Friday, February 16, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Construction Plan for New Police Regimental Base Causes Rohingya to Flee

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 07:33 AM PST

YANGON – The border police force in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung township is preparing to build a new regimental base on nearly 600 acres of farmland that belonged to Rohingya residents of Ale Chaung village, sources confirmed to The Irrawaddy on Friday.

At least two police majors verified the controversial project. One is based in Maungdaw district, while the other, who is now stationed in Yangon, had served in the border police force for many years. The officers declined to provide specific information about the project as it is being overseen by high-ranking officials.

A Muslim civil servant from Buthidaung, U Tun Thar (name changed to protect his identity), explained that Ale Chaung village is a 15-minute drive from downtown Buthidaung and located near the under-construction Buthidaung-Nyaung Chaung Highway.

The village, consisting of about 700 homes, was spared from arson attacks during the clashes between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and government security forces in late 2017 – which ultimately resulted in 650,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh— although nearly half of the families in the village have since joined the mass exodus, U Tun Thar said.

The Irrawaddy couldn't independently confirm whether the border police had legally acquired the farmland for the new regimental base.

Another displaced person, Abdul Wahid from Rathedaung township, who is currently sheltering with his relatives in Buthidaung Township, said the authorities had planted flags designating the area as the site of new compound a few days ago and issued verbal warnings to villagers not to trespass or let their cattle graze on the land.

Some paddy fields have not been harvested as they lie within the area that has been seized.

The site of the new police base and Ale Chaung village are flanked by the Buthidaung-Nyaung Chaung Highway. Some bulldozers and dump trucks have already arrived at the site and are parked near a newly constructed warehouse. Several hundred Ale Chaung residents have left their homes as they are concerned about being detained by the police in coming weeks.

"Homes were not set alight by police here but villagers are frightened of them and that's the main reason why they fled the village," U Tun Thar said.

Between Jan. 5 to Feb. 15, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued 24 updates on the number of Rohingya who have encamped near the Gawdu Thara shore of southern Maungdaw. However, the police reports were primarily focused on the number of new arrivals and identified the home towns of the fleeing villagers only four times — on Jan 5 and 29, and Feb 4 and 12.

According to a Home Affairs Ministry update on Jan 5, 504 Rohingya from 12 villages in Buthidaung and others from two villages in Rathedaung Township had arrived at Gawdu Thara. Most of these villages neighbor Ale Chaung.

On Jan. 29, the police reported that 853 people from 12 villages in Buthidaung had arrived at the Gawadu Thara seaside. Ale Chaung was among the list of villages but the police report did not provide further deails.

On Feb 4, 788 Muslims from 16 villages in Buthidaung reached Gawdu Thara although again the police statement did not elaborate further. On Feb 12, 868 residents from 16 villages of the Buthidaung arrived in Gawdu Thara and Ale Chaung villagers were among them although their number was not made specified in the police report.

Rathedaung Muslim sources confirmed to The Irrawaddy that most of the hamlets mentioned in the police reports are neighboring villages of Ale Chaung.

In a bid to get more information about the plan to establish a new police regiment in the strife-torn region, The Irrawaddy phoned Rakhine State Chief Police Col. Aung Myat Moe and Border Affairs Minister Col. Phone Tint several times on Friday but failed to reach them.

The post Construction Plan for New Police Regimental Base Causes Rohingya to Flee appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ministry Rebuked for Blaming Rape on How Women Dress

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 05:27 AM PST

YANGON — With the latest government figures showing a significant increase in the number of reported rape cases, the Ministry of Home Affairs on Thursday asked parents, elders and media to encourage women and girls to choose modest attire.

The suggestion, included in the ministry’s report on rape statistics for 2016 and 2017, went viral and quickly drew criticism. Many Facebook users called its decision to blame rape cases on the way women and girls dress "ridiculous."

Ma Shwe Yinn Mar Oo said the ministry was ignoring its own shortcomings by placing blame where it did not belong.

"It is just victim blaming," she said. "They shouldn't just say what they think. They need to do proper research. Were the victims drunk? Were they revealing? Did they use drugs? But if we take a look at the cases, they did not. Even insane people and children 4 or 5 years old are raped.”

According to the ministry’s report, in 2017 there were nearly 900 rape cases involving children under the age of 16. There were 1,405 cases overall, up 28 percent year on year.

In the same report, the ministry said there were many reasons for rape, including cruelty, a lack of knowledge, alcohol and drug use, and the physical weakness of children.

To help prevent rape, it recommended that mothers and guardians watch over their children closely, not let them out of the house by themselves and not leave them alone with relatives, neighbors or strangers.

"Police alone can't prevent the causes. Collaboration is needed with civil society, parents and teachers. Teachers, parents, elders and also media should guide women and girls on the way they dress," the report said.

It also listed female drunkenness as a leading cause for the rape of females over the age of 16, along with easy access to aphrodisiacs and pornography on the internet.

Lower House lawmaker Ma Zin Mar Aung said there was no reason to accept such excuses for rape.

"As long as there is a victim-blaming culture — saying there is rape because parents aren’t vigilant, because women and girls go out at night, or blaming the way women dress — the number of rape cases won't be reduced even with harsher punishment and sentencing," she said.

Ma Zin Mar Aung said Parliament debated increasing the punishment for rapists in 2016 and as a result approved 20-year jail terms when the victims are minors.

"I think we need to consider the increasing number of rape cases carefully. How will society respond to those cases? We need to send a clear message that the rapist is the only one who should be ashamed and rejected, and show that all men and women don't accept such acts in society," the lawmaker said.

She added that much more advocacy work was needed to change social stereotypes and to stop state institutions from blaming the victims.

Nang Nyi, who lives in Yangon — which, as the most populated city in the country, also sees the most rape cases —  agreed that police needed much more training and education to stop the victim blaming.

"Instead of doing their jobs properly, they are blaming the girls — it is ridiculous," she said.

She said she also feared that the Home Affairs Ministry’s comments might make rape survivors hesitate to report their cases, citing the recent example of several girls who reported well-known astrologer Aung Chit Po for sexual assault. One of the girls told The Irrawaddy that police called her “stupid” and “naive.”

The police initially refused to accept their complaint, claiming a lack of evidence, but relented after a public outcry.

"Even as a state institution with a duty to protect citizens, it is doing the victim blaming,” Nang Nyi said. “Who will dare to report to them in the future? In a way it is also abetting the crimes."

The post Ministry Rebuked for Blaming Rape on How Women Dress appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Reporters in Handcuffs: An Emblem for Our Times

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 04:06 AM PST

It's a pathetic sight: a journalist being led away in handcuffs for doing his or her job. It's also a source of shame for a democracy to have journalists going to jail for gathering information. That's the reality Myanmar is facing today with two local reporters—Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo—having spent more than two months behind bars and facing trial for alleged possession of security-related confidential documents.

According to Reuters, for whom they work, the two reporters had been working on an investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslims who were buried in a mass grave in northern Rakhine.

Myanmar's UN Ambassador Hau Do Suan said the journalists were not arrested for reporting a story, but for their alleged illegal possession of confidential government documents.

At their first hearing, the detained journalists told relatives and colleagues that they had acted in accordance with journalistic ethics, regardless of the accusations against them. "We haven't committed any crime," Kyaw Soe Oo said.

We firmly believe they are innocent. If they are guilty of anything, it is of doing their jobs as journalists — gathering information to inform people about what is really happening in conflict-torn northern Rakhine State.

For doing their jobs, they have been charged under the Official Secrets Act, with the official approval of the President's Office, of offenses that could earn them 14 years' imprisonment.

The approval of the charge was signed by Vice President U Myint Swe, as President Htin Kyaw was on a trip to Japan on the night of the pair's arrest on Dec. 12.

Coincidentally, the person who signed the approval for their prosecution for possession of army- and police-related documents under the Officials Secrets Act is himself a former lieutenant-general.

Following the process mandated under the Constitution, the 67-year-old was appointed vice president by military lawmakers in 2016. Before that he was the chief minister of Yangon. As a military man, U Myint Swe was reportedly involved in the 2002 arrest of family members of the former dictator Ne Win, the arrest of Khin Nyunt and his associates in 2004, and the crushing of the Saffron Revolution in Yangon in 2007.

An ethnic Mon, he graduated from the 15th intake of the Defense Services Academy (DSA) in 1971 and rose steadily through the ranks to become the commanding officer of Light Infantry Division No. 11, overseeing security in the former capital. He was later transferred to the War Office, where he worked directly under Senior-General Than Shwe and his deputy, Gen. Maung Aye. He reportedly has close relations with the former dictator Than Shwe's family.

It will also be interesting to see how the country's judiciary handles the case, given the contradictory testimony from police involved in the case.

At the latest hearing on Wednesday, a second police lieutenant who was part of the team that arrested the reporters gave a location for the arrest that was contrary to a map of the arrest site previously produced by police and entered in the court file.

And at an earlier hearing last week, a police officer who was part of the arrest team told the court that he had burned the notes he made at the time. He did not say why.

So far, media freedom in Myanmar has been tarnished under the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led democratic government. Last year, reporters from The Irrawaddy and Democratic Voice of Burma were arrested and charged by the military with unlawful association while reporting in northern Shan State. Now comes the Reuters journalists' case. Their plight highlights the heavy restrictions on media access to the conflict zone in Rakhine State. It's no wonder their case has attracted international attention and prompted calls for freedom of information in the country.

The government's loud pronouncements that "Myanmar recognizes freedom of the press" cannot obscure the fact that with the arrest of these journalists, the canary in Myanmar's democracy coal mine has died, and it is obvious for all to see.

The post Reporters in Handcuffs: An Emblem for Our Times appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Behind the Mon, UNFC, and UWSA

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 02:42 AM PST

Nai Htaw Mon, the chairman of the New Mon State Party (NMSP), ordered his soldiers to dry rice, a sign on ongoing conflict, when he made the decision not to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015.

He was disappointed with his central committee members, who garnered the majority of votes in favor of signing. But the chairman used his veto power, and the NMSP, along with other United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) members didn't sign the NCA.

Eight ethnic armed groups signed the NCA in October 2015, but the Mon did not, in large part because of their alliance with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) and other members of the UNFC.

Nai Htaw Mon, and Nai Hong Sar, the vice chairman of the NMSP, were against the signing, so the majority vote did not stand.

At that time, Nai Htaw Mon criticized the Karen National Union (KNU) and other members who decided to leave the UNFC, asking if the groups had read about the country's history. The NMSP felt secure in its decision to stand with the KIA in the UNFC.

For years, the NMSP was synonymous with the UNFC. When asked about its political stance it referred to the bloc's stance – including inclusive participation in the NCA and peace process.

However, the NMSP recently abandoned this stance and signed the NCA without the remaining ethnic alliance members.

There are several reasons for this decision. Some in the NMSP leadership believe that this action will give them a political advantage. If not, they say they can always fight back once again.

Another reason is that much of the NMSP leadership is older. After a longstanding ceasefire, they have settled their families and own property in Mon State. They do not want to return to fighting.

The group also does not have enough soldiers to fight the Myanmar Army, according to leadership. There are some 1,500 men who serve full-time for the party, but many other members stay with their families and not with the army.

The NMSP actively participated in the nationwide peace process with the UNFC, even after groups started leaving the bloc. But when the KIA and SSPP left, the NMSP lost hope and was convinced by senior members to sign the NCA early.

Behind the UNFC and UWSA

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) is happy to see the collapse of UNFC. The UNFC was the only ethnic alliance recognized by the government, Myanmar Army and international community in regards to the peace process.

But, the UWSA wanted the international community and the Myanmar government to recognize its Northern Alliance. Without the UNFC, the Northern Alliance will be the only ethnic bloc involved in the peace process and it will receive peace aid.

Early actions of the UWSA in forming an alliance involved attracting the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, Arakan Army and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army to join its bloc. Meetings were held concurrently with UNFC meetings at times, and these three groups eventually resigned from the UNFC after the Myanmar Army would not recognize their participation in the peace process.

The UWSA had also pressured the KIA and SSPP to resign from the UNFC and join the Northern Alliance.

The international community has recognized that some UWSA leaders were drug lords, with warrants out for their arrest. But the UWSA wants to be recognized for its role in the peace process and included in future peace talks.

Some ethnic Kachin and Shan were unhappy about the alliance with the UWSA, in part due to China's influence on the Wa. But leaders from both groups have explained why they decided to stand with the UWSA, the largest ethnic armed group in Myanmar. While they dislike the communist influence, they are willing to stand together to fight against the Myanmar Army.

The post Behind the Mon, UNFC, and UWSA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UN Rights Envoy Says Suu Kyi Complicit in Persecuting Rohingya

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 02:18 AM PST

The UN Special Envoy on Human Rights in Myanmar has claimed that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could be complicit in the systematic persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

In an interview with Channel 4 News posted to the British broadcaster's website on Wednesday, Yanghee Lee said there were grounds for bringing Myanmar's de facto leader before an international tribunal for failing to intervene in the military's "clearance operation" in Rahkine state following attacks by ARSA militants in August that killed 11 security personnel.

She also said she had personally been told that more mass graves were likely to be discovered in the country, though she did not offer details.

Lee said the military's clearance operation, which has seen upwards of 650,000 Rohingya flee to neighboring Bangladesh, bears "all the hallmarks" of genocide.

Asked about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's role, Lee said, "I think that she's either denying [what's happening], or she's really far removed." She added that the State Counselor "can't be not accountable," adding that she believed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was guilty of "complicity or neglecting to do anything to halt this….I'm afraid so."

She added that the chances of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi actually appearing before some sort of tribunal were "very small". Myanmar is not a party to the International Criminal Court, and China's status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council meant it was unlikely that the body would declare the Myanmar military's actions against the Rohingya as genocide, Lee said.

In December, the government of Myanmar informed Lee that she had been barred from returning to the country and that cooperation would be withdrawn for the duration of her tenure. The government and military had complained that Lee's reporting on the situation in Myanmar had been biased for about six months leading up to the ban.

Lee also told Channel 4 she'd received many death threats and was even warned of a planned assassination attempt.
Asked about the ongoing detention of two Reuters journalist under the Official Secrets act, Lee said the pair were "getting too close" to the truth in their coverage of issues in Rakhine, adding that the military had effectively implemented a "national gag order," saying "people are just afraid to speak out anymore."

She added that she had personally received more indications that more mass graves would be found in Myanmar, though she did not offer further details in the interview.

In December, U Zaw Htay, director of the Myanmar President's Office, said in a text message to the Irrawaddy that Lee was neither impartial nor objective in her work.

"There is no trust on her. Therefore, we informed through Myanmar Permanent Mission in NY and Geneva UNSG Office in NY and OHCHR in Geneva," U Zaw Htay wrote in his text message.

The special rapporteur's mandate requires two visits to Myanmar a year, in order to report to the Human Rights Council and the UN General Assembly. Since taking up the mandate in June 2014, Ms. Lee has visited Myanmar six times.

The government has repeatedly denied human rights violations are occurring throughout Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine State.

The post UN Rights Envoy Says Suu Kyi Complicit in Persecuting Rohingya appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Why Are the Rohingya Still Fleeing from Rakhine?

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 02:14 AM PST

YANGON – Although there have been no fresh clashes in northern Rakhine State, at least 2,560 people have fled to Bangladesh from the strife-torn area since the start of the year. Meanwhile, a further 818 are currently encamped near Gawdu Tha Ra village, the main launching point in southern Maungdaw for the final cross-border boat trip to Myanmar's western neighbor.

The ongoing flight from Maungdaw seems at odds with the refugee repatriation process that Myanmar and Bangladesh authorities had agreed would begin on Jan. 23. As of Feb. 15, not a single refugee has been returned to their Myanmar homes.

According to recently updated Ministry of Home Affairs statistics seen by The Irrawaddy, security forces and local authorities determined about 500 Muslims initially left rural areas in Buthidaung and Rathedaung around Jan. 5.

The statistical report shows 1,000 people crossed the border by boat in January, with a further 1,360 Rohingya leaving the country in the first 15 days of February. In addition there are now 818 Muslim villagers waiting at the Gawdu Thara shore.

According to the government statistics, an average of 75 Rohingya had fled their villages each day between Jan. 1 and Feb. 15. The villagers are mostly from Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships, which are situated on the western and eastern sides of the Mayu mountain range. Some of these areas were spared during the military's clearance operations in late 2017.

The Cause of the Exodus

According to the Home Affairs reports, Muslim residents are fleeing their villages after suffering food shortages and financial hardship since fighting broke out between government security forces and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), formally known as Harakat Al-Yaqeen (faith movement), in Maungdaw region last August.

In total, the government army's months-long offensive has forced more than 650,000 Rohingya to flee to the Bangladesh border, with almost two-thirds of Rohingya villages reduced to ashes. The UN described the devastation as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) head Filippo Grandi reported during a UN Security Council gathering on Tuesday that since the start of the year Bangladesh authorities had registered 1,500 new refugees who had come from the Maungdaw side.

A Muslim civil servant from Buthidaung, U Tun Thar (name changed for his safety), explained that the Rohingya had abandoned their villages as they have been living for seven months without being able to harvest crops, and they don't dare enter the nearby forest to search for edible plants or try to catch fish in nearby waterways.

"Villagers are scared of entering the forest or harvesting paddy as they are worried about being arrested by security officials. Border police check every person wherever they go and residents hesitate to go outside of their villages or to the Buthidaung market."

U Tun Thar said that although the Myanmar authorities are claiming that the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development (UEHRD) is providing humanitarian assistance to Muslims in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung Townships, in practice, not much food is being delivered.

"Many Rohingya, including my relatives and friends have sought refuge in Bangladesh. At least on the Bangladesh side, they don't have to worry about starvation and being detained," he said.

Tough Journey

This Irrawaddy reporter went to southern Maungdaw for several days in December in order to observe the situation in Inn Din where a mass grave containing the remains of 10 murdered Muslims was found, and noted how all of the Muslim villages along the side of the Ah Ngu Maw-Maungdaw highway had been burned to the ground.

In some places, even years-old raintree, mango and coconut trees had been cut down and their roots dug up. Occasionally, Arakanese villagers and plain-clothes armed soldiers were seen patrolling the burned-out sites where signs warning "Forbidden Area" were nailed to trees.

U Tun Thar said that Ale Than Kyaw and Inn Din villages no longer had any Muslim inhabitants. The area had been nearly 80 percent Muslim before the 2017 August violence but most of the Rohingya displaced from Rathedaung and Buthidaung had since made the six-hour-long trek across the Mayu mountain range to reach Ale Than Kyaw and Inn Din villages before getting a boat to Bangladesh.

Now, Gawdu Thara is an essential gateway for refugees. A displaced Rohingya, Abdul Wahid (not his real name), who had been sheltering for six months in a neighboring village in Buthidaung Township explained that border police often blocked the route, preventing Muslims from crossing Mayu mountain. However, on paying a bribe they are allowed to take the path, which leads directly to the Gawdu Thara seaside of southern Maungdaw.

"They charge 1,000 kyat for each person who wants to cross the mountain," he said.

Rohingya refugees who arrived from Myanmar last night by boat, get into other boats to go to the main land, in Teknaf, Bangladesh, October 7, 2017. /REUTERS

After arriving at the Gawdu Thara shore, refugees can make contact with Bangladeshi boatman. Each passenger is charged around 60,000 kyats (US$45) for the three-hour trip to Bangladesh, although children are allowed to travel for free.

Why Does the Government Allow the Border Crossing?

Normally, crossing the border without an official permit is illegal in Myanmar but an exception has apparently been made in strife-torn Maungdaw. Local authorities and border police visited the refugees at Gawdu Thara and made an updated headcount but took no other action to stem the flow of humans leaving the country.

Commenting on the recent exodus, President Office's spokesman U Zaw Htay explained that authorities could stop the border crossings but such conduct would likely attract a lot of international criticism. Local authorities had sought to reassure the Muslim refugees about their personal security and had offered them food but failed to convince them to stay in Myanmar.

He noted that Muslim residents were still receiving death threats from ARSA, while relatives in Bangladesh IDP camps were urging them to seek refugee status in a third country. He echoed the presentation of Myanmar envoy Hau Do San to the UN Security Council on Tuesday, who noted that the death of two camp leaders in Bangladesh had scared Rohingya from returning.

U Zaw Htay said the killings were the work of ARSA militants – who mingle among the occupants of the Muslim camps as ordinary residents —in order to undermine the repatriation process.

As the number of those still fleeing climbed, UK Secretary of Foreign Affairs Boris Johnson made a one-day visit to Maungdaw Township in a military chopper over the weekend. He was joined on the trip by Social Welfare Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye, Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu as well as British Ambassador Andrew Patrick.

The Rohingya Horror

The group met with residents of Pan Taw Pyin on the outskirts of Maungdaw, which was one of the villages that had been spared arson attacks during the military's sweep through the area, although the majority of villagers have already fled to Bangladesh, and Taung Pyo Let Wei in the northern part of the state, where temporary camps have been established for the refugee repatriation.

Mr. Johnson asked the villagers, "Do you feel safe here?"

The Muslim residents answered in the affirmative and the delegation also noted the perspectives of Pantaw Pyin villagers on refugee repatriation and the rehabilitation process. Johnson uploaded a video of the visit to his official Facebook page on Feb. 11, which was taken near a border post in Maungdaw.

In the clip he says, "There has never been an exodus like it in our memory. Our hope is, they would be allowed a safe, voluntary and a dignified return."

British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson talks to Rohingya refugees at a UNHCR center at the  Kutapalong camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh in early February. (Photo Reuters)

Johnson also met with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the government issued a short note about their discussion. Johnson expressed sympathy for the tough position of Myanmar's de facto leader and urged her to show some leadership by working together with the international community and UN agencies to show the Rohingya that Myanmar welcomed them back and regarded the villages in the troubled area as their homes.

Mr. Johnson told the reporters, "The difficulty is, to be honest, I am not sure she really understands the full (Rohingya) horror."

Zaw Htay disputed Johnson's statement. "Making a conclusion on Myanmar by reading international news outlets' coverage could be misleading. It could result in a mismatch with the situation on the ground. Myanmar citizens know the country's situation better," he said.

On Thursday morning, Home Affairs Minister Lt. Col Kyaw Swe and 11 fellow officials from relevant departments travelled to Bangladesh to discuss border security and collaboration on counter-terrorism operations, while also providing a list of 1,300 alleged Muslim terrorists to their Bangladeshi counterparts, Zaw Htay said.

He reiterated that Myanmar had already delivered a verified list to Bangladesh of 500 Hindus and 600 Muslims that it had identified as former residents of Rakhine State but none had been handed over as of Feb. 14.

"We (Myanmar) are ready to take them back but it is not happening because of one side," Zaw Htay said.

Meanwhile, Bangladesh authorities repeated their appeal for the UN to become involved in the repatriation process. Instead the issue seems likely to become a deadlock between the two nations. Based on Zaw Htay's comments, Myanmar will not allow UNHCR aid workers to resume their relief efforts in Maungdaw until a time deemed suitable by the government.

The post Analysis: Why Are the Rohingya Still Fleeing from Rakhine? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Natural Gas Plants Will Help Meet Rising Electricity Demands

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 12:03 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — The Ministry of Electricity and Energy will establish four liquefied natural gas (LNG) power plants within the next three years, capable of generating 3,111 megawatts of electricity in total per year.

"A survey has yet to be done regarding piping natural gas," deputy permanent secretary U Soe Myint of the ministry told The Irrawaddy.

The four LNG power plants will be the first of their kind in Myanmar including Kan Pauk project in Tanintharyi Region, Mee Laung Kyaing project in Irrawaddy Region, Ahlone project in Yangon Region, and Kyaukphyu project in Rakhine State, according to the ministry.

Kan Pauk project will be able to produce 1,230 megawatts, Mee Laung Kyaing project, 1,390 megawatts, Ahlone project, 356 megawatts, and Kyaukphyu project, 135 megawatts.

Total & Siemens A.G, Zhefu & Supreme Co, TTCL Public Co, and Sinophydro & Supreme Co have won the contract to implement the projects.

"Those four companies made these proposals long ago. We cannot opt for hydropower projects if we want to meet urgent demand," said U Soe Myint.

"Factories can do nothing without electricity. Electricity is produced in upper Myanmar but used by lower Myanmar. So, it would be the best if production is high where consumption is high," said U Aye Thaung, chairman of Shwe Lin Pan Industrial Zone.

U Aye Thaung suggested that the government should increase its electricity production every year since electricity consumption has also increased year to year.

Myanmar currently produces more than 3,000 megawatts of electricity yearly from 27 hydropower plants, 22 gas-fired power plants, and one coal-fired power plant, and only 37.85 percent of households have access to electricity. The four proposed LNG power plants will therefore double the electricity production of the country.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Natural Gas Plants Will Help Meet Rising Electricity Demands appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Enjoy a Good Coffee With Traditional Myanmar Desserts

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 11:14 PM PST

Myanmar has developed a thriving café culture in recent years, and many good coffee shops have sprouted around town.

And with the competition heating up, a lot of coffee shops are coming up with themes to differentiate themselves.

Among the many trendy coffee shops that have opened up recently, I found a hidden gem, Café Salween, which was named Café of the Year as part of myanmore.com's Dining and Nightlife awards.

The shop is a modern café with a wide choice of traditional desserts. The atmosphere is relaxed. Its cool, modern vibe makes it a lovely spot to sit in.

Seated under the Plumeria tree in the center of the café, surrounded by flowers, it's easy to drift off and think you're relaxing in your own garden.

Guests sip coffee and surf the Net at Café Salween.
(Photo: Lwin Mar Htun)

When I was there, it was around 11am and a few foreign guests were seated here and there. I opted for a table for two located near the entrance.

The staff is attentive; a waiter appeared beside me in no time with a paper menu, and was happy to explain any items I had questions about. But in the end, I stuck with my all-time fave: a cappuccino.

Café Salween stocks a range of international coffees, but for aficionados they offer a "special choice" — a hand-brewed single-origin coffee from Ethiopia. The coffee is brewed using a variety of methods including Syphon, Chemax, Pour Over, Drip Pot and so on.

The entrance to Cafe Salween
(Photo: Lwin Mar Htun)

A selection of hot teas, smoothies, yogurts and juices are also available. Coffee ranges in price from 2,500 kyats to 5,000 kyats.

One fun feature is that all coffee sizes are named after birds: a small is a robin, a medium is a flamingo, and a large is, of course, an ostrich.

Service is prompt — you won't need to wait for more than five minutes.

As for the cappuccino, a drink many cafes serve with a creamy taste, the Salween's version leans toward the bitter — which I absolutely loved.

In a telltale sign of a truly quality cafe, the Salween's coffees have a bitterness that lingers on your tongue. So I believe the Salween fully deserves the Café of the Year award.


The interior of Café Salween
(Photo: Cafe Salween)

This is a modern coffee shop, but don't come here expecting the usual cake, bread or toast. They only serve traditional Myanmar desserts such as poppy seed cake (Bane Mont), semolina (Shwe Kyi Hsa Noon Ma Kin), sweet potato cake (Ka Soon U Hsa Noon Ma Kin), banana cake (Ngat Pyaw Thee Hsa Noon Ma Kin), pumpkin cake (Pha Yone Thee Hsa Noon Ma Kin), potato cake (Arr Loo Hsa Noon Ma Kin), lotus seeds soup (Mont Kyar Si) and sago soup (Thar Gu Pyote).

They also have tea leaf salad (La Phat Thoke), ginger salad (Gyinn Thoke), Myanmar crepe (Yay Mont and Lan Tha Yal Mont), steamed glutinous rice (Kauk Nyinn Poun) and other traditional foods.

Food dishes start at 2,000 kyats, which is a bit pricey for a Myanmar cake, but remember this: You're sitting in a nice, modern coffee shop. So it's worth a little extra.

The Wi-Fi is reliable and there is a small selection of local and English-language books for those who like to while away the time sipping coffee and reading.

Tea Leaf Salad
(Photo: Cafe Salween)

On my first visit, I immediately fell in love with this little garden. It's a great place to chill on your own with your phone or laptop, and perfect for a business meeting or just squeezing in a little chitchat with your mates.

I recommend avoiding the lunchtime rush; a lot of company employees working nearby arrive with their lunch boxes and it gets noisy.

This little shop is located in the Asia Business Centre, on Mahabandula Road between 47th and 48th streets. (The road beside YKKO 47 Street).

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How Walkable is Your City? Tool Aims to Make Pedestrians Safer and Happier

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 09:34 PM PST

KUALA LUMPUR — On the congested streets of Kuala Lumpur, pedestrians usually find themselves at the bottom of the pecking order.

Not uncommon in Southeast Asia’s cities, the emphasis is on cars and keeping traffic moving, despite nascent efforts to make the Malaysian capital more friendly for those on two legs.

“It is important that walkability isn’t a luxury [but] an essential component of equity and sustainability, particularly in the rapidly growing cities of the global south,” said Joe Chestnut of the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP), a global think tank.

Urban planners are looking into measures to cut road deaths and injuries but also at ways to ease traffic and encourage people to walk — all pressing issues as some two-thirds of the world’s population will live in cities by 2050, the United Nations says.

To help city officials tackle these challenges, Chestnut and his team designed a toolkit with 11 indicators for measuring how pedestrian-friendly a neighborhood is.

They include the number of pedestrian crossings, the size of blocks, the amount of shade and the density of driveways for cars.

“Walkability is not just a sidewalk — it’s a whole system of design and infrastructure,” Chestnut told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on the sidelines of the World Urban Forum in the Malaysian capital this month.

On a busy street in downtown Kuala Lumpur, Chestnut pointed to pedestrian overpasses as infrastructure that appears to be designed for those who walk but more often inconveniences them while allowing cars to speed on through.

Pedestrians are among the most vulnerable road users, accounting for 22 percent of 1.25 million global road deaths per year, the number-one killer of people aged between 15 and 29, according to the World Health Organization.

Some 90 percent of road deaths occur in low- and middle-income countries, according to the UN agency.

But some cities are making progress in creating a more pedestrian-friendly environment, the ITDP found. One key indicator it uses to measure this is the density of blocks.

Smaller blocks reduce walking distances and the need to make a dangerous mid-block crossing, as well as slowing down cars.

Among 22 cities the ITDP has already analyzed, Manila performed best on block density, at 37 per square kilometer. Nairobi had the lowest score, with 5 blocks per square kilometer, while Kuala Lumpur had 17.7 blocks per square kilometer.

“Kuala Lumpur is like any other big city,” said Neil Khor of Think City, a local government-backed urban regeneration agency. “It has a long way to go.”

Think City works with Malaysian cities to build pedestrian-friendly infrastructure, but Khor said the car still dominates.

“That is the mindset we are hoping to address,” he said.

Examples of urban redevelopment that have improved walkability include Mexico City’s Reforma 222 shopping center, which offers easy access on foot from offices and homes, the ITDP said.

Another is Central Saint Giles in London, a high-end retail destination with parking reserved solely for disabled people, encouraging pedestrian access, according to the institute.

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From Refugee to Royalty: Sierra Leone Designer Champions Ethical Fashion

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 09:03 PM PST

LONDON — Two decades after fleeing Sierra Leone to escape a brutal civil war, former child refugee Euphemia-Ann Sydney-Davies is preparing to meet British royalty at London Fashion Week.

The fashion designer will present one of her creations – a three-piece suit made of Ghanaian cloth – next week at an event hosted by Kate, Duchess of Cambridge, at Buckingham Palace.

The Commonwealth Fashion Exchange, spearheaded by Livia Firth who co-founded sustainability brand consultancy Eco-Age, connects designers and artisans from Britain and many of its former colonies to showcase and champion sustainable fashion.

The scheme pairs up-and-coming designers like Sydney-Davies with fashion giants – from Britain’s Stella McCartney to New Zealand’s Karen Walker, and big global brands such as Burberry.

Major fashion brands and leading designers should take note, and strive to be ethical and sustainable, Sydney-Davies said.

“We’re the ones producing the clothes,” the 31-year-old said from the living room of her home in Surrey, southern England.

“We should control where they come from and how they’re made,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation as she pulled a purple organza dress from a rack of brightly colored clothes.

The advent of fast fashion, with consumers constantly buying and discarding clothing, has fuelled the risk of worker abuses such as forced labor in global supply chains, campaigners say.

The conditions of garment workers hit headlines and sparked global outrage after the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster in Bangladesh, when the collapse of a factory complex killed about 1,100 workers – many employed by suppliers to Western retailers.

Yet many fashion brands have been criticized for failing to improve conditions for workers – from poor safety standards and long working hours to low pay and bans on forming trade unions.

“In a world where fashion is fast and brands try to hide the real impact of their endless production cycles – actions speak louder than words,” said Firth of Eco-Age.

“Rather than launching yet another report on the fashion system, we wanted to create a powerful example of how fashion can be at its best,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Consumer Power

After living as refugees in Gambia and Kenya during the 1990s, Sydney-Davies and her mother moved to Britain in 2000.

Obsessed with style as a child, she decided to start her own clothing brand after graduating with a degree in fashion. But she realized she could not afford to make clothes in Britain.

“I thought rather than go to China or India, where I know nothing about the working conditions, why not make clothes in Sierra Leone?” she said, fiddling with her colorful braids.

Sydney-Davies set up a shack in the capital, Freetown, and spent a month teaching seven men and women how to make clothes.

Knowing her employees personally and ensuring they are paid a decent wage is a source of pride for Sydney-Davies.

“There is no system in (Sierra Leone) to guarantee workers’ rights or monitor supply chains – so ensuring working conditions were adequate was very important for me,” the designer said.

Sydney-Davies, whose latest collection “Gold Rush” includes dresses made of recycled plastic, said she wanted her designs to make the wearer feel like a “king or queen”.

Her ambition is to inspire more entrepreneurs to start businesses in the West African nation of Sierra Leone, and build a huge factory there, which would be open to other designers.

As for the global fashion industry, Sydney-Davies said consumers have a responsibility to hold big brands to account.

“Without the consumer, the fashion industry is nothing,” Sydney-Davies said. “If consumers’ attitudes and behaviors change, it will force businesses to rethink how they operate.”

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Chinese Superstars Steal New Year Show With First Duet in 20 Years

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 08:53 PM PST

BEIJING — Two of China’s most famous and well-loved pop stars stole the show at state television’s annual glitzy, often much mocked marathon show welcoming in the Lunar New Year on Thursday, singing their first public duet in two decades.

Traditionally, hundreds of millions gather around their televisions to watch the “CCTV Spring Festival Gala,” a more than four-hour showcase of skits, music and dance that has been a TV staple since the first edition was broadcast in 1983.

But it was superstars Faye Wong and Na Ying many people tuned in to see this holiday, singing an old school-style ballad called 'Years," with some online polls rating their appearance the most eagerly anticipated part of the show.

While neither spoke to the audience after their performance, fans quickly took to Chinese social media in an outpouring of praise, though some said their appearance was too fleeting.

“Did you see? This is my mother. Isn’t she awesome?” Wong’s singer daughter Leah Dou wrote on the Twitter-like Weibo site, attaching a picture of herself as a baby pointing at a photo of her mother, an image that soon attracted more than 500,000 likes.

Beijing-born Wong’s icy demeanor and eclectic music tastes ranging from syrupy love songs to off-kilter trip-hop and Buddhist-infused folktronica have made her one of the biggest stars in the Chinese speaking world of the last three decades.

Na, who sung at the closing ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics, shot to fame in the 1990s with her hit “Conquering” and has more recently become a staple of Chinese television singing talent shows.

While this year’s show had other crowd-pleasers, including wholesome Chinese teenyboppers TFBoys for the third year running, China’s ruling Communist Party was always going to be present.

Several songs praised the “New Era”, a reference to President Xi Jinping’s political theory about making China even stronger through socialism, cemented since late last year in the party’s constitution.

Another skit celebrated China’s relationship with Africa, a key part of Xi’s Belt and Road initiative, complete with an African actress speaking in Chinese and quoting Xi.

The lunar new year of the dog, which officially starts on Friday, is the only holiday of the year for many Chinese, and is normally marked by riotous bursts of fireworks and firecrackers.

But many large cities, including Beijing, have heavily restricted their use again this year to help prevent smog.

It won’t be a happy holiday for all.

Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post said Xi’s corruption crackdown means Beijing’s main jail for top level prisoners is too full to allow family members to come and have a traditional new year meal with inmates.

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