are: the New Mon State Party (NMSP); the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP); the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU); the Arakan National Council (ANC); and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP). Government spokesperson U Zaw Htay, who attended Thursday's meeting, said that after heated discussions, the two parties were in a positon to reach an agreement. Under discussion were the location of Myanmar Army outposts and the inclusion of international observers in the ceasefire monitoring. Discussions will continue, and end, on Friday. In July, The Irrawaddy reported that four non-NCA signatory ethnic armed groups had resigned from the UNFC: the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Wa National Organization (WNO). Under the U Thein Sein administration, eight ethnic armed groups signed the NCA in October 2015. The current National League for Democracy-led government held two rounds of peace conferences in August 2016 and May 2017. The next round is scheduled to take place within the next six months. The post Govt, UNFC Still at Odds on Signing NCA appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ministry Pledges Legal Protection For Domestic Workers Posted: 10 Aug 2017 05:29 AM PDT YANGON — The Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population has pledged to provide legal protections for Myanmar housemaids working abroad without proper documentation, the minister said on Thursday. Responding to a parliamentary question on such protections raised by Lower House lawmaker U Min Thein of Magwe Division's Taungdwingyi Township, Minister U Thein Swe acknowledged that traffickers and agents have been sending female domestic workers to foreign countries illegally, since his ministry has ceased to provide such work documentation since 2014. "Due to language barriers and very few chances to communicate with other organizations outside [of their employers' houses], they are unable to get the legal rights of the host countries," Minister U Thein Swe said. "By collecting data from migrant workers in foreign countries, we will arrange to legalize the status of domestic workers," the minister told lawmakers. Lawmaker U Min Thein questioned if the ministry planned to put forward a clear policy granting legal protections for domestic workers who are employed by local families in foreign countries and within Myanmar. He cited a recent suicide in which a domestic worker, who was a Myanmar national, jumped from a high-rise apartment in Singapore, allegedly as a consequence of ill treatment by her employer, as well as the high profile case of the two enslaved teenaged housemaids in the Ava tailor shop in downtown Yangon. Minister U Thein Swe also acknowledged the need for a separate law dedicated to preventing and tackling abuse, exploitation, and debt bondage carried out by employers against housemaids. He also pointed out that there are limitations in trying to collect information about such workers and to investigate allegations of violations by employers due to the nature of domestic work. "They are usually employed through relatives and friends or through brokers and agents, and they stay inside the houses of their employers," he explained. "[For these reasons,] we have difficulty in inspecting if the employers follow the regulated [maximum] working hours or respect the rules." The ministry has so far only officially approved sending some 130 domestic workers to Singapore through a bilateral agreement between the two governments, but it is estimated that as many as 40,000 Myanmar nationals are currently engaged in domestic work in Singapore, according to the ministry. International Domestic Workers' Day was celebrated last week for the first time in Myanmar with the assistance of the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT). On June 16, 2011, the ILO adopted a landmark treaty, the Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers, which laid out the rights of domestic workers. The convention requires countries to guarantee domestic workers the same rights as other workers regarding daily and weekly rest periods, working hours, overtime compensation and paid annual leave; as well as adequate protection against violence. The post Ministry Pledges Legal Protection For Domestic Workers appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Bill Committee Calls for Reduced Sentencing in Telecom Law Posted: 10 Aug 2017 05:23 AM PDT YANGON — The Lower House Bill Committee called to reduce the maximum prison term under Article 66 of the Telecommunications Law including online defamation charges to less than three years on Thursday. The law, which was enacted in 2013 under former President Thein Sein, is undergoing amendment. Article 66(d), a controversial law that limits freedom of expression online, currently provides for a maximum prison sentence of up to three years for anyone convicted of "extorting, coercing, restraining wrongfully, defaming, disturbing, causing undue influence or threatening to any person by using any Telecommunications Network." The law has been, and still is, used to stifle political dissent, through punishment that is severe in relation to the crime. It has been used to charge more than 80 people with "online defamation," including more than a dozen members of the media who have been detained and jailed. A member of the Lower House Bill Committee, U Tun Tun Hein, told parliamentarians on Thursday that the term of imprisonment must be reduced in order for those accused under the statute to be guaranteed bail in line with criminal procedure. The Upper House approved amendments of the law on Aug. 2 without reducing the imprisonment term. The amended bill states that those charged under Articles 65, 66(a), (b) and (d) "may" be granted bail, leaving it to the judge's discretion. According to Myanmar's criminal procedure, charges that can be accompanied by three or more years in prison do not permit bail to be granted. "This point makes it clear that bail is not allowable under Article 66," U Tun Tun Hein told parliamentarians on Thursday. "If we amend the imprisonment to less than three years, these will become bailable charges in line with existing law [criminal procedure]," he added. The Lower House Bill Committee presented their observations on the draft amendment of the law that has been approved in the Upper House. The committee praised the changes, saying they give the accused greater chances to defend themselves, stop third parties from filing cases and expedite legal action. The Lower House will discuss the amendments in the upcoming session. The post Bill Committee Calls for Reduced Sentencing in Telecom Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ANP Asks Army Chief to Segregate Ethnic Communities in Maungdaw Posted: 10 Aug 2017 02:45 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — The Arakan National Party (ANP) urged Myanmar Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to segregate Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township in the aftermath of killings of ethnic Mro people in the south of the township. A seven-member ANP delegation visited the military chief in administrative capital Naypyitaw on Wednesday to discuss local concerns and called for heightened security measures in Rakhine State. "Ethnic [Rakhine] villages are surrounded by Bengali villages, so, we called for designating No-Bengali zones in the area," U Khin Maung Latt of the ANP, who was at the meeting, told The Irrawaddy. The stateless Rohingya Muslim population of 1.1 million in Rakhine is referred to as "Bengali" by many in the state and the government, to infer that they are interlopers from Bangladesh. Tension has been running high recently between the two communities, who remain largely separated since inter-communal violence in 2012 and 2013 displaced around 140,000 people, the vast majority of them Muslim Rohingya. Myanmar Army-led security operations, in response to attacks on border guard posts that killed nine police, drove 75,000 Rohingya across the border to Bangladesh and "very likely" amounted to crimes against humanity, according to the UN. The commander-in-chief did not give a clear response to the request, according to attendees. ANP secretary U Oo Hla Saw, who was also present at the meeting, said the party requested to meet the army chief as the military is responsible for national security. The ANP elaborated on the concerns of ethnic Rakhine people and recent militant acts in the area, and the army chief seemed to be keen to provide the best security he could for ethnic Rakhine people, he said. "The army chief said he would fully protect ethnic groups in Rakhine State and that he would take care of the routes that [immigrants] use to come in illegally, and make sure the Mayu mountains are not used by militants," said U Oo Hla Saw, who is a Lower House member of parliament for Mrauk U Township. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's Facebook page said the two sides discussed further cooperation for stability and development in Rakhine State. The ANP delegation said the ruling party National League for Democracy (NLD) and the army have different views on the Rakhine issue. Also on Wednesday, the Upper House agreed to consider U Khin Maung Latt's proposal which urged the government to take action against suspected militants in northern Rakhine State under the 2014 Counter-Terrorism Law and help locals who have fled their homes because of recent killings in the area. Last week, six ethnic Mro—a sub-ethnic group of Rakhine—of Kay Gyee village near the Mayu mountain range in southern Maungdaw Township were found dead with gun and machete wounds. It remains unclear who was responsible for the killings. The State Counselor's Office reported hundreds of ethnic Rakhine from several villages had left their homes and moved to other villages following the unrest. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing remarked that ethnic youth should "cooperate" with security forces, according to ANP delegates, when asked about providing arms for local people. Also present at the meeting was deputy commander-in-chief of defense services and army commander-in-chief Vice-Snr-Gen Soe Win and chief of general staff (army, navy and air) Gen Mya Tun Oo. The ANP delegation was headed by chairman Dr. Aye Maung. The Myanmar government on Sunday, in its investigation report into the Rakhine security operation, repeated rejections of accusations of human rights abuses, calling reports of possible genocide "fabricated." The government continues to block a UN fact-finding mission tasked with investigating alleged atrocities—including extra judicial killings, arson, and rape—committed by Myanmar Army and police during the Rakhine security campaign that began last year. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post ANP Asks Army Chief to Segregate Ethnic Communities in Maungdaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 09 Aug 2017 11:43 PM PDT Yangon's myriad Japanese eateries have a new restaurant to compete with—its secret weapons are exceptionally well-sourced sashimi and fine-grade Wagyu beef. Singaporean Eugene Heng opened Sushi Bar in Sule Square in May, his third restaurant, after opening two of the same name in Singapore over the last four and a half years. The concept, in Singapore at least, is quality modern Japanese food with a focus on sushi and sashimi that won't break the bank. After Myanmar friends visited his Singapore branches, they convinced him to set up a joint venture in Yangon.  As the name suggests, the restaurant's sushi and sashimi are its strength. Fatty tuna, snapper, and mackerel are flown over fresh from Japan. Crucially, the fish isn't frozen—so the texture and taste of the glistening sashimi is (almost) as fresh and refreshing as you'd find in Tokyo's famous Tsukiji fish market. The otoro (fatty tuna) is supple and full of flavor as is the salmon, flown in from Norway, especially with the restaurant's freshly grated wasabi root. The rest of the menu by chef Boo Kae Lun—previously of Nadaman Japanese restaurant at the Singapore Shangri La—should not be overlooked, particularly the more modern, fusion dishes. The pan-fried foie gras in teriyaki sauce with slow cooked daikon and pumpkin purée is pure indulgence.  The dish is a master class in fusion cooking—the luxury of French fine dining with the foie gras and puree marries with the succulent Japanese white radish. Worth the indulgence at 16,900 kyats. Equally sumptuous is the foie gras ikura chawanmushi—traditional Japanese steamed egg with foie gras. The Miyazaki Wagyu was another highlight of Sushi Bar's menu. Like the sashimi, the quality of the Japanese grade A5 sirloin speaks for itself. Eugene told us he brings it over personally, seven kilograms at a time, from Singapore. Served medium rare, it's a melt-in-your-mouth treat.  Eugene admits, however, that Sushi Bar is unlikely to find itself as the restaurant of choice for Yangon's discerning Japanese residents. Its lack of a Japanese chef and shopping mall location mean all those its ingredients cannot be faulted, but it lacks a little authenticity. The Irrawaddy's hot tip? Be sure to reserve one of the booths on the window side of the restaurant for a more secluded, intimate dining experience overlooking Sule Pagoda Road rather than Sule Square shoppers.  The post Raising the Bar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch Posted: 09 Aug 2017 07:44 PM PDT Myanmar is a country that needs a long-winded introduction as well as careful introspection. Introduction is required because despite all the raves about its potential, whether economic—as Asia's last frontier—or political—thanks to the headline-grabbing Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—it was and still is unknown to many people outside the country. In the late 18th century—a period ushering in a new era of globalization—Myanmar, which was then called the Kingdom of Ava, was little-known because pre-colonial Burmese rulers (with the exception of a few) generally chose to develop an agrarian society, mostly detached from global trade. The English ambassador Michael Symes wrote in his famous "An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava, sent by the Governor-General of India, in the Year 1795": "Of the kingdom of Ava, …so little is known to the European world, that many persons … were at a loss on what part of the globe to seek for its position; and … even unacquainted with the existence of such a nation." The long history of Myanmar as an isolated patch on the world's map is significant in that it never presented an opportunity for many an outsider to learn its culture or understand the psyche of its people. This is particularly evident in the case of advocacy around human rights issues in Myanmar. Before the outbreak of the Rohingya conflict, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was relentlessly praised as an icon of human rights. The fact that most activists never fully understood her became undeniable as a deluge of criticism over her supposed silence on the issue arose in full force. Although some did acknowledge her limited power or role in the conflict, disappointment continued to well up from her long time-supporters who could no longer hold her up to the world as a human rights icon. This growing gulf was actually less-than-shocking when one realizes that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was adored by two types of supporters for two very different reasons: locals love her for the sacrifices she made, whereas foreigners showered adulation on her for human rights, something locals never gave much thought to. Given decades of seclusion, an insular culture—resulting from isolationist policies and Myanmar people's love for their own set of unique norms—and the lack of systematic (and impartial) study of various aspects of the country, this kind of miss is explicable. However, with the availability of much information about Myanmar now and with the emergence of platforms for discussion (including here on Tea Circle), recent trends in one particular social issue should be scrutinized because if it is not reined in, it will allow a myth to become entrenched in Myanmar society. The issue in question is women's rights and the myth is the assertion that Myanmar fares poorly in gender equality—a myth perpetuated by both locals and foreigners who have not thoroughly inspected the whole spectrum of Burmese women to appropriately frame issues of women's empowerment in the Burmese context. Women's rights in Myanmar is an issue that is misunderstood by some foreigners (particularly international NGOs) and misinterpreted by some locals who inadvertently downplays Burmese-style women's empowerment. Before continuing, it would be good to preface by acknowledging that I am perhaps not the best qualified person, for I am neither a social scientist nor a female. I don't believe in absurd gender-based superstitions, such as women being assumed to have less "hpone" (let's call it "aura" for lack of a better translation) than men do. Nor do I deny that there indeed exists a disparity between how men and women are generally treated in the country. Besides, what I am going to say may not be true across all cultural groups of Myanmar. However, as far as Burmese Buddhist culture is concerned, my personal experience of growing up in an extended family headed by strong independent women whom I respect very much leads me to conclude that the myth I describe is worth debunking, in as much as I am capable—, the myth that women's rights are scarce in Myanmar or that women do not enjoy the same privilege as men do. It would have probably been easier to argue in favor of feminism by incorporating grievances some Burmese women have against sexist practices. But, I couldn't do so because while some of those concerns are legitimate, it only shows one side of the coin. To ignore the other side is to do a disservice to thousands and thousands of Burmese women who contributed (and are contributing) so much to the country in whatever way they could (and can). This is not an argument against feminism; rather this is meant to be a piece that highlights the inadequacies of the current form of feminism that is prevalent in the country. Many of the arguments that call attention to the need for improved gender equality in Myanmar draw their strength from numbers. Indeed, one will not find it difficult to identify a field in Myanmar where men outnumber women. But, can we truly deduce that sexist attitudes are the cause of this disparity? I suspect this obsession with numbers is due to the encroachment of a supposedly utopian, egalitarian and extreme-left-leaning ideology of gender equality into Myanmar's territory of women's rights. While the degree of fervor among supporters varies from somewhat mild or tolerable to extreme bordering on insanity, the essence of this type of feminism can still be encapsulated in a few short sentences: gender and physical differences between men and women should never be a deterrent to women's freedom to choose whichever occupations they like; and, not until the number of women in just about every field is equal to (or more than) that of men could a just society be established. In transplanting this ideology to Myanmar, many fields were cited as examples of gender imbalance: Burmese women are under-represented in media, politics and so on. But, reaching hasty conclusions based on numbers alone is less-than-wise. Aaron Neil, a contributing editor at the National Discourse, brilliantly portrayed the futility of what he calls 'gender sameness theory' in his article "Why It's Time To Stop Worrying About First World 'Gender Gaps.'" He disagreed with the view that 'any country with unequal representation of women in politics, STEM graduates, or the general workforce, is a country that must shed its ancient notion of gender roles and opt for a progressive utopia of gender sameness.' Similarly, in Myanmar's context, we should first determine what prompted these imbalances to emerge before quickly attributing them to sexism. We should be asking whether or not underrepresentation truly translates to gender inequality. There should be no justification for failing to do so unless, of course, we are infected with what I call the 'gender sameness virus.' This virus renders us, once infected, fixated on fighting for women's rights based on a narrowly-defined notion of gender inequality and attacks our systematic thinking, causing us to overlook evidence that suggests contrary claims. When cured of the virus, it becomes clearer that Myanmar was and still is quite progressive when it comes to women's rights and equality. Repeatedly demanding that Myanmar needs to do better in promoting women's rights is not only perplexing but also condescending to Myanmar people when one considers ample historical and contemporary evidence that shows that Myanmar women have always enjoyed freedom and have always known liberation—albeit not in a way that could fit into the narratives favored by a majority of activists and feminists. While Burmese queens were able to sit on a throne alongside kings as they gave an audience to officials and ambassadors, queens in East Asian Kingdoms were not allowed to sit on thrones. In some cases, such as the Qing dynasty, queens had to rule and give commands from behind curtains. Burmese women do not have to change their names upon marriage. Nor are they prohibited from or chastised for assuming the head role of a family (although that may not be widespread in poorer regions). Long before women in the western world had to fight for suffrage or equal inheritance rights, Burmese pre-colonial laws under its monarchs granted women equal rights in inheritance, marriage and divorce. Women could divorce men fairly easily, sometimes even on a whim. In "An English Girl's First Impression of Burmah" by Beth Ellis, she told the story of a Burmese maid who disappeared for several days, then got married and reappeared after just two weeks because the maid had gotten tired of being married! I am fully aware that the status enjoyed by women of the past has not remained intact into the present day. Changes did come. Squeezed by economic hardships during years of isolation, lower middle-class and poor families preferred boys to girls as sending children to cities or overseas for further education was a safety concern when it came to daughters. Men and women came to take up different roles for the survival of their family. Amidst a shortage of job opportunities, wives stayed at home and husbands went out to bring what money they could find to the family. As a result, even today, men dominate in various job sectors. However, much of what seems to be discrimination against women is simply a result of economic and social conditions of those difficult times. Parents were concerned about their daughters' safety in a faraway land and kept them close. Wives did work outside when their education could lend them a job. More importantly, let's not forget that the role of women has not diminished much, as contemporary evidence shows. If sexism is as widespread as we are led to believe, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not have survived the military junta's tactics to discredit her based on her gender, however much weight she has as a daughter of independence hero General Aung San. It was mostly her popularity that propelled the NLD to a landslide victory in the last general election. To the question of what it is like to be a businesswoman in a 'male-dominated society', these interviews and research reports show that the much-hyped gender gap is not even an issue for most Burmese businesswomen. Even preference towards a baby boy is not so deeply ingrained in Burmese parents. Some even prefer girls because sons are thought to be unreliable, and will not look after the family once they get married. Parents often utter how sons will become "mane-ma-naut-lite" ("follow the wife") after their marriage. Moreover, this country does not have skewed gender ratio among the general population, which, according to the 2014 census, stood at approximately 1.07 or 107 females for every 100 males. My personal experience also convinces me to claim that although a somewhat patriarchal system where men are expected to work and women expected to stay at home and be a good housewife is prevalent in Myanmar, its society at least accords equal amount of respect to both men and women, regardless of the different roles they perform for their families. My mother has always been a housewife. Yet, she commands the same respect as my father does in my family as well as among her friends. No one has ever told her she deserves less credit or respect. I dare say I speak the truth for many other Burmese families like mine. The fact that Myanmar managed to retain much freedom and respect for women in the face of conditions—economic, social and religious—that could damage women's liberty should be a source of inspiration for anyone intent upon elevating the status of Burmese women. What better way to promote women's rights than to begin from where we already are? This is the other side of the coin that has been largely ignored. Only by examining both sides of the coin shall we begin to ask relevant questions. Is Myanmar really near the bottom when it comes to women's rights? Emancipation of women in the West came many years after the age of industrialization. Increased economic activities and wealth brought enlightenment values and subsequently the fight for gender equality. Similarly, we should ask whether or not the country has the necessary, basic cultural framework that will enable it to slowly eradicate some existing discriminatory practices applied towards women as it continues to modernize its economy and lift people out of poverty. Personally, I am optimistic because, for a large chunk of Myanmar's long history, there never was the type of systematic state-sanctioned or religion-sponsored discrimination towards women that could result in serious hindrances to the progress of society. Late entry to the game of modernization is both a blessing and a curse for Myanmar. The country is blessed that it has opportunities to emulate what worked for the other countries. However, the risk of turning a blessing into a curse is real if Myanmar is not wary of importing ideas that pose dangers to the society. Liberals' version of feminism is simply one option. People shouldn't be fooled into believing that the current status of women in Myanmar is a liability. The relative freedom and current status of Burmese women should be celebrated as an asset to this country. It would be a travesty if that asset is consistently ignored and gets replaced with a myth that paints Burmese women as anything but free, independent, empowered and respected people. Brandon Aung Moe was born and raised in Myanmar. He is an engineering degree graduate from the National University of Singapore (N.U.S.). The views expressed in the article are entirely his own and do not reflect those of anybody else he knows. He is currently working at Thura Swiss, a Myanmar-based firm specialized in market research, consulting and services supporting investments. He can be reached at brandon.lee.sam@gmail.com. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar. The post The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Families Unplanned in Kachin IDP Camps Posted: 09 Aug 2017 06:43 PM PDT WAINGMAW & MYITKYINA, Kachin State — Holding her eight-month-old baby close to her chest, young mother Roi San chased after her other child, a toddler running in front of her. The toddler ran barefoot across the ground. Married at 16, the 20-year-old had two miscarriages before giving birth to her two children. Roi San is one of the 708 people living in Zilun Baptist camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kachin State capital Myitkyina. The Irrawaddy visited three camps in Kachin State's Waingmaw and Myitkyina townships last month —St. Joseph Mai Na, Zilun and Madaing—and met with displaced families fleeing conflict between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) since 2011. The ongoing conflict has displaced more than 100,000 persons in Kachin State to date. Women and children are a common sight in IDP camps as men leave to work while wives and daughters tend to take care of their children, younger siblings and household chores during the day. At St. Joseph Mai Na Camp, sheltering 1,472 people, nearly 200 are under five years old. Many mothers who talked to The Irrawaddy said they were terrified of becoming pregnant again. Reproductive issues are seldom addressed as a priority in IDP camps, but poor family planning adds hardship to the desperate situation of the families living there, as they struggle to arrange childcare and feed extra mouths. According to Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, which has been working with women in the region—both in IDP camps and local villages—advocating for reproductive rights and awareness of gender issues since 2011, women living in displaced persons camps in particular need birth pacing and family planning. In these contexts, parents are often unable to provide enough nutrition to their children while struggling to earn money for everyday expenses and rely on donors to live. "Population increase is not a problem. The problem is that an increasing number of children do not get access to the food, nutrition, and education that they deserve," Nang Pu, founder of the Kachin State Women's Network and the director of Htoi, told The Irrawaddy. In an email to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) said it had already reached out to 10,800 women and girls living both in camps and in host communities by conducting awareness sessions on family planning, as well as other sexual and reproductive health and rights, including different types of contraceptives, pregnancy-related complications and gender-based violence. Besides the UNFPA's provision of contraceptive choices and family planning options, women and girls living in IDP camps where there are government health workers can request contraceptive pills and injections from midwives and nurses. A health worker from Madaing camp in Waingmaw Township confirmed this to The Irrawaddy during the visit to the camp. According to the UNFPA, 17.9 percent of women in Kachin State have an unmet need for contraceptives. Although they would like to access them, they cannot due to barriers such as cost, supply, logistics and cultural norms. Countrywide, this figure is slightly lower: 16 percent of women in Myanmar want contraceptives, but have been unable to obtain them.  "Women and girls need to know the choices that are available to them. But they also need to be empowered to make the choices they want for their health and their future," Janet Jackson, UNFPA's representative for Myanmar, told The Irrawaddy in an email. A key component of the gender equality work is, UNFPA said, to engage men and boys in family and gender-related issues that range from family planning and contraceptives to gender equality and domestic violence. It said that conducting such sessions on Sundays could increase male participation in discussion as families often go to the session together after visiting church. However, including men is still a difficulty as they are often absent or think family planning does not concern them, and they tend to leave the discussions, Htoi's Nang Pu said. "Even when women know what they should do for birth control, they can't always convince their husbands," Nang Pu said, referring to experiences that mothers had shared with her. Cultural and religious concerns in the community are also hindering her efforts to raise awareness, Nang Pu said, explaining that community leaders often misunderstand her intentions and think she is discouraging population growth among the ethnic community. Vulnerable populations are most affected by war—women, girls, and the elderly—she said. "Women are the ones who always suffer most but are also the most resilient." Acknowledging the strength of women—often forgotten and overlooked at the tables of peace talks—The Irrawaddy highlights the struggles of six displaced mothers.  Living at the Zai Awng camp on the China-Myanmar border since 2011, 22-year-old mother of three Pawk Seng Pang had to flee from the camp in January this year after Myanmar Army troops attacked the KIA's Lai Hpawng outpost. The young mother gave birth to the girl she is holding in the picture on the road during her flight from Zai Awng to Mai Na camp in Waingmaw Township. The young mother discovered in 2015 that her husband had infected her with HIV. Even though she took contraceptives to prevent pregnancy and, thereby, the risk of mother-to-child transmission of HIV, she stopped taking them due to the heavy bleeding that was a side effect of contraceptives. She became pregnant with her youngest daughter. She is now hoping that her six-month-old is not HIV positive. The couple has been taking antiretroviral therapy (ART) to treat the HIV infection. When asked what makes her resilient to so many hardships, she looked at her daughter and responded, "My children are the reason I'm still alive."  Originally from Nam San Yang village close to the KIA stronghold of Laiza, 27-year-old mother of two Htusan has been displaced to Mai Na camp for six years now. She gave birth to her first child when she was 18 years old. Holding her 15-month-old boy, she said: "Life is hard. And we can't provide our children with a good education." Living hand-to-mouth and fending for the family, her husband works as a driver outside of the camp. "I also want to work outside the camp like my husband, but there is no one who would take care of my two children while I am not around," Htusan told The Irrawaddy. Due to the difficulties she and her husband have been facing in the camp, she is considering not having another child.  The 27-year-old mother of three Marip Nu Ja has been displaced since 2011. She got married when she was 18 in 2008, and her first child is now nine. Holding her nine-month-old daughter, Marip Nu Ja said long-term displacement fills their lives with uncertainties and insecurities. "I'm afraid that life will get more and more difficult when the children grow up," she said.  Htu Ling, a 33-year-old mother of four, gave birth to her youngest daughter just five months ago in Mai Na camp where she has been living for six years. She gave birth to three of her older children in her native Nam San Yang village—a 2-hour drive from Laiza—before fleeing the war. Since her second pregnancy with twins ten years ago, she has decided to use birth control, saying that she wanted to be a dedicated mother to her older children. Having heard that long-term birth control medication could increase her risk for ovarian cancer, Htu Ling and her husband decided to have another child. She said she felt guilty for using contraception, since the church taught her that it is sinful and immoral to prevent "a new life" from being created. "I know that I have sinned and I will take it with me. But my children will suffer less this way," she said.  Thirty-four-year-old mother of three Dai Tse moved to Madaing camp in Waingmaw Township from Zai Awng camp in 2015. She gave birth to her last child last year in Madaing camp. She wants to have a contraceptive implant in her arm as a preferred method of long-term birth control but the cost is preventing her from doing it. "One of the women here told me that it cost her 55,000 kyats (US$40). It is equal to the cost of one month's food for my family," Dai Tse said. "I don't want to give birth to more children if we have to continue living like this. It's like letting them feel they are living in hell after they are born." Seeing less and less hope of returning to her native land, Dai Tse has learned skills in sewing and has been thinking of starting a new life, integrating into the host community in Waingmaw Township. However, relationships with the locals in the area have been strained. "People discriminate me for living at the camp. I don't want to hear the word 'IDP' anymore. If that word is a stain, I want to wash every part of my body. I wish that the storm would take it from my body," she said.  Je Muk is a 32-year-old mother of two girls; she is currently taking hormonal birth control since both she and her husband could not go work outside of the Madaing camp and have to rely on donors to take care of their children. She is worried that hormonal birth control pills will have unpleasant side effects and hopes for a safer, alternative family planning option. Je Muk said that her two-year-old daughter has a partial hearing impairment. She wants to go outside of the camp to be able to find a job so that she can save some money to treat her younger daughter's hearing loss. The post Families Unplanned in Kachin IDP Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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