Wednesday, September 27, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Govt Information Committee Objects to UN Terminology on Rakhine

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 07:21 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar has objected to the use of terms such as "atrocities," "ethnic cleansing" and "genocide" by several UN delegations in describing the current situation in Rakhine State.

The Government Information Committee published a statement on Wednesday denouncing the usage of these terms without what they described as "solid evidence."

Ambassador U Hau Do Suan, Permanent Representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations, voiced his concerns in responding to such allegations during the final session of the general debate at the UN General Assembly in New York on Monday.

"It is deeply regrettable that unsubstantiated allegations have been repeated in those chambers likening the situation in Rakhine state to 'ethnic cleansing," he said.

To date, international aid agencies estimate that 480,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims have fled to Bangladesh, and 30,000 Buddhists and Hindus are displaced within Rakhine State. The area experienced military "clearance operations," following coordinated attacks by militants on police outposts on Aug. 25.

Nigeria, France, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, Malaysia, Maldives, Chad and Bangladesh accused Myanmar of committing "atrocities" and "ethnic cleansing" during the general debate of the 72nd Session of the United Nations General Assembly held at the UN headquarters in New York.

U Hau Do Suan said that such terms must not be used lightly. He also described the Muslim community as comprising the majority group in the affected area—northern Rakhine State—and criticized reporting which described them as a minority.

According to the 2014 census, Myanmar is nearly 90 percent Buddhist, with Muslims and Christians each making up around 4 percent of the country.

Myanmar's ambassador to the UN also said that the world appeared "unaware of the existence and plight of small groups," in the region such as the Daingnet, Mro, Thet, Mramagyi and Hindus.

On September 11, Bangladesh's Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina also criticized Myanmar for "atrocities" committed against the Muslim population.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, said what was unfolding in Myanmar was "a textbook of example of ethnic cleansing" while addressing the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on Sept. 12.

Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has faced criticism from abroad regarding her response to the crisis. On Sept. 19, during an official address on the situation in Rakhine State, she said she would cooperate with international allies to fight "terrorism" in Myanmar, and condemned all human rights violations and unlawful violence in the western region. She said she was "committed to the restoration of peace, stability and rule of law throughout [Rakhine] state."

In April 2017, during a rare interview with BBC journalist Fergal Keane, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi responded to a question about whether or not ethnic cleansing—the deliberate removal of an ethnic or religious group—was unfolding in her country.

"I don't think there is ethnic cleansing going on. I think ethnic cleansing is too strong an expression to use for what is happening," she said.

Still others have described the ongoing violence as genocide, an international crime defined in 1948 by the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide as killing, preventing births among, causing serious harm to, or deliberately trying to destroy, a population.

Chairman of the Rakhine Advisory Commission and former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in December 2016 in Yangon said, "genocide is a very serious charge that requires legal review and judicial determination."

The post Govt Information Committee Objects to UN Terminology on Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Representatives to Forge ‘Common Policy’

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 05:23 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Aiming to consolidate their positions on common policies, around 100 politicians, ethnic armed group leaders and civil society members have joined a stakeholders' consultation hosted by the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand this week.

The four-day meeting, held from Sept. 27-30, is to share concerns and exchange views on the current political circumstances in Myanmar.

"We will have experts to share experiences from the political dialogue process, the state and federal constitutions, and the reality and need for achieving peace. Then, based on these, we can form a collective view for a future plan," said Nai Hong Sar, the chairman of the UNFC, who presided over the consultation on Wednesday.

In his opening remark, Nai Hong Sar urged his fellow ethnic representatives to "strongly stand together for a common policy" despite their differences, to reach their goal of building a genuine federal Union that guarantees ethnic autonomy, equality, and self-determination.

This year, the stakeholders' consultation was joined by as many groups as last year, even though the Kachin Independence Organization left the bloc in June.

Representatives from the ethnic political parties alliance, United Nationalities Alliance; from the KIO; from the signatories of the nationwide ceasefire agreement including the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS); and civil society groups including the Women's League of Burma, presented at the consultation.

The UNFC stakeholders' consultation in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand on September 27, 2017 (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

Nai Hong Sar also highlighted in his speech the fact that he shared his views during the New Mon State Party's (NMSP) meeting with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Sept. 1 in Naypyitaw.

He explained that the State Counselor had asked the NMSP whether they had recommendations regarding the development of the peace process.

"We shared three things: the importance of having all inclusivity in the peace process, creating a strong political dialogue framework, and the implementation of the agreement step by step, as is said in the agreement. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not provide her own views," he said.

Having a strong political dialogue framework is one of the eight points proposed by the UNFC, and one which they have been negotiating with the government's Peace Commission. They will hold the seventh round of formal talks in early October, as they had informal talks on Monday, Sept. 25.

Regarding implementation, Nai Hong Sar was referring to not being able to hold the ethnic national-level dialogues (ND) in many ethnic areas. The seven NDs were held between December 2016 and April this year in areas under the control of nationwide ceasefire agreement signatories. However in the territories of the RCSS and the Arakan Liberation Party, the scheduling of the ND was not allowed, because of disagreements with the authorities regarding the proposed venues and the security situation.

The UNFC chairman reiterated the importance of building trust between the ethnic armed organizations and the Tatmadaw.

"We told Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that trust must be stronger among us; we cannot build trust by force, which she also agreed with. But what we knew was she could not say anything to the Tatmadaw, which has been given high authority under the 2008 Constitution," Nai Hong Sar said.

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China Affirms Support for Myanmar On Rakhine Issue

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 05:12 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Hong Liang showed his support for the Myanmar government's handling of the issues in Rakhine State, assuring that China would stand "firmly" by Myanmar on the international stage.

"We hope that the international community will create a good external environment so that Myanmar can solve its problems properly," said Hong Liang at a reception on Tuesday to mark the 68th anniversary of the founding of People's Republic of China ahead of an open discussion on Rakhine at the UN Security Council on Thursday.

Myanmar has faced increasing international pressure over government security operations in northern Rakhine State that have left hundreds dead, sent nearly 500,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims fleeing to Bangladesh, and been labeled a "text book example of ethnic cleansing," by the UN.

Myanmar's UN representative U Hau do Suan, however, insisted at the UN General Assembly on Monday that ethnic cleansing was not taking place against Muslims in Rakhine "in the strongest terms."

Hong Liang promised to continue providing humanitarian aid for people in Rakhine State, noting the Chinese government provided 200 million kyats for Rakhine State through the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement last week.

China supports cooperation between Myanmar and Bangladesh to solve border problems and sincerely hopes that the Myanmar government will be able to bring harmony, stability and prosperity to societies in Rakhine State, he said.

"Myanmar and China have always maintained bilateral cooperation as well as close cooperation in areas of mutual interest in regional and international arenas including the UN," Myanmar Vice-President U Nyan Tun said at the reception.

When asked about China's view on State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's briefing to foreign diplomats last week, China's foreign ministry spokesperson Lu Kang said at the ministry's regular press conference on Sept. 19 that her speech will "help the international community to better know about the situation in Myanmar and understand and support the Myanmar government's effort to achieve domestic peace and national reconciliation"

"As a friendly neighbor of Myanmar, the Chinese will continue providing necessary assistance for [Myanmar] to uphold internal stability and development," he said.

Myanmar is economically dependent on China while China also requires Myanmar to expand its influence on the international stage, and the two countries need each other, said U Myo Zaw Aung, member of Lower House International Relations Committee.

"China has its interests not only in Kyaukphyu [of Rakhine State], but also across the country. It has friendly ties with the Myanmar government partly because of those interests. There is a need for a stronger bond between two countries to continue to engage in businesses of great mutual interests," said U Myo Zaw Aung.

Despite China's Special Envoy of Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang's request for China's direct involvement in solving the Rakhine issue, the Myanmar government replied in April that it would only cooperate with Bangladesh to find a solution.

China has funded schools, hospitals, the renovation of Bagan temples, afforestation, scholarships and eye surgeries for Myanmar people, which reflect the friendship between two countries, said Hong Liang.

The post China Affirms Support for Myanmar On Rakhine Issue appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Reaffirms Priorities of Peace and Reconciliation

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 05:04 AM PDT

YANGON – The National League for Democracy (NLD) party has vowed a brighter future for the nascent democracy and a commitment to peace and a federal Union, in its statement released on Wednesday.

On the occasion of the 29th anniversary of the founding of the NLD, the party announced that "we will not divert or deviate from the democratic path due to challenges and pressures and are committed to forming a better, more modernized and pleasant one."

The statement continued that the party was currently fighting for national dignity and sovereignty while also combating violence, terrorism, allegations and "media traps."

"We are still defending ourselves against media attempts to tarnish our reputation at the UN and in the international community," said U Han That Myint, a party chairman, at the opening of the anniversary ceremony at the NLD headquarters in Yangon.

He added that recent terrorist attacks were violating the fundamental principles of a democratic society and that the NLD had to fight terrorism as a national duty.

The NLD statement said that "with calmness, dignity and maturity, the NLD has faced the opportunities, potentialities, prospects as well as twists and turns, uncertainties, and sensitivities that are typical of a democratic transition."

The NLD party has struggled through difficult years in decades past and won the trust, loyalty and broad support of the people. It has had to revive the identity and grandeur of the country, which had faded for so many years, the statement read.

The National League for Democracy was born out of the political tumult of 1988, when a massive pro-democracy uprising rocked the nation and toppled the government of Gen Ne Win. It subsequently contested an election in 1990 and emerged victorious in a landslide, winning 392 of 485 seats.

The military regime and party leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi went on to spend much of the next two decades under house arrest, and the results of the 1990 election were nullified.

The party boycotted the 2010 election but decided to join a by-election in 2012, winning 43 of the the 44 seats it contested. The NLD party won by a landslide in the 2015 election and received two-thirds of the contested seats.

The 29th anniversary party statement said the party continued its 2015 general election manifesto pledge to strive systematically for an administrative system that will protect people fairly, for healthy development and also for a Constitution that guarantees ethnic rights, internal peace, and peaceful and secure coexistence of all national people.

The party had repeatedly said it would prioritize national reconciliation, establishing rule of law and internal peace, as well as continuing its push to amend the Constitution.

"With unwavering belief, we have proceeded toward a new future which we are responsible to carve ourselves," the NLD statement affirmed.

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Attempted Recruitment of Anti-Govt Mobs in Magwe: Chief Minister

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 04:51 AM PDT

YANGON — Magwe Region Chief Minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo alleged on Tuesday there had been an attempt to recruit people in his region to form anti-government mobs in Rakhine State's Ann Township.

The chief minister didn't identify any organizations in his allegation but said the recruiter offered people an incentive of 500,000 kyats (approximately US$370) for completing the job in Ann Township.

"We cannot reveal the name [of the recruiter] due to security concerns," Dr. Aung Moe Nyo told members of the press at his office. "But I have informed and instructed respective persons in charge of the divisional authorities concerning the case," he added.

He did not mention why perpetrators wanted to create instability in Ann Township, why they tried to recruit people in Magwe Region or how many people had been recruited.

Earlier this month, a group of 400 people—some armed with swords and bamboo rods—attacked a mosque and property owned by Muslims in Magwe Division's Taungdwingyi Township. The mob was later dispersed by riot police with rubber bullets and 30-year-old Ko Hnin Ko Ko Lin was arrested for taking part in the attack.

According to the government's Information Committee, he was acting because of the "disappointing situation in Rakhine State."

The Irrawaddy spoke to a regional police officer who said they had not received instructions from the regional government or the Union Ministry of Home Affairs regarding the issue.

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Is the NLD Still the People’s Party?

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 04:27 AM PDT

As the National League for Democracy turns 29 today, The Irrawaddy revisits its 2013 commentary asking if the popular party still enjoys the overwhelming public support demonstrated in the 1990 election. Two years later in 2015, the NLD won a landslide victory again in the general election, and today it remains the most popular political party in the country. 

Is the NLD still the people's party? On this question, opinion in Burma varies, but the doubters are likely a small portion of the country's estimated population of more than 50 million.

The NLD was founded by a group of prominent people in September 1988, including former Gen Tin Oo, veteran journalist Win Tin and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.

But despite the existence of other co-founders, it is Suu Kyi who molded the party into what it is today. Without the 68-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate, the NLD would not have become so popular over the years of military rule.

In the historic 1990 election, the NLD received more than 80 percent of the vote, winning 392 of the 485 seats it contested in the 492-member assembly, including in ethnic areas. Suu Kyi wasn't allowed to contest the election, as she was being held under house arrest at the time, but thanks to her role as a party leader, about 15 million Burmese—one third of the then-population—voted for the NLD.

An expression was widely shared during the election year: "Even a dog with its tail cut off will win, so long as it's an NLD candidate." While somewhat crude, the remark perfectly captured the level of popularity the party held among the people.

Of course, many former loyalists may no longer follow the NLD so blindly today, more than a year after she was elected to Parliament. But I believe that for the majority of people here in the country, little has changed since 1990. The NLD won 43 of 44 seats in Parliament in 2012 by-elections, including in all four constituencies of Naypyidaw, which is seen as a stronghold of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Still, not everything has gone smoothly for Suu Kyi since she entered Parliament. The opposition leader has faced unprecedented criticism over the past year for failing to strongly condemn the discrimination and violence by Buddhist mobs against Rohingya Muslims in Arakan State. At the same time, she lost points with Buddhists in the state after walking a middle ground and refusing to take either side in the conflict. In north Burma's Kachin State, the NLD leader also faced criticism after failing to blame the government when the Burma Army launched an offensive on ethnic Kachin rebels.

As Suu Kyi's base of support declines, so too will that of the NLD. The opposition party faces other challenges as well, with critics saying that it lacks unity and remains disorganized. Some say the party has failed to develop strategic political plans.

But what alternative do we have to the NLD? The answer, at least for the moment, is that we have no alternative, especially in areas dominated by the ethnic Burman majority. The country has yet to see the emergence of any other popular nationwide party. And the majority of voters will not even consider supporting the ruling USDP, assuming the elections in 2015 are truly free, unlike the 2010 elections.

Some people had hoped that influential activists from the 88 Generation Students group would step into politics after being released from prison in early 2012. To date, however, the group, which is led by well-known activists Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, is still not sure whether to form a political party. And even if they do, their party will not be a real threat to an NLD victory in two years, because Suu Kyi's popularity remains relatively strong.

Many people will vote for the NLD in 2015, as they did in the 2012 by-election, but the party will receive fewer votes in ethnic areas for two main reasons. In addition to Suu Kyi's declining popularity, especially in Arakan and Kachin states, ethnic leaders have already established their own political parties, and more ethnic parties are expected to emerge in the future.

In 1990, the NLD won 71 percent of seats in eastern Karen State, 73 percent in Kachin State, 80 percent in Mon State and 50 percent in Karenni State. In Shan, Arakan and Chin states, it won 39 percent, 34 percent and 30 percent, respectively. The results will certainly be different the next time around.

Some critics say the NLD lacks enough capable intellectuals and politicians to effectively lead the country. For this reason, they call the NLD a "grassroots" party—a title which some party leaders would likely welcome, as an acknowledgment that they represent the people.

But to steer Burma in a positive direction, the NLD needs more capable, intellectual and talented leading members. And if it wants to win in a landslide, as it did in 1990, Suu Kyi seriously needs to reorganize the party and embrace the emergence of other, new leaders with different strengths in politics as well as other sectors. If she can contribute more to the peace process with ethnic groups in the next couple years, she might even see a resurgence of popularity in ethnic areas.

By and large, the democracy icon will likely remain the most popular and trusted candidate in the 2015 election, and her party, the NLD, will likely be supported by the majority of people, even with its shortcomings.

The post Is the NLD Still the People's Party? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Court Sentences Fugitive Former PM Yingluck to 5 Years in Jail

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 03:28 AM PDT

BANGKOK – Thailand’s Supreme Court sentenced former prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra in absentia to five years in prison on Wednesday for mismanaging a rice subsidy scheme that cost the country billions of dollars.

Yingluck fled abroad last month fearing that the military government, set up after a coup in 2014, would seek a harsh sentence.

For more than a decade Thai politics have been dominated by a power struggle between Thailand’s traditional elite, including the army and affluent Bangkok-based upper classes, and the Shinawatra family, which includes Yingluck’s brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was also ousted by a coup.

Yingluck had faced up to 10 years in prison for negligence over the costly scheme that had helped get her elected in 2011.

Yingluck had pleaded innocent and had accused the military government of political persecution.

Nine judges voted unanimously to find Yingluck guilty in verdict reading that took four hours, and a warrant was issued for her arrest.

The court said Yingluck knew that members of her administration had falsified government-to-government rice deals but did nothing to stop it.

"The accused knew that the government-to-government rice contract was unlawful but did not prevent it …," the Supreme Court said in a statement.

"Which is a manner of seeking unlawful gains. Therefore, the action of the accused is considered negligence of duty," it said.

A former commerce minister in her government was jailed for 42 years last month for falsifying government-to-government rice deals in connection with the subsidy scheme.

Norrawit Larlaeng, a lawyer for Yingluck, told reporters outside the court that an appeal was being discussed.

Rural Support

The Shinawatras had commanded huge support by courting rural voters, helping them to win every general election since 2001, but their foes accused them of corruption and nepotism.

Under the rice scheme, Yingluck's government bought rice from farmers at above-market prices, leading to stockpiles of the grain and distorted global prices of the commodity. Losses amounted to $8 billion, the military government has said.

Three members of Yingluck’s Puea Thai Party declined to comment when contacted by Reuters after the court gave its verdict.

Dozens of supporters had gathered outside the court to hear the verdict on Wednesday.

That was far fewer than on Aug. 25, when the court was originally scheduled to deliver its verdict, only to find out that Yingluck had fled the country.

Though her whereabouts have not been disclosed by either her aides or the junta, Reuters reported last month that she had fled to Dubai where Thaksin has a home and lives in self-imposed exile to avoid a 2008 jail sentence for corruption.

Neither Yingluck or Thaksin commented publicly immediately after the verdict. Nothing has been heard from Yingluck since she fled the country, and one of her lawyers, Sommai Koosap, told Reuters outside the court on Wednesday that she has not been in contact.

The leader of the military junta, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, said on Tuesday he knows where Yingluck is but would not reveal it until after the verdict is read.

Thai authorities investigating how Yingluck escaped said last week they have questioned three police officers who admitted to helping her.

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Northern Shan State Farmers Demand Crackdown on Illegal Pesticides

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 02:32 AM PDT

YANGON — Local farmers and civil society organizations in northern Shan State called on the government to do more to prevent illegal pesticides and herbicides, often imported from China, from damaging land and affecting people's health in the area at a land and environmental conference in Lashio on Saturday.

"Chinese-made insecticides and herbicides need greater inspection," urged Khun Phone, Pa'O officer-in-charge of the Reserved Land and Environmental Organization based in Kutkai Township, one of more than 100 attendees from 12 townships across northern Shan State.

He described widespread damage to the soil, saying that even grass could not survive in some areas.

According to testimony at the conference, the pesticides and herbicides in question are illegal in Myanmar but are readily available at local markets.

Locals cannot understand the instructions of the imported products—often written in Chinese—and misuse and overuse the chemicals, said Khun Phone

"According to my observations, soil has been damaged and locals are facing health problems and allergic reactions due to the chemicals' usage," Kachin social worker Phaw Nong, who is working in research and advocacy on agriculture in northern Shan State, told The Irrawaddy.

Attendees of the discussion agreed on a statement addressing the problems and possible solutions that also called for a seed bank to preserve genetic diversity of crops, and the participation of locals, farmers, and land rights in assisting the government to enact the Land Law.

Khun Phone said a collection of local seeds was needed as farmers continue to import seeds from China with a higher yield, meaning local species could be lost.

Phaw Nong said that varieties of Shan corn and Shan rice seeds were now hard to obtain and the state government should be responsible for preserving a genetic seed collection.

"It is too dangerous to depend on another country for our agricultural sector," he said.

Participants of the conference also called on the government to regulate a proper local market for produce protected from inflated prices due to agricultural exports to China.

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84 Killed in Maungdaw in Recent Violence, According to Govt

Posted: 27 Sep 2017 12:49 AM PDT

YANGON – The government's Information Committee released a statement on Wednesday that said 163 people from Maungdaw District, Rakhine State, were killed and 91 people went missing from October 2016 to September 2017, following attacks by Muslim militants on border police posts.

In addition, the statement read that from August 25 to September 26, 84 people had been killed, including Muslims, Hindu, ethnic Arakanese, Daignet, Mro, and security forces, and that 44 people went missing.

On Sunday, security forces and Hindu villagers discovered 28 dead bodies and unearthed 17 others the following day near Yebaw Kya village of Kha Maung Seik village tract in northern Maungdaw Township, who the government claims were some of those killed by ARSA in August. The authorities continue to search for additional bodies.

Union Minister for Social Welfare Dr. Win Myat Aye, Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu, members of the National Human Rights Commission and senior military officers went to the mass grave sites on Monday and met with the relatives of the victims. The grieving members of Hindu families confirmed 25 of the dead bodies so far.

Maungdaw Township Public Health Department officials have begun conducting forensic inspections of the excavated bodies.

From previous attacks on Oct. 9 ,2016 through Aug. 24,2017 a day before the recent unrest began, the government stated that at least 79 people had been killed including civil servants, security forces, and Muslim villagers who had collaborated with local authorities, and that 39 people were still missing from that time.

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Myanmar Army Facebook Posts Covering Key Period of Offensive “Hidden”

Posted: 26 Sep 2017 11:13 PM PDT

YANGON – Facebook posts from Myanmar's army detailing the opening phase of its crackdown last month on self-identifying Rohingya Muslim insurgents – an operation now being probed by the United Nations – are no longer visible on its official page, Reuters found.

Posts for the period between Aug. 1 and Aug. 29 appear to have been "hidden" on the Facebook page of the office of the commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing, which has covered the military's actions, including those in western Myanmar, in detailed dispatches.

The posts, which can still be found using specific date or keyword searches, included detailed accounts of the operation launched by the army following attacks on security forces on Aug. 25.

It is unclear why, or when exactly, the posts disappeared. They were not visible on Sunday, Monday or Tuesday from several locations across Asia.

"We don’t hide anything, it might be some kind of error," said Ministry of Defense spokesman General Aung Ye Win.

Zaw Htay, the spokesman for national leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, referred questions to Aung Ye Win.

A spokesman for the military-run home affairs ministry, Police Colonel Myo Thu Soe, said he "had no idea" about the issue.

A Facebook spokesperson said it was at the discretion of page administrators to hide posts if they wished.

Around 480,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since the military counter-offensive began.

The United Nations has described the campaign as ethnic cleansing. Myanmar has rejected that accusation, saying it is waging a legitimate fight against terrorists.

A UN-mandated fact-finding mission is looking into "alleged recent human rights violations by military and security forces and abuses in Myanmar, in particular in Rakhine State."

The probe includes the violence that followed the Aug. 25 attacks. It was established after a similar, smaller military operation late last year.

Missing Posts

The official military Facebook page shows a gap of nearly a month between a post on July 31 and the next one on Aug. 30.

Like other news organizations, Reuters had used the detailed, timely postings in much of its early coverage of the August crisis.

The August posts can still be seen if searched for with a specific date or a keyword, suggesting they have not been deleted but removed from the page's timeline using Facebook’s "hide" function.

"Keep in mind that if a post you’ve hidden was shared, it may still be visible to the audience it was shared with in other places on Facebook," says Facebook about the function on its website. The feature can be undone by the account holder to restore the posts.

The hidden August posts include very detailed accounts of clashes with militants, often accompanied by pictures. The military first posted on the attacks on Aug. 25, attaching a map showing police posts and military base that had been attacked.

The timeline updates resume on the military page after Aug. 31, with more than 360 posts in September, mostly about operations in Rakhine.

Myawady, a media group which covers the military and publishes daily newspapers, has kept the August issues available online.

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UN Experts Urge Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to Meet Persecuted Muslims

Posted: 26 Sep 2017 11:06 PM PDT

GENEVA – Myanmar’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should personally meet members of the self-identifying Rohingya Muslim minority that is being subjected to ongoing persecution by the military, a group of UN human rights experts said on Tuesday.

Myanmar has rejected UN accusations that its forces are engaged in ethnic cleansing against self-identifying Rohingya Muslims in response to coordinated attacks by Muslim insurgents on the security forces on Aug. 25.

The military campaign has sent nearly 430,000 refugees fleeing to Bangladesh, the group of seven UN officials said. They include the special rapporteurs on human rights in Myanmar, on minority issues and on racism.

"We call on Aung San Suu Kyi to meet the Rohingya personally," the officials said in a statement.

They said the implementation of promises by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to address the crisis, including that perpetrators would be held accountable, would amount to an "empty gesture" since so many self-identifying Rohingya had fled.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a Nobel Peace prize winner whose government came to power last year in a transition from nearly 50 years of harsh military rule. She has denounced any rights violations but international pressure on her is mounting and there are calls for her Nobel prize to be withdrawn.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has little if any control over the security forces under a military-drafted constitution that also bars her from the presidency and gives the military veto power over political reform.

The 1.1 million self-identifying Rohingya in Buddhist majority Myanmar are denied citizenship and classified as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, despite claiming roots in the region that go back centuries, with communities marginalized and occasionally subjected to communal violence.

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Death of a Journalist

Posted: 26 Sep 2017 09:50 PM PDT

Wednesday marks the 10th anniversary of the death of Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai at the hands of a Myanmar Army soldier during the country’s Saffron Revolution. The domestic upheaval became an increasingly international affair the shooting was captured on video and broadcast worldwide. Known as the Saffron Revolution, the monk-led anti-government protests of August and September 2007 were, for many people outside the country, their first exposure to the brutality of Burma's former military regime. This story, originally published in December 2007, offers another Japanese photojournalist's take on the death of a colleague and countryman.

JAPAN — It was painful to witness the images broadcast worldwide on Sept. 27, 2007. Japanese cameraman Kenji Nagai was lying on his back on a street in Rangoon. Then there was the piercing sound of a bullet fired from the rifle of a soldier.

Kenji Nagai, a man I considered a colleague, was dead. Immediately, I thought: It could have been me. As a photojournalist, I also report on conflicts. I have covered many Asian countries, including Burma, and I imagined myself in Kenji Nagai's place, lying dead on a street in Rangoon.

But, I was in Japan, and he was in Rangoon. However, I knew the streets where the pro-democracy demonstrations occurred—the scene was very familiar to me.

For me, the shooting confirmed the true mentality of the Burmese junta, which has been killing and imprisoning the Burmese people with impunity for decades: 3,000 or more people died in 1988 alone, the year I started covering events in Burma.

On the day Kenji Nagai was murdered, I was taking photographs of exiled Burmese activists who were demonstrating in front of the Burmese Embassy in Tokyo, demanding the Japanese government stop supporting the State Peace and Development Council financially.

Later that day, my mobile phone started ringing, one call after another without a break. News agencies and newspapers were calling me to check if the unidentified Japanese journalist killed in Rangoon was me or not. One call was from Australia, from my Burmese friend who had worked as my interpreter when I made trips to Burma. He explained that he was worried about me when he heard the news.

Before long, the Japanese media confirmed the dead journalist was Kenji Nagai. His name was new to me, and we had never met.

The TV news showed video of the shooting of Kenji Nagai over and over again for several days. The Japanese public was horrified and angry. The Japanese government seemed shocked. Perhaps for the first time, the government realized the SPDC is truly an evil government.

When the funeral service was held on Oct. 8 in Tokyo, hundreds of Burmese exiles attended the service to honor Kenji Nagai. They apologized for his death on behalf of the SPDC government, which they hate. It was a natural feeling for the Burmese people who live in Japan to express their sorrow for Kenji Nagai, who was now a martyr in the Burmese struggle for democracy.

Media coverage on Kenji Nagai focused on his personality, his professional work in Iraq and elsewhere, but neglected any factual background on what had been happening in Burma under the military regime for the past 20 years. There were almost no critical questions about Japan's foreign policy toward the military junta—whether it was trying to help the country move toward democracy or helping the SPDC.

As a photojournalist, I have been critical of Japan's foreign policy, which has favored the SPDC generals rather than the democratic forces and the ethnic minorities. You can get a sense of Japan's policy toward the SPDC through various comments made by top Japanese diplomats.

For instance, the then Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi made an ignorant comment in May 2003, when she was asked about the murderous attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade at Depayin. She said, "There is no deterioration of environment for dialogue between the SPDC and Aung San Suu Kyi." She retracted her comment the next day.

In May 2006, Japanese ambassador to the United Nations, Kenzo Oshima, said, "Burma does not constitute a regional threat yet," and along with China and Russia, Japan opposed efforts by the United States and European Union to put Burma on the Security Council agenda.

The latest and most shameless comment was made by Yoichi Yamaguchi, the former Japanese ambassador to Burma (1995-97).

After the killing of Nagai, he was quoted in the Japanese media as saying several offensive comments:

"Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy gave money to the demonstrators."

"There is not a single so-called political prisoner there [in Burma] in the true sense."

"The regime has succeeded in maintaining economic growth of over 5 percent annually, earning it the widespread trust of the people."

After Kenji Nagai's death, the Japanese government took a seemingly strong stance. In New York, Foreign Minister Komura demanded an apology from the SPDC. But as time passed and the crackdown by security forces continued, the Japanese government remained quiet, simply waiting for the UN Security Council to act.

"The government will coordinate efforts with the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to make progress in the democratization of Myanmar [Burma]," Komura said after the UNSC's presidential statement was announced.

Later, Japan cancelled a grant of up to 552 million yen (US $4.7 million). The grant had been intended to finance the construction of a human resources center.

On Oct. 28, the People's Forum on Burma, an NGO formed in Tokyo in 1996 to support the Burmese people's struggle for democracy, made a plea for the Japanese government to fundamentally change its foreign policy toward the SPDC by giving full-scale humanitarian support to the 160,000 displaced people in refugee camps in Thailand.

The group also asked for a halt in grants to the Union Solidarity and Development Association, which was accused of taking part in the suppression of the demonstrators. In 2006, the USDA received a Japanese grant of nearly 24 million yen ($209,000) for construction of three grade school buildings. It also demanded that Japan stop humanitarian aid to subsidize Burma's health care and education budgets while the military regime allocates more than 50 percent of its national budget on the military.

The group wants to pressure the Japanese government to support the Burmese people and the pro-democracy groups, instead of helping to keep the generals in power.

A Burmese citizen in Tokyo, a former political prisoner, said Burmese exiles remember two Japanese citizens: one with hate, and one with great respect.

One is former ambassador Yoichi Yamaguchi; the other is journalist Kenji Nagai.

Yamamoto Munesuke's books include "Burma's Children" and "Burma's Great Illusions." He was deported from Burma in 1998 "for gathering news," following his exclusive interview with Aung San Suu Kyi.

The post Death of a Journalist appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Will Intl Condemnation Bring Down Myanmar’s Democratic Transition?

Posted: 26 Sep 2017 08:01 PM PDT

It is a perilous time for Myanmar's fragile democratic transition. At stake are not only the lives of the 52 million people who live in the country, but one of the world's newest democracies could disappear once again under authoritarian rule.

Emerging from 50 years of military dictatorship, Myanmar is now facing new enemies together with old enemies—inside and outside the country—after coordinated attacks by Muslim militant group the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) prompted military clearance operations and sparked conflict across northern Rakhine.

In terms of the democratic transition, Myanmar's first elected civilian government in decades, led by the National League for Democracy (NLD), has had no shortage of enemies over the 18 months since it took office in March 2016.

The previous ruling party—the Union Solidarity and Development Party—formed by the ex-military junta, allied political groups and nationalists, is at the top of the civilian government's list of enemies.

Obviously, in terms of democracy, it would seem that Myanmar's powerful military is not on the side of the civilian government. The military's main task is to safeguard the undemocratic 2008 Constitution which the government has pledged to amend.

The main political tasks of the government and the military, therefore, are in direct conflict. This is still the biggest problem facing Myanmar's transition.

The recent militant attacks brought more "enemies" to the NLD administration, including, of course, ARSA, which was quickly denounced as a terrorist organization by the government after it claimed deadly attacks on 30 security outposts.

Other new "enemies" include aggressive international ARSA apologists, international rights groups, and foreign media portraying Myanmar as a nationalist Buddhist country and humiliating elected leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Many people in Myanmar are worried that Rakhine instability—reinforced by one-sided international portrayals of the conflict—might bring their country back to the dark era of military rule which the population endured for five decades between 1962 to 2011.

The prospect is a nightmare that no one wants to think of except opportunists from that era. Domestic political enemies of the new civilian government—especially the old establishment—have been waiting for that opportunity to make a comeback.

If that worst-case scenario occurred, the world would see its newest champion of democracy vanish in the Southeast Asian region—where many countries have ties to the monarchy, the military and authoritarian systems of rule.

It will also have ripples across the world, where anti-Western leaders like Putin in Russia and Erdogan in Turkey are rising in popularity in their countries.

The situation in northern Rakhine is unprecedented—hundreds of thousands of Muslim refugees have fled to Bangladesh and many villages in Maungdaw have been reduced to ashes.

The conflict needs to be stabilized as soon as possible and all concerned authorities—mainly the government—need to take action against those responsible for atrocious acts against civilians.

Supporters hold Daw Aung San Suu Kyi pictures in downtown Yangon as they gather for a live screening of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's diplomatic briefing on Rakhine State on Sept. 19.(Photo: Thet Tun Naing/ The Irrawaddy)

Sprouting Anti-Western Sentiment

International news coverage and the West's position on the conflict have portrayed Myanmar as a hostile nation of Buddhists opposed to the self-identifying Muslim Rohingya minority.

International publications do not hesitate to publish headlines with phrases suggesting Buddhists are "unifying behind a deadly nationalism," and that Myanmar is home to a "21st century apartheid."

For Myanmar's people—nearly 90 percent of whom are Buddhist according to the 2014 census—these articles may seem cruel in supposing every Buddhist is embracing "a deadly nationalism."

Articles have also depicted the country's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as implicated in the burning of villages and the killing of civilians, because she didn't show the sympathy expected for Rohingya refugees and condemn the military's clearance operation against Rohingya.

The New York Times published a story on Sept. 9 saying "Aung San Suu Kyi is presiding over ethnic cleansing in which villages are burned, women raped and children butchered." The UN chose to use the term "textbook example of ethnic cleansing" for the exodus of refugees and human rights violations by security forces.

On Sept. 15, The New Yorker magazine in the United States published a story with the headline "Aung San Suu Kyi, the Ignoble Laureate" while the Telegraph in the United Kingdom published a story the next day titled, "Aung San Suu Kyi: Burmese Military Prisoner or Monster?" These are just a few examples out of many.

The UK's The Independent published a story on Sept. 8 written by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's biographer Peter Popham. The headline reads: "As Aung San Suu Kyi's biographer, I have to say that the only good thing she can do now is resign."

This is not only an insult for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi but also for millions of Myanmar citizens who have chosen her to usher the civil war-torn country towards a brighter future.

All these descriptions have gone far beyond the reality in the country. And one fundamentally important fact such people from international community might have forgotten—perhaps deliberately—is that she has received a solid mandate from the people of Myanmar in the 2015 election when her National League for Democracy party won a landslide victory across the country.

Many groups and institutions in the West are humiliating Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as well as the country.

Unison, one of the UK's largest trade unions, announced it had suspended an award given to her when she was placed under house arrest. The London School of Economics' student union said it would be stripping Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of her honorary presidency.

Some people and groups in the West aggressively called for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to be stripped of her Nobel Peace Prize and other awards bestowed on her for her work for democracy over the past decades.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has not responded to such calls. But in the eyes of the majority of Myanmar people, they would see those institutions and people in the West as humiliating the leader they love and believe in.

At this point, we've seen the seeds of anti-Western sentiment sprouting among Myanmar's public.

On Sept. 19, when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi made a diplomatic briefing on the Rakhine conflict, many people gathered in public areas in several big cities like Yangon and Mandalay to show their solidarity with the State Counselor in the face of international pressure and what they saw as humiliation.

Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi delivers a speech to the nation over Rakhine situation, in Naypyitaw, Myanmar September 19, 2017. REUTERS

Actually, most Myanmar people could be described as "pro-West"—valuing Western concepts, including democracy.

The main reason the Myanmar people like the West is that the United States and some European countries supported their democracy movement after the military cracked down on a nationwide pro-democracy uprising in 1988.

But now some of them are starting to feel that the West is bullying Myanmar people over the Rakhine conflict, which is only one of the problems Myanmar is facing.

The West shouldn't repeat mistakes that they made in the past, that have antagonized its allies to choose anti-Western leaders like Putin in Russia and Erdogan in Turkey.

Political scientists concluded that without the West's threat to expand the Atlantic alliance into Ukraine when Putin was elected in 2000, Russia wouldn't have taken Crimea back, leaving "no choice" for Putin.

Making the bold decision to distance itself from the Islamic world in 1987 and move closer to the West, Turkey applied to be a member of the European Economic Community, the predecessor of the European Union.

It was denied membership for decades as Europe embraced other smaller countries like Slovakia and Estonia. Political scientists suggested that Europe had humiliated Turkey. Arguably as a result, Turkish people voted for Erdogan in 2003, who they believed could stand up to Europe as a strong leader.

Losing a Frontier for Democracy

When it comes to the government and the military—the most powerful and untouchable establishment in the country—we know that they are not together, but that they are supposed to work together on issues like the Rakhine conflict and the country's peace process.

Sometimes, the military can be singled out for issues that concern it only, but we have to understand that the democratic transition can only advance if the civilian government and the military collaborate more.


Myanmar military Commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing looks at Myanmar pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi during Myanmar’s top six-party talks at the Presidential palace at Naypyitaw April 10, 2015. REUTERS

After all, the bigger picture much of the West does not see of this complex country is that there are only two main camps regarding political ideology in Myanmar: the pro-democracy camp and the anti-democracy camp.

The incumbent government is in the pro-democracy camp while the latter is comprised of the old establishment and its associates. But what the international community is now portraying is the perfect scenario for the anti-democracy camp of Myanmar to bring down the democratic government.

The country is still wrapped up in its core fight: democracy versus military dictatorship. It's not over yet and the old establishment and their allies are still trying to come back.

The fight will only be over after the undemocratic Constitution is amended and the military have returned to their barracks. That's what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government has been trying to achieve.

In this fundamental battle, many people in Myanmar still support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government despite its shortcomings and inabilities. They understand it is not an easy task.

Currently, Myanmar is still in the beginning of a transition, cleaning up messiness left over from decades of authoritarian rule and fixing those while dealing with the powerful military, as well as anti-democracy and nationalist forces.

For people like self-identifying Rohingya whose rights have been taken away and abused overtime, only the democratic government can bring back their basic rights.

To solve the problems of the Rakhine conflict, the government has started implementing recommendations made by a commission led by former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan, despite resistance from opponents and the military. It will need a certain amount of time.

If the instability in Rakhine and the international community's distorted portrayal of the situation lead to the collapse of the elected civilian government, there will be no other democratic institutions or parties to replace that power vacuum here in Myanmar—only the military and its associates.

In this disaster scenario, everyone loses except the old establishment and its allies. One of the world's newest democracies will vanish under the military's boots and the Myanmar people will suffer once again.

The post Will Intl Condemnation Bring Down Myanmar's Democratic Transition? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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