Saturday, September 16, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Women Live in Fear After Rakhine Attacks

Posted: 15 Sep 2017 08:52 PM PDT

May Sitt Paing: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the safety and rehabilitation of women who are facing difficulty since violence broke out in Rakhine State on August 25. Writer Thway (Sagaing) and The Irrawaddy English edition senior reporter Nyein Nyein will join me for the discussion. I'm The Irrawaddy Burmese edition senior reporter May Sitt Paing.

Violence broke out in Rakhine State on August 25, and Ma Nyein Nyein, you went there to cover the issue. Can you recount your experience?

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း အၾကမ္းဖက္မွုၾကားက အမ်ိုးသမီးေတြကို ဘယ္လိုကုစားမလဲဒီတပတ္ဒိတ္လိုင္းအစီအစဥ္ကေတာ့ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြၾကားထဲမွာ ဒုုကၡခံစားခဲ့ရတဲ့ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြရဲ႕ ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္ကင္းရွင္းေရးနဲ႔ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေရး ကိစၥေတြမွာ အစိုုးရအေနနဲ႔ဘယ္ဆိုေဆာင္႐ြက္သင့္သလဲဆိုတာကို ဧရာဝတီ ျမန္မာပိုင္း သတင္းေထာက္ ေမစစ္ပိုင္၊စာေရးဆရာမ ေသြး (စစ္ကိုင္း)နဲ႔ ဧရာဝတီ အဂၤလိပ္ပိုင္း သတင္းေထာက္ ၿငိမ္းၿငိမ္းတို႔ကေဆြးေႏြးထားၾကတာပါ။

Posted by The Irrawaddy – Burmese Edition on Friday, September 15, 2017

Nyein Nyein: I did not arrive there immediately after the conflict began, but four or five days later. My arrival [in Rakhine State] coincided with the government's guided tour for reporters to Maungdaw. One of my colleagues from The Irrawaddy was on that tour, so I stayed in Sittwe. I saw displaced persons from Maungdaw and Buthidaung flocking into Sittwe. Most of them were women, pregnant women, the elderly and children. They are still taking shelter at monasteries and relief camps [in Sittwe].

MSP: It is women and children who bear the brunt of the conflict in Rakhine State. They suffer not only from severe mental trauma but also physical assault. What is your view on this and what are your suggestions, Ma Thway?

Thway: First, we should take a humanitarian point of view and see them as victims regardless of race or religion. There are victims in both communities [Buddhist and Muslim], especially women and children. Schools in Maungdaw were closed due to the conflict, so children have been out of school. And people were forced to leave behind their livelihoods, such as farms. Those experiences will haunt them for a long time, especially the children. Childhood mental trauma can persist into adulthood. So it is important that they deal with this trauma.

As for the physical assaults … ethnic people dare not return to live in their villages now. The government needs to help guarantee security, for children to go to school and women to work in farms or elsewhere. There is also a need for compensation for people who lost their homes in fires. The government should perhaps seek international assistance to rebuild these homes.

It must also consider how to prevent future clashes. This is important. For now, both the government and civil society organizations [CSOs] are providing help. This is just a short-term solution, and the government needs to think about long-term solutions. The government must take a systematic approach to rehabilitation, and have long-term plans for the rehabilitation of women and children.

More importantly, it must take steps to address the deep-seated fear in the two communities. Local people must be able to access education. Only then will the tendency to buy into rumors or adopt extremist attitudes gradually decline. When society is educated and long-term rehabilitation programs are carried out, the per capita income of women will increase. There must also be family planning and birth control so that mothers are choosing to have children and they can be well taken care of.

MSP: Women at relief camps and stranded in some villages live in fear. What have you heard from them?

NN: I managed to talk to women from both communities, both Buddhists and Muslims from Maungdaw, at relief camps. Both sides are afraid. It is, however, very difficult to verify their statements. When reporters conducted interviews at the camps, others gathered around as well to ask questions. Volunteers doing relief work listened, and villagers from various locations gathered around to hear. There were people who had fled from ethnic villages and Na Ta La villages [villages established by the former Minister of Progress of Border Affairs and National Races Department known by the Burmese acronym Na Ta La].

They were curious about what had happened in other villages. But outside of those who were curious, there might be others who came to listen to find fault. Nobody really knows. It seemed as though people were concerned that they would be harmed by security forces if they spoke carelessly. I found that the two communities blamed each other, so I can't guarantee that either sides' statements were 100 percent true. I can't know. But, what is true is that they are in trouble.

They were forced to flee when militants attacked security forces. They are afraid. This attack was bad. There were coordinated attacks on security outposts carried out simultaneously. So, ethnic people, themselves being minorities in that region, are scared. They are afraid of being attacked and don't even know who to fear. According to some accounts, perpetrators had their faces covered with black cloth. So, they assumed they were from the other community but they don't know exactly who they were.

Because they fear for their lives and safety, some have decided to stay in Sittwe even if starting over is difficult there. Some women said the government forced them to return to their homes when things started to return to normalcy after incidents in 2012 and 2016. And they went back. But nobody can guarantee their security. Unless and until authorities and security forces stabilize the region and guarantee that people can live without fear, women live in fear of being killed, attacked or harassed. They have fear because they are a minority, and that fear can be exploited.

MSP: What do you think of the health situation, food supplies and security for women at the camps?

NN: In the first few camps, I saw that they were segregated. Most of them had left behind all their possessions and had only the clothes on their backs. It is good for displaced persons talking shelter at camps in urban areas that philanthropic organizations can come and help them. They receive help to some extent.

Regarding health care, the rural development department of the government surveyed the number of displaced persons last week and provided relief supplies in Sittwe. But according to the accounts of most of the interviewees either from relief camps or stranded villages, what the government mostly gives first is a carton of MaMa brand instant noodles. The women say they don't want noodles, they want a guarantee of safety. They don't want the government to come and try to appease them with noodles.

MSP: According to what Ma Nyein Nyein has said, women at the camps are feeling downhearted and afraid. What they need is real assistance from the government. I've read in news reports that some of the displaced persons in camps have lost one or more of their family members in the violence. Ma Thway, what measures should be taken to revive their spirits?

Thway: They will only pour their hearts out to those who they trust. I think that counselling should be provided for them. The government should seek the help of professional psychiatrists and ask them to talk to and comfort displaced women taking shelter at camps as if they were their mothers and sisters in order to develop intimacy with them. This will relieve their trauma to some extent.

Another thing is that they feel unsafe and overwhelmed by fear because of the conflict. The most important thing is—let me quote State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi here—a society is overwhelmed by fear because there is no rule of law. Therefore, perpetrators of the violence must be given suitable punishment.

It is also necessary for the government to provide legal protection for children – who are the country's future – and mothers, regardless of race and religion. The law is not only about punishing perpetrators but also providing legal protection for victims. Only then will rule of law be realized. If so, people will be free from fear and worry, and the lives of women will improve. Then, Rakhine State will develop. The government should take correct and sustainable approaches in establishing rule of law. The government should consult with psychiatrists who can provide counselling and take necessary action. Then, I believe that fear could be dispelled.

MSP: Ma Nyein Nyein, what do you think the government should do?

NN: Many people have been displaced. According to UN figures, there are more than 290,000 [now estimates are around 400,000] displaced persons. They have been fleeing continuously. Speaking of people trapped in villages, last week, entire villages left their homes and stayed together in different villages. They dared not stay alone, as they thought it would be safer to stay in a group in case something happened. But they couldn't leave.

Some who phoned me from there said they were afraid of mines that have not been cleared away. They said they wanted to go back home but couldn't because of the mines. Most of them are civil servants. Some come from other areas of Rakhine State or other parts of the country. The government could not evacuate most of them, even though they were able to evacuate some with helicopters. But, most of them remain in their villages but no security plan in place.

The government can only provide limited security in the villages. So, locals asked where security forces were. They had heard that there were large military deployments in the area. They questioned why security forces couldn't at least clear mines if they could not provide security for them. I heard that mines were cleared in morning. These mines planted by militants are said to be improvised mines. If security forces were afraid of clearing those improvised mines, what would happen if those mines were heavy explosive mines? The government should listen to the villagers' fears in order to ease their worry.

MSP: Thank you for your contributions!

The post Women Live in Fear After Rakhine Attacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Says US Official Barred From Rakhine State Conflict Zone

Posted: 15 Sep 2017 08:45 PM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar said on Friday a visiting US official would not be allowed to go to a region where violence has triggered an exodus of nearly 400,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims that the United Nations has branded a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

The self-identifying Rohingya have fled from western Rakhine State to neighboring Bangladesh to escape a military offensive that has raised questions about Myanmar's transition to civilian rule under the leadership of Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Southeast Asia Patrick Murphy will voice Washington's concerns about the self-identifying Rohingya and press for greater access to the conflict area for humanitarian workers, the State Department said.

Myanmar officials said he would meet government leaders in the capital, Naypyitaw, and attend an address to the nation by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday.

He would also visit Sittwe, the state capital, and meet the governor of Rakhine, the state government secretary, U Tin Maung Swe, told Reuters, but the north of the state, where the conflict erupted on Aug. 25 would be off limits.

"Not allowed," Tin Maung Swe said, when asked if Murphy would be going to Maungdaw District, at the heart of the strife that began when self-identifying Rohingya insurgents attacked police posts and an army camp, killing a dozen people.

While nearly 400,000 refugees have poured across the border into Bangladesh, fears have also been growing of a humanitarian crisis on the Myanmar side, but access for aid workers and reporters has been severely restricted.

Myanmar insisted on Friday it was not barring aid workers but a government spokesman said authorities on the ground might have concerns over security.

Rights monitors and fleeing self-identifying Rohingya say the army and Arakanese Buddhist vigilantes have mounted a campaign of arson aimed at driving out the Muslim population.

A Reuters photographer on the Bangladesh side of the border said he could see huge banks of dark smoke billowing up over Myanmar territory on Friday, while international aid organizations said the refugees kept coming.

"There's really no sign that this flow of people is going to dry up," Chris Lom of the International Organization for Migration, said from the Bangladeshi border district of Cox's Bazar.

"There are still, we believe, thousands of people waiting to take boats across to Cox’s Bazar."

'Scorched Earth'

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and the UN Security Council have urged Myanmar to end the violence, which he said was best described as ethnic cleansing.

Myanmar rejects the accusations, saying its security forces are carrying out clearance operations to defend against the insurgents of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which claimed responsibility for the Aug. 25 attacks and similar, though smaller, attacks in October 2016.

The government has declared it a terrorist organisation and accused it of setting the fires and attacking civilians.
The group said it had detected 80 big fires in Rohingya areas since Aug. 25. While the extent of damage could not be verified, due to access restrictions by the government, "they are likely to have burned down whole villages."

It said it also had credible reports of self-identifying Rohingya militants burning the homes of ethnic Arakanese and other minorities. About 30,000 non-Muslims have also been displaced.

US Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said on Thursday he had spoken with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and that she said she was working to get aid to areas in Myanmar affected by violence.

The post Myanmar Says US Official Barred From Rakhine State Conflict Zone appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Learning to Share: The PPST Strategic Meeting

Posted: 15 Sep 2017 10:34 PM PDT

(4-7 September 2017)

Everyman is my superior in some way
In that I learn from him.
Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882)

I'm sure I'm not the first one to say there is no school higher than life and we all are its students. Be humble and be diligent, and you'll never be disappointed.

On 4-7 September, Col Htoo Htoo Lay, Advisor to the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), the 8 person leading body of the 8 EAOs that signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, met to finalize its peace strategy before meeting the government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center/Peace Commission (NRPC/PC) to work out a concerted plan for the next Union Peace Conference 21st Century Panglong (UPC 21CP).

Htoo Htoo Lay's Plan was to divide the representatives into 3 groups PPST, UPDJC and JMC, each in one room to discuss its strategy (I shrink every time I hear the word 'strategy', but to Htoo Htoo Lay, it's his life breath) for two days, 4-5 September. Then all of them would meet on 6-7 September to wrap up.

There's a saying "Plans are made of glass." So let's see whether his  ambitious one just blew up or became hard as diamond.

Day One. Monday, 4 September 2017

The greatest victory is one which requires no battles.
Attributed to Sun Zi (BC 551-467), author of The Art of War

After the opening session, all of us go to the room assigned to each group. Coming from the journalist background, I'm naturally in the PPST room where the resource person, who has expressly requested anonymity, will be delivering a presentation on Strategic Communication.

Strategic Communication, according to the resource person (I'm avoiding using him or hernot to give him/her away), is not just about public relations (PR) which is essentially verbal, but more about non-verbal ones (about where you and your counterpart are sitting in a meeting room, for example) which produces public impressions more telling even than what you are saying.

Here are some of what I have gathered from him/her:

·        Strategy, to put it simple, is what you do
Policy, in contrast, is how you do it

·        Four factors to consider:

1.     Audience – Who do you want to influence? (NLD government, US government, the Tatmadaw? Others?)
2.     Your message – You have a lot of information. The key is to coordinate them. Talking points must be agreed beforehand.
3.     The media ―This also includes social media, meetings and local communities, not just the press
4.     The messenger ―Who says it is important. Different messanger gives different effects

·        Needs

1.     Strategic Communications Team
2.     Spokespersons – Use each spokesperson for each audience. Each must be well trained in order to be fluent in the topic concerned and how to deliver the message. Social media spokespersons should preferably be young.
3.     Schedule and share ―(Here I miss totally what he/she says about it)

·        Strategic Communication may well be the best weapon the EAOs have. Right now other stakeholders (the government and the Tatmadaw) have everything: radio stations, TV stations, newspapers, websites, Facebooks, etc. You have nothing

·        Asking a (certain Western) government to fund the peace process is not enough. It is already a member of the Joint Peace Fund (JPF). You have to have a specific Christmas list, like:

1.     Support for IDPs/refugees
2.     Support for ethnic peace center in Thailand
3.     Equal treatment of the EAO leaders. For example, if you can train the Myanmar Army, why can't you train us too?

·        Protocol is the relationship between people. Are they equal? Examples:

1.     Invitation – who sends it? They or you, or together?
2.     How do you enter the meeting room?
a.     Together
b.     One after the other
c.      You coming well ahead waiting for him/her to enter?
3.     Sitting plan
4.     Order of speaking
5.     Control of agenda, etc

("At the May UPC 21 CP, it could be said that the EAO leaders were 'hijacked by the government's protocol.' The State Counselor and the Commander in Chief were 'rock stars' and you were just their 'admirers.' This cannot happen again.")


·        Here are how you should and should not sit

At the end of the day, somebody says: "Now, all these seem great. But who's going to propose it? Who's going to bell the cat?"

There is no answer, just smiles. That of course doesn't mean the EAOs are short of cat-bellers. Or full of them either.

Day Two. Tuesday, 5 September 2017

It is easy to love your friend, but sometimes the hardest lesson to learn is to love your enemy.

(Attributed to) Sun Zi (BC 551-BC367)

One of the two issues that had deadlocked the UPC 21 CP #3 (officially #2) was in the security sector. (The other is the non-secession issue.)

The long and the short of it was that while the EAOs were calling for Security Sector Reform (SSR), the Tatmadaw had been adamant on the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) stance.

And the PPST wants to know how things are and how to bring them to a win-win solution.
Fortunately, Safer World, a UK based organization, has just published Security Integration in Myanmar: Past experiences and future visions in May. And the authors: Kim Joliffe, John Bainbridge and Saw Lin Chel are happy to share what they know.

On paper, at least, there is a consensus:

·        A federal system of government
·        To embark on an SSR/DDR negotiation

But when it comes to a future vision, differences become manifest:



Tatmadaw
NLD
EAOs
·        Strong, capable and modern patriotic Tatmadaw
·        DDR is a necessary precursor to Tatmadaw returning to barracks
·        A standard army ("which doesn't mean anything in the international military circles")
·        No mention of professional conduct, ethnic makeup or human rights (The Tatmadaw is already "inclusive of all ethnic groups, including 4,500 officers from ethnic minority background")



·        General indications that it could envisage EAOs taking on law enforcement responsibilities or becoming reserve military forces, like Border Guard Forces (BGFs) and People's Militia Forces (PMFs) ("roles and rights still poorly defined")
·        Current security sector is not in need of significant reform
·        A Tatmadaw respected and relied upon by the people
·        To bring the Tatmadaw under executive branch

·        To make the police independent ("Even China separates police for the military")
·        Positions on EAO integration unclear, despite rhetorical support for Federal Armed Forces (Meeting the UNFC in 2013, she stated that "there must be a federal army if there is going to be a federal state", according to Myanmar Times, 1 October 2013)
·        Carefully avoided security issues since taking office
·        A federal union Tatmadaw

·        A complete overhaul of current structures as pre-requisite to DDR or integration
·        Democratic oversight




·        Ethnically proportional recruitment, including officers











·        Power sharing through state governments and/or rotating command between ethnicities ("It is not clear if this (second) approach has been tried elsewhere in the world")


·        State-level police, and state-level defense forces
·        Exact vision of how such an armed forces would be structured is not yet clear

The Tatmadaw is still seen as Bamar and Buddhist dominated, says the paper. "Writing in 2009, the scholar Maung Aung Myoe noted that non-Buddhists or husbands of non-Buddhists were unlikely to rise above the rank of major.

In a 2017 paper, veteran Myanmar scholar Robert Taylor states that the Tatmadaw is diverse and relatively representative among the lower ranks but Bamar-heavy in the officer classes."

The authors' conclusion is that "A political solution will be inextricable from security arrangements." "In the spirit of federalism, there would be numerous options for providing states and regions with equal influence over defense affairs."

"Another option would be for the NDSC (National Defense and Security Council) to be reformed to include representatives from each state or regions security forces and/or civilian governments." Mr Joliffe notes here that Germany has a council representing states to oversee the military.

On the question of unit-level incorporation or segregation, "history has shown that cases of violence following such integration are rare, while maintaining segregated forces has often led to conflict further down the line, as illustrated by the July 2016 outbreak of violence between segregated units in South Sudan."

Burma also has had similar experiences after Independence, according to the authors.
"You cannot depend on them (segregated units) alone to prevent war," says Mr joliffe.

Following the presentation, one participant comments that:
What the Tatmadaw wants is for A+B to become A, which to the EAOs is unacceptable. The EAOs, likewise cannot call for A+B to become B.What may be successfully negotiated therefore is for A+B to become C. Naturally, we cannot expect A and B to totally dismantle themselves right away, to become C. So an agreed series of steps must also be negotiated.

We have another session with the Strategic Communication expert in the afternoon. But to my disappointment, I'm called away to a meeting with the faculty from the University of Songkla coming from the Deep South.. They are interested in Hopeland's peace process, especially the JMC.

Another meeting with them is agreed, probably in Pattani.


Day Three. Wednesday, 6 September 2017

The greatest bankruptcy in life is hopelessness.
Attributed to the Buddha

Today, all the three groups: PPST, UNDJC and JMC return to a combined meeting.

The UPDJC, led by coordinator Comrade Myo Win, reports that several options had been discussed two days earlier on how to smooth out the problems facing the organizers of the next UPC 21 CP. Which I'm not supposed to report here. Suffice to say that the EAOs UPDJC has been taking into consideration the pros and cons of their proposed options.

The JMC, led by Dr Suikhar, then takes the floor. He says, despite being seen as the less problematic committee, it is not without one. "What to monitor, and how, are still unclear."

One big obstacle is the terminology in the NCA's Chapter 3 (Ceasefire Related Matters) and Chapter 4 (Maintaining and Strengthening Ceasefire) which each side interprets differently. Examples:

·        Reinforcement (Does it include BGFs and PMFs?)
·        Civilian protection (Do we agree to include the people called Bengalis too?)
·        Demarcation (We planned for two workshops, one in Pa-an, and the other in Namzang, but the Tatmadaw failed to send its representatives)

Col Khun Okker, commenting on the presentations, concurs:
"Following the drafting of the NCA, a paper explaining the terminology was also jointly prepared, to be published together with the NCA. However, somehow it did not materialize. Many problems that arose later originated in our failure to publish it."

Padoh Kwe Htoo Win, who was assigned to meet the Peace Commission, following the PPST meeting on 9-10 August, is the next speaker.

According to him, he and his delegation met the PC on 25 August, when he reported that the PPST is of the opinion that there is a great need for the two sides to meet to discuss the following subjects:

·        NCA implementation
·        SSR/DDR
·        Joint Pyidaungsu Accord implementation
·        Framework for Political Dialogic (FPD) review
·        The holding of national political dialogues (ND)
·        Joint Coordination Board (JCB) for Peace Funding
·        The ceremony for the second anniversary of the signing of the NCA on 15 October
·        Visa issue for EAO members
·        And that all these would need the holding of the JICM (Joint Implementation and Coordination Meeting) to sanction them

"Since Daw Suu took office," comments comrade Than Khe, "only 1 JICM has been held. Some say two but I disagree. Because the first one failed to bring the JICM back to life. Only the second one that was held on 23 April this year with the participation by top government leaders such as the State Counselor, Deputy CinC Soe Win and Attorney General Tun Tun Oo, we were able to make meaningful decisions."

He proposes a JICM during the month of September, taking into account the State Counselor's planned attendance of the UN General Assembly later in the month (which is to be cancelled later.)

Delay may be dangerous," he says, "as our country is gradually falling into an abyss. Sooner or later, traveling abroad is likely to become a scary adventure for Myanmar citizens."

Day Four. Thursday, 7 September 2017

Who wishes to fight must first count the cost.
Attributed to Sun Zi (BC 551-BC 467)

Many items are discussed and decision was reached on many of them, but not on the elephant in the room. And you know what I mean.

But since writing about it amounts to killing the goose, I beg to stop here with quotes from the Buddha and Martin Luther King Jr:

In this world, hate has never yet dispelled hate. Only love dispels hate. This is the law, ancient and eternal.

Hate cannot drive out hate. Only love can do that.

Great minds run together, don't they?