Tuesday, October 10, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Central Govt Infringing Administration of KNU Regions, Say Leaders

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 05:19 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Karen National Union (KNU) leaders have urged the government to consider the administration of areas controlled by the ethnic armed group as outlined in the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) signed two years ago.

KNU-controlled territory is comprised of seven districts in the Kawthoolei territory, including in Karen State, parts of Mon state, and parts of Bago, Irrawaddy and Tanintharyi regions—each with their own administrative mechanisms which often overlap with the central government.

Since bilateral ceasefires were signed in 2012, KNU-controlled areas have seen less conflict but still face administrative problems which should be addressed in accordance with the NCA's "interim program" for controlled regions KNU spokesman and general secretary Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

"The implementation of the interim program is a challenge for us, because it is not yet being implemented despite the fact it is in the NCA text," explained Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo.

He said the KNU's 14 administrative departments—including education, healthcare, and social welfare—were conflicting with the central government's administration in some areas.

"While our administration departments are working, there has been complaints to the joint ceasefire monitoring committee accusing us of violating the NCA. Because of that, we need solutions through the interim management," the general secretary said.

The NCA's interim program included information on how to collaborate with the government on administrative affairs and environmental protection, he said.

Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo said the interim management of these areas was one of the two key issues discussed during an urgent four-day meeting of the KNU's Central Standing Committee held in Lay Wah last week.

The meeting was the first urgent gathering of standing committee members since the KNU's 16th Congress in March. Another key issue discussed was reviewing the peace process and how to proceed.

KNU leaders also discussed developmental projects and national parks and forest reserves in their territories.

A statement released on Oct. 7 said Karen leaders decided to delay allowing investment in development projects which may impact local communities and the environment as there are currently no specific laws and regulations in place to protect from effects of such project.

One of the challenges the group is now facing is the case of environmental preservation, said Mahn Ba Tun, head of the KNU's forestry department.

He explained that neither the KNU nor local residents were informed of central government efforts to extend the forest reserves and the national parks along the border with Thailand and Tanintharyi Region in 2015.

The central government in Naypyitaw has also allowed international non-governmental organizations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature Myanmar (WWF) and Fauna and Flora International (FFI) to study the areas without the consent of KNU, said KNU leaders.

In November last year the KNU signed a memorandum of understanding with the World Wide Fund for Nature Myanmar (WWF) to protect the forest in KNU-controlled territories.

"Government efforts to set national parks and forest reserves in KNU Brigade No.4 area [in the Myeik-Dawei area of Tanintharyi Region] has caused obstacles for the current peace building process," the KNU statement released last week said, "we will protect our forests based on our policies."

"We have been protecting our forests and our wild animals and we will uphold our forest policy and regulations on further forests preservation and protection," Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo told The Irrawaddy, adding that they had begun awareness programs with locals to protect wildlife and timber forest reserves.

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Tourists Shun Myanmar in Wake of Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 05:07 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Although Myanmar is entering peak season for tourism, tour operators and industry officials have reported a drop in visitors because of the recent conflict in Rakhine State.

Union of Myanmar Travel Association (UMTA) president U Thet Lwin Toe said some booked trips—particularly to Rakhine's Ngapali Beach—were cancelled in the wake of the latest Rakhine violence.

After self-identifying Rohingya militants attacked 30 police outposts in northern Rakhine on Aug. 25, the Myanmar Army launched a crackdown that has forced more than 500,000 Muslims to flee to Bangladesh.

Tales of rape and killings by security forces are rife among the refugees, while Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the group behind the Aug. 25 attacks, has also been accused of killing civilians.

"Some trips to Ngapali Beach have been canceled," said U Thet Lwin Toe. "Trips to other regions like Bagan, Mandalay and Inle Lake remain unchanged. If positive news could eliminate tourists' fears of terrorist attacks, the situation would be better."

U Tint Lwin, director general of the hotels and tourism ministry, said news of the unrest has scared tourists and affected the whole tourism industry.

"There are worries that [tourists] may experience a terrorist attack or have difficultly traveling in the country," said U Tint Lwin.

According to tour operators based in Rakhine, visitors to the region's famous sites have declined significantly.

"The number of tourists have declined by half compared to last year," said Ma Moh, a tour operator based in the ancient Arakanese capital Mrauk-U.

"During this month last year most of the hotels were fully booked," she said. "Bookings for transport were also full, but this year is quite dry."

Tour operators across the country have reported a slump in business. Package tours to Bagan, one of Myanmar's main attractions, have been dropped.

"Compared to last year, the situation is bad for the season. Bookings have been canceled, especially from Europe and the USA. And there have been few independent tourists from those countries compared to last year," said Daw Maw Maw, a tour operator in Bagan.

Hoteliers and tour operators are hoping for some kind of stability and peace in Rakhine and the surrounding regions, which they say has not only affected tourism but also the security of the whole country.

"Although the effects on the tourism industry are not hugely impactful, we still worry about our own security because the government announced there might be terrorist attacks in big cities," said U Myint Lwin, a hotelier from Mandalay.

"However, we hope there will be peace and stability in Rakhine State soon. We are also hoping there will be more visitors to our country before the peak tourist season ends," he added.

According to figures from the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, 2.9 million tourists visited the country in 2016. More than 3.5 million tourists were expected for 2017, according to the figures, with about 2.27 million tourists visiting the country from January to August this year.

The post Tourists Shun Myanmar in Wake of Rakhine Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Eyes Mon State Investment

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 01:47 AM PDT

MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Hong Liang indicated his country is considering investment in Mon State during a meeting with the state government on Friday.

According to the Chinese ambassador, investors are interested in rubber products manufacturing, fruit cultivation and the tourism sector, said Mon State minister for natural resources and environmental conservation Dr. Min Kyi Win, who was present at the meeting.

"The Chinese ambassador thinks Mon State has good potential for economic development and suggested Chinese investment in Mon State. And we've welcomed his suggestion," Dr. Min Kyi Win told The Irrawaddy.

Thailand is the biggest investor in Mon State, with Thai petroleum firm PTTEP investing US$2.146 billion in an offshore gas field in the Gulf of Martaban—the largest investment among 18 international investors in Myanmar's energy sector as well as the largest foreign investment in the state.

Thailand's $414 million Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL) cement plant is also the largest investment in Mon State's industrial sector.

The Chinese ambassador's visit to the area is the first on its kind under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government.

The ambassador said China is interested in importing fruits from Mon State, especially pomelo, pomelo juice and dried pomelo, said Daw San Wint Khaing, the Pa-O ethnic affairs minister for Mon State.

"What we want is a market economy rather than their investment. We have to try to build a seller's market rather than a buyer's market," she said.

The 15-member Chinese diplomat delegation led by Hong Liang met Mon State chief minister Dr. Aye Zan and other ministers. The Chinese ambassador also invited the chief minister to visit China, according to ministers.

In early 2017, Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) issued an announcement for the establishment of investment commissions at region and state levels.

According to the instruction, region and state governments are authorized to decide on investment proposals of less than $5 million for their areas but have to seek MIC approval for investments of more than $5 million.

Investment commissions at region and state levels have seven members, headed by chief ministers. Staff officers of relevant investment and company administration boards act as secretary, and five ministers as members.

Mon State received more than $5.433 billion in foreign investment from 1994 to the end of 2016, according to records of the Mon State Directorate of Investment and Company.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ten Accused of Blocking Aid Shipment in Sittwe to Face Trial

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 01:36 AM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Ten men accused of involvement in a violent mob which blocked a Red Cross aid shipment bound for conflict-torn Maungdaw in Rakhine State capital Sittwe last month will be brought to trial on Friday, according to the Township Police Force.

A 300-strong mob gathered late on Sept. 20 at Set Yoe Kya jetty where a boat carrying relief supplies for self-identifying Rohingya Muslims was preparing to travel upriver to Maungdaw, reported Reuters.

The mob—armed with slingshots and petrol bombs—forced the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to unload the aid from the boat and prevented the vessel from leaving, according to Myanmar government's Information Committee.

Police detained nine people at the scene and three more perpetrators were identified in further investigations. One of them was arrested and two others are still at large, said police lieutenant Kyaw Moe of Sittwe No. 2 Police Station.

"We've arrested 10 and declared two others as fugitives," he told The Irrawaddy.

The 10 detainees are from Set Yoe Kya and Mindra Shik villages on the opposite bank of the river from Sittwe town, and the two fugitives are from Sat Yone Su ward in Sittwe. All of them are casual manual laborers and bricklayers, according to police.

"According to our investigation, they had no motive. It happened mainly because they were drunk. There was no organizer. It was the result of a gathering of drunkards," said the police lieutenant.

Detainees have been charged with Articles 145 and 438 of Myanmar's Penal Code, said police.

According to Article 145, anyone who joins or continues in an unlawful assembly, knowing that such unlawful assembly has been commanded in the manner prescribed by law to disperse, shall be punished with up to two years' imprisonment, or a fine, or both.

Article 438 is about committing or attempting to destroy a vessel by fire or any explosive substance and is punishable by transportation for life, or up to ten years' imprisonment and fine.

According to Information Committee, U Naing Linn of ICRC was supervising loading of relief supplies onto a vessel in Set Yoe Kya Creek which he hired from a local man around 2 p.m. on Sept. 20 when some locals arrived and complained that those supplies would be sent to terrorists.

Later, crowds gathered and disorder broke out, which was quelled by police using tear gas.

Anti-NGO sentiment has developed in Rakhine State since conflict in 2012, with ethnic Arakanese protesting what they feel is unfair favorable treatment of the self-identifying Rohingya.

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Segregation Fans Fears of Fresh ‘Cleansing’ in Rakhine

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 11:55 PM PDT

MYEBON, Rakhine State — Buddhist villagers in relatively peaceful parts of Myanmar's Rakhine State are enforcing a system of local apartheid that punishes people trading with minority Muslims, fueling fears that violence in the far northwest could spread to new areas.

Ethnic Arakanese, who form the majority in central parts of the state, have set up committees in several districts that have meted out sanctions ranging from fines to public beatings and expulsions. They say the measures are necessary to protect their communities from self-identifying Rohingya Muslim militants.

Muslim residents say they are being cut off from essential supplies and accuse authorities of turning a blind eye. Aid workers fear thousands will attempt to escape via perilous sea routes to Thailand and Malaysia when the monsoon rains abate.

About 250,000 Muslims live in central Rakhine, an area not directly affected by a military offensive against militants who attacked security forces in the northern part of the state in late August. The army operation has forced more than half a million people to flee to Bangladesh, in what the United Nations has denounced as ethnic cleansing.

"In the current situation, it's not possible for different communities to live together," said Ashin Saromani, a Buddhist monk in the central Rakhine town of Myebon, where one such committee was set up at a meeting in a monastery four days after the Aug. 25 militant attacks in the north.

"The government can't reconcile them. That's why we prohibited communication with the Muslims, to prevent conflict."

Rakhine State government spokesman Min Aung said he was not aware of efforts to punish Buddhists who had contact with Muslims. He said he thought tensions could best be eased by interfaith community groups.

"Other states and regions have interfaith groups working for peace. In Rakhine there's no group like that," he said.

Tension between ethnic Arakanese and Muslims have simmered for years. Nearly 200 people were killed and 140,000 displaced in communal violence in the state in 2012.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has warned that the violence seen in the north of the state could easily spread.

"The failure to address this systematic violence could result in a spillover into central Rakhine, where an additional 250,000 Muslims could potentially face displacement," said Guterres in a recent speech. "They are outnumbered by Rakhine communities, some of whom have engaged in violent acts of vigilantism against their Muslim neighbors."

'National Traitor'

In Myebon, about 3,000 Muslims have been confined to a camp for displaced people since the 2012 violence, surrounded by tens of thousands of hostile Arakanese Buddhists. They have relied on aid from international agencies and fishing, supplemented by a small amount of trade in the town.

Since late August, loudspeakers mounted on tricycle rickshaws have rolled around the town, blaring messages from local monks and Arakanese community leaders exhorting Buddhists to avoid contact with Muslims.

One Arakanese woman who ignored the warnings, 35-year-old Soe Chay, told Reuters she was surrounded by a mob on Sept. 12 after buying goods at a market to sell to Muslims.

They beat her, cut her hair and marched through the town with a sign reading "national traitor" hung around her neck.

Kyaw Swar Tun, deputy director of the Rakhine General Administration Department (GAD) that oversees the local bureaucracy, said the case was an "individual problem" that was already being dealt with by the courts.

Two women and a man have been charged with assault on Soe Chay. The two women were members of the Arakan Women's Network in Myebon, which denied taking part in the attack.

"People got angry because they don't have a nationalist spirit, even though they know that 30 police stations were attacked and locals from Maungdaw were beheaded," said Khin Thein, leader of the network in the town, describing the incident. He was referring to the Aug. 25 attacks, which concentrated in northern Rakhine's Maungdaw Township.

Buddhist community leaders in Myebon have also blocked international aid agencies from reaching the camp, saying only the government can deliver aid, which must be checked by Buddhists.

"We are concerned that if we don't check that boat of the NGOs communicating directly with the Bengalis, they might include weapons together with the aid," said Ashin Saromani. Bengali is a derogatory term for the self-identifying Rohingya implying they are interlopers from Bangladesh.

Similar community-enforced restrictions on aid have been in place elsewhere in Rakhine, according to aid workers.

'Fear of Revenge'

Anti-Muslim sentiment has been bubbling up elsewhere in mostly Buddhist Myanmar since the conflict erupted in Rakhine.

Police had to disperse a mob that attacked Muslim homes and businesses in the central Magwe division on Sept. 10.

In Kayin State in the east, Muslims were told last month they must get special permission from authorities before travelling outside of their villages, because of security concerns.

Closer to the conflict zone, Muslim villagers in Rathedaung Township say they have been directly pressured to leave by their Arakanese neighbor's.

In Ku Taung village, near the besieged Muslim villages, a group of 46 Arakanese Buddhist elders has formed a "disciplinary committee."

They have fined Buddhists as much as 500,000 kyat (US$370) for infractions including selling betel leaves to Muslims, according to farmer Tun Thar Sein.

Some Rakhine villages have set up security teams to protect against the spread of militancy. In Mrauk-U and Minbya, an area that saw several unexplained explosions last month, residents said Muslims were no longer allowed into Arakanese villages.

Kyaw Swar Tun, the local administrator, said authorities would deal with any cases brought to them according to the law, but was not aware of any such problems in central Rakhine.

Back in the Myebon camp for displaced people, Muslims say they will have to move away.

"It's not possible for us to go back and stay together in Myebon because the Rakhine who destroyed our homes will be afraid to face us," said Cho Cho, a Muslim resident. "They fear that Muslims will take revenge."

The post Segregation Fans Fears of Fresh 'Cleansing' in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Chooses Security Over Compassion in Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 11:12 PM PDT

India's position on its community of self-identifying Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State has come under severe criticism from international organizations. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein accused India of lacking "basic human compassion," in seeking to deport the refugees. India's UN representative in Geneva termed the comments "tendentious judgment" based on "selective and even inaccurate reports which do not further the understanding of human rights in any society."

Out of this mud slinging comes no clear winner, but the more worthwhile question of why India is displaying such rigidness on accommodating the self-identifying Rohingya. Why the sudden alarm, when the community has been living in the country for years?

Much debate has taken place over whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government under Narendra Modi is averse to providing asylum to Muslims, given that many in the right-wing party and its ideological fountainhead the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have been called anti-Islamic.

But an anti-Muslim agenda would have seen the BJP opening post-1971 Bangladesh war files and attempting to deport many Muslim refugees from among the near 10 million people of various religious groups that came across to India. Deciphering the Indian government's position calls for a more rational examination of the factors at play.

Security Concern

Jihadi outfits with alleged connections to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) top the list of India's worries about its population of self-identifying Rohingya.

The rise of the erstwhile Harakah al-Yakin—now calling itself ARSA—has seemingly rattled intelligence agencies in India, Bangladesh and other parts of the region.

Unlike the predominately Muslim countries of Malaysia and Indonesia, or Thailand, which often prefers to be a silent spectator, perhaps to conceal its own human rights record, India is voicing its many concerns.

Intelligence agency reports in India and Bangladesh reveal systematic efforts are underway to strengthen the Rohingya militant groups with more trained men and money.

Some would argue that reports of Rohingya militant groups associating with jihadi outfits in Pakistan and receiving funds from Islamic groups in Saudi Arabia are bereft of evidence. Even if that were the case, India could not ignore the blatant display of support for ARSA by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Al Queda, and other Islamic groups.

Many international organizations and perhaps also a number of news outlets have chosen to ignore these messages of support from terrorist groups and instead speak of ARSA's rudimentary arms. India cannot afford to be as foolhardy and allow a Syria-like situation in the region.

Several longtime experts on Myanmar have cast doubt on the "rag-tag" nature of ARSA, deeming it a group guided by a calculated strategy executed to near perfection. Independent political analyst Richard Horsey who works with the International Crisis Group tweeted on Sept. 30 that "ARSA is murderous and willing to sacrifice entire Rohingya population for a dubious political objective."

Horsey added that ARSA's clothing and weapons may be "rag-tag" but "definitely not in relation to their objectives and impact: sophisticated & brutal."

Terrorism Network

 Indian intelligence agencies have been working around the clock to piece together an ARSA terrorist network and authenticate claims the group has deep support from transnational jihadi outfits by various experts. Links between ARSA and other terrorist groups in Pakistan, and possibly in Afghanistan and Iraq have been reported. However, the modus operandi of ARSA vis-à-vis its terror network is not yet clear.

One name doing the rounds in intelligence agency reports as well as Indian media is that of Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Pakistani of Rohingya origin based in Karachi who allegedly has links with LeT and received patronage from Hafiz Saeed, the Pakistani Islamist behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

Burmi has been identified as the head of Islamic fundamentalist organization Harkat ul Jihad al-Islami-Arakan (HUJI-K) and has been instrumental in creating international support for ARSA and other groups like Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD), a front of the LeT in Bangladesh.

 Sources in India and Bangladesh intelligence speaking on condition of anonymity shared some precise information which claim that JuD has spearheaded training for ARSA, instructing fighters on how to produce improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and strategizing with the group's leaders. JuD enjoys backing from the Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan and is known to have deep resources in Bangladesh, its primary entry point to Myanmar.

Indian intelligence agencies believe that the JuD has a presence in refugee camps in Cox's Bazar along the Naf River although it is unclear whether JuD is involved in recruiting or training men from these camps. In India, the home affairs ministry has cautioned that "illegal Rohingya immigrants" from Rakhine are "vulnerable" to recruitment by terrorist groups.

Liaising for the training of ARSA began as early as 2008, with Burmi leading the activities under the banner of Aqa Mul Mujahideen (AMM). Intelligence agency reports have also linked Burmi to terrorist activities in Kashmir. Indian security agencies suspect others from Rakhine of being involved in nefarious undertakings in Kashmir.

For instance, intelligence agencies identified "Chota Burmi," a member of Pakistani terrorist group Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), who was killed in a clash in 2015, as a "Rohingya from Rakhine."

 As for ARSA leader Ata Ullah, there are ample reports that have appeared in almost all forms of news media, both within and outside Myanmar, which suggest that he was born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia, and formed the outfit after the 2012 riots between self-identifying Rohingya and Arakanese. Indian intelligence officials are of the view that ARSA has been "working in close coordination with AMM," which is now led by Havistoohar, who reportedly underwent six months training by the Taliban in Pakistan.

Members of the Border Security Force (BSF) in India told this writer that they are sharing regular information with both Myanmar and Bangladesh security forces about suspected ARSA involvement in smuggling weapons to Rakhine with the help of "different groups." BSF officials did not elaborate on who these groups could be.

Recently, Australian National University Associate Professor Greg Fealy was quoted by ABC radio as saying "weapons can come through broader Islamists network," and that "militants in Bangladesh could provide the weapons to the Rohingyas."  It remains to be seen if ARSA is actually involved in smuggling weapons or a wider network used to transfer arms and ammunitions to Teknaf in Cox Bazar and into parts of northern Rakhine.

Al-Qaeda and ARSA

 In its recent broadcast, "Evidence of a link between Rohingya militants and jihadist groups," ABC Radio claimed Al-Qaeda is attempting to forge links with ARSA. Indeed, Al-Qaeda called on Muslims around the world to send weapons to the self-identifying Rohingya in Myanmar.

Al-Qaeda offshoot Ansar Ghazwat Ul Hind in Kashmir has been actively campaigning for the self-identifying Rohingya in India. Its leader Zakir Musa has warned Prime Minister Modi to stop any plans to deport the refugees from India.

The Kashmir Factor

 The unprecedented support that the self-identifying Rohingya has received from separatist groups in Kashmir has certainly not gone down well with New Delhi.

Recently, Kashmir separatist leaders marched against the persecution of the Muslims in northern Rakhine. The separatists, however, did not condemn reports of killings of other minority groups like the Hindus and Mros at the hands of ARSA.

Many would say the Indian government's plan to deport the refugees is reasonable given its internal security situation. In response to the UN human rights chief's claim that India and Pakistan had not engaged with his office on human rights concerns in Kashmir, India representative to the UN Rajiv Chander said, "It is a matter of regret that the central role of terrorism is once again being overlooked. Assessments of human rights should not be a matter of political convenience."

Internationally designated terrorist Hafiz Saeed is suspected to have made attempts to recruit young Rohingya refugees in relief camps in Indonesia, on the pretext of providing them relief, into the LeT and send them to Kashmir.

While the threat of the militant Islamic movement cannot be used to legitimize military brutality, we also cannot lose sight of the fact that the militant Islamic movement has been troubling the region. This is exactly what New Delhi has been telling the world. The intellectual community in India has aired similar feelings.

Brahma Chellaney, a professor of Strategic Studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, in a recent article titled "Myanmar's Jihadi Curse," which appeared in the online portal Project Syndicate argued that the "external forces fomenting insurgent attacks in Rakhine bear considerable responsibility for the Rohingyas' current plight."

Chellaney, the author of nine books including "Asian Juggernaut," notes "the links between Rohingya militants and such external forces, especially terrorist organizations like ISIS, that have driven the government of India, where some 40,000 Rohingya have settled illegally, to declare that their entry poses a serious security threat."

"Even Bangladesh acknowledges Rohingya militants' external jihadi connections," he adds, in a possible attempt to vindicate the Indian government's stance on the issue.

Therefore, given the complexity of the issue, faulting Aung San Suu Kyi for drawing similarities between security issues in Myanmar and India would not be right. She argued that it has become difficult to sift militants from innocent civilians, as is the case in Kashmir. Perhaps leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi, Bangladesh's Sheik Hasina and India's Modi realize how vulnerable their socio-political landscape is in the face of growing religious fundamentalism.

Rising Radicalization

The main Islamic political party in Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami, is officially banned, but it enjoys significant support in a country which has been angered by the treatment of Muslims in Rakhine. A change of guard in Bangladesh could well see the rise of Jamaat-e-Islami once again, meaning a possible increase in the radicalization of the region.

New Delhi's recent display of seriousness in dealing with the exodus of self-identifying Rohingya is palpable. In the last week several key initiatives were adopted to ensure there is no attempt to push more of the refugees into northeastern India. None of the eight states in the area can afford more anti-foreigner movements, such as one of the 1980s that left the region reeling from communal violence and subsequent insurgencies.

India's defense secretary Ashok Kumar Gupta visited the Indian-Myanmar border township Moreh on Oct. 3 in what was described by local media as a move to "assess the law and order situation in the area in the wake of the Rohingya refugee crisis."

Manipur shares a 398-kilometer border with Myanmar. Even though these areas are hilly and far from northern Rakhine, it appears that both the central and the state government of Manipur do not want to take any chances.

The visit by the Indian government official follows the decision to open two immigration checkpoints in Mizoram state along its borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh (Zorinpui checkpost in Lawngtlai district) and Bangladesh (Kawrpuichhuah checkpost in Lunglei district). In addition, the Indian government has beefed up its security along the India-Bangladesh land and riverine borders along West Bengal and Assam.

Indeed, the exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh and other parts of the region has turned into a sprawling humanitarian crisis. But it also has the potential of destabilizing the region, especially with the growing support for ARSA.

Bidhayak Das is a former journalist who has spent over a decade working on promoting democracy in Myanmar. He is currently working as an independent consultant on elections, media and communications.

The post India Chooses Security Over Compassion in Rakhine Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 09:55 PM PDT

AFC Qualifier: Myanmar vs Kyrgyzstan

Myanmar's national male football team will play against Kyrgyzstan in the AFC Asian Cup qualifier.

Oct. 10, 7 p.m. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets: 1,000-3,000 kyats.

Ah Moon New Album Promotion Event

Celebrated singer Ah Moon will meet her fans and sing for them as she launches her new album 'Very Dangerous'

Oct. 11. 5 p.m to 8 p.m. Hledan Center.

Mid Oct. Night on Yangon River

Enjoy the night with Live DJs beside the Yangon River on the Vintage Luxury Yacht.

Oct. 14. 7 p.m. Botahtaung Jetty near Botahtung Pagoda. Tickets 10,000 kyats, including one free cocktail and snacks, 09-976155507, 09-799657382.

Charity Funfair

Artists will sell as well as give away free foods and snacks as this event organized by Myanmar Motion Picture Organization to pay respect to elderly artists.

Oct. 13. Hninzigon Home for the Aged, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township.

Thuma Collective Launch

Thuma Collective, a group of seven local female photographers dedicated to visual storytelling, will introduce themselves and exhibit their photographs.

Oct. 13. 5 p.m.  Myanmar Deitta, 3rd floor, No.49, 44th Street.

Street Dance & Street Food

There will be various street foods as well as street dance performance at this event.

Oct 14-15, 3 p.m. to 9 p.m. People's Park. Free Admission.

Nestle Cerelac Moms' Superstars

This event is for mothers and babies with games and free gifts plus nutritional education.

Oct. 15. 4 p.m to 8 p.m. People's Park. Free Admission.

Shwe Property Apartment Sale

Mortgages are on offer at this event.

Oct 14-15. 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. Rose Garden Hotel. Upper Pansodan Street.

Face: Pencil Art

Min Min Htike will showcase pencil portraits of ethnic people and famous people of various fields in Myanmar.

Oct. 7-11. 43 Art Gallery, 43rd Street, Botahtaung Tsp.

Maharzan: Group Art Exhibition

A group art exhibition of 49 artists features more than 100 paintings on various subjects.

Oct. 15 to Nov. 15. Maharzan Art Gallery, near Karaweik Palace, Kandawgyi Park.

The post Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.