Saturday, June 16, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Parliament Divided Over Latest Rakhine Investigation Commission

Posted: 16 Jun 2018 02:09 AM PDT

Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! Last Friday, Parliament was suddenly adjourned and what could be considered a meeting of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) was held at the presidential residence. This was followed by a vote in the Lower House on Monday regarding the inclusion of an international member in the proposed independent investigation commission looking into issues related to Rakhine State. Ethnic and political affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe and columnist U Thiha Thwe join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy Burmese editor Ye Ni.

Last Friday, the Lower House session was suddenly adjourned and top leaders in the country met at the presidential residence in what could be dubbed an NDSC meeting. Then, on Monday, lawmakers debated in the Lower House over the inclusion of an international member in the government's independent investigation commission to investigate issues regarding northern Rakhine State. Tatmadaw representatives and lawmakers of the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the Arakan National Party strongly objected. The opposition parties questioned the government about why it favored international personalities over local eminent persons. They also asked if the country was ruled by the government or the international community. They even called the decision to include an international member a risk to the sovereignty of the country. This has led to concerns over the future of civil-military relations. What is your assessment of this, U Maung Maung Soe?

U Maung Maung Soe: Many commissions have been formed since the outbreak of the Rakhine issue—an investigation commission led by Vice President U Myint Swe, the Kofi Annan-led Commission, the Rakhine advisory panel led by former Thai foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathi, the UEHRD [Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development in Rakhine State], the commission to implement the recommendations of Kofi Annan Commission, and this latest one. The international community accepted the advisory commission led by Kofi Annan, who has influence on the international stage. So, the National League for Democracy (NLD) government apparently wants to take the same approach and include an international member who is respected by the international community. But we need to acknowledge that we have weak points regarding fact-finding in Rakhine.

Investigation teams were sent to Rakhine around the end of August. The Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) sent an investigation team led by its Inspector-General Lt-Gen Aye Win. But there were no results from this. After the Inn Din massacre was exposed, the Tatmadaw had to send investigation team again and take action. With widespread allegations of abuses, the international community believes that investigation commissions of Myanmar are not credible. Also, the international community believes that there is still no press freedom regarding Rakhine. Reporters have been restricted from traveling freely to the area. And the trial for two Reuters reporters is still ongoing. The key to solving this problem is how we can give an acceptable answer to the international community. The question is not about inclusion or exclusion of an international member. I want the government to think about giving acceptable information to the international community. But on the other hand, no foreigner can know as much as a Myanmar citizen about Myanmar. No matter how much he is competent, he won't know about Myanmar. I personally prefer Myanmar scholars [be included in the investigation commission].

YN: I agree with your point that the commission should be credible with or without an international member on it, from the point of view of both local and international critics. Ko Thiha Thwe, what do you want to say about the formation of the commission?

Thiha Thwe: As U Maung Maung Soe has said, the government has had to implement the recommendations of the Kofi Annan Commission. I already knew that the government would face this problem if it implemented those recommendations. Since the formation of the Kofi Annan Commission, opposition parties and the Tatmadaw have spoken against the involvement of foreigners in addressing the Rakhine issue. So, I already predicted that there would be confrontation if an international member were included in the independent commission.

When I read Kofi Annan Commission's recommendations, I didn't think it would be so difficult [to implement those recommendations]. But after the Inn Din killings were exposed, a number of foreigners I talked to were suspicious that more people were killed and buried there. There are such allegations. Recently, groundwork was carried out in Maungdaw to build repatriation centers. There was excavation of land and the international community, which watched the process by satellite, alleged that the earth was moved to destroy the bodies. Their suspicion has grown significantly. If we fail to solve this, the pressures from the international community will keep growing.

The international community is apparently preparing to put political and economic pressures on our country. Our country will get into big trouble if it keeps failing to address those suspicions. As U Maung Maung Soe has said, the question is how to allay those suspicions, and not about the inclusion or exclusion of an international member. We should find a solution to dispel those suspicions together, rather than arguing about inclusion or exclusion of an international member. Suppose we are against the idea of including an international member in the commission, the question is how to make the commission acceptable to the international community. Or [the government] may choose to allow the international media to visit Rakhine State rather than forming investigation commissions. The opposition said that the country would be fraught with problems if we failed to follow the recommendations of a commission that included an international member; and that we wouldn't be able to dismiss what it says.

But I have a different view. We should not always have a negative view of international investigations. An Amnesty International delegation came to Sittwe and investigated, and as a result, the violence against Hindu residents was revealed and tensions have significantly declined. This was an immediate benefit of allowing an international investigation. There are both advantages and disadvantages of allowing this. In the case of Amnesty International's visit to Sittwe, I've seen two significant benefits so far. Because of Amnesty International, the international community accepted that the killing of Hindus was a reality. Previously, they didn't believe what we said. But now, since the international community believes the report of an international intermediary agency, pressures on us were largely reduced. We also found that the United Nations Security Council pays heed to the Kofi Annan Commission.

There are benefits of forming a commission that includes an international member. Can't we make use of such a commission shrewdly? What are we afraid of? [The opposition] said that they are afraid of our sovereignty being compromised. I have written in my articles that we will face sanctions by the international community if we resist investigation into this problem. If we were faced with sanctions like in the past, we would have to rely more on China. If this happens, how can we avoid the problem of our sovereignty being compromised? It is inevitable. So, rather than arguing about including an international member, the opposition, the government and the Tatmadaw should work together to find a solution that is acceptable to the international community.

YN: As I've said, the parliamentary session was adjourned and a meeting was held at the presidential residence [on Friday]. The proposal [to include an international member in the commission] was approved through voting [on Monday]. U Maung Maung Soe, what do you think of the government's handling of this?

MMS: The fact that there was a meeting of NDSC members shows that there is serious disagreement between the Tatmadaw and the government. The decision was made through voting on Monday. Personally, I feel like national reconciliation gets further and further away whenever a decision is made through a vote in Parliament over issues on which the Tatmadaw and the government have different views. As the National League for Democracy makes up the majority in Parliament, it can make the final decision regarding most issues.

But regarding provisions about constitutional amendments including Article 436, and about peace and ethnic issues, nothing can be changed without the approval of the Tatmadaw. Top leaders should take the approach of serious negotiation. They live in Naypyitaw and they can meet easily. They should find a solution acceptable to both sides. Only then, can national reconciliation be realized. Only then, will we be able to initiate further reforms. Otherwise, reforms won't be carried out and national reconciliation will remain distant.

YN: What else would you like to point out, Ko Thiha Thwe?

TT: The parliamentary session was adjourned to hold the meeting of top NDSC leaders. We can conclude that important decisions regarding the Rakhine issue were made at the meeting. So far, there is no report of the results of the meeting. There was a heated debate and political confrontation when Parliament resumed on Monday, as one side opposed strongly and another side passed the proposal with its voting majority. We don't want to see political confrontation. We feel that it is not yet over. If the NLD uses the power of its voting majority, others will also follow its example. For example, in Rakhine State Parliament, the Arakan National Party has the majority. There may be fighting in the Rakhine State Parliament [to oppose the investigation commission]. There may also be opposition on the ground. There was constant opposition to the Kofi Annan Commission. We can't put out fire with fire, but with water. We need to approach this with water to extinguish the fire.

YN: Thank you for your contributions!

The post Parliament Divided Over Latest Rakhine Investigation Commission appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week In Parliament

Posted: 15 Jun 2018 09:28 PM PDT

Monday (June 11)

Over objections from the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the Arakan National Party, the Lower House voted in favor of including an international member on the government-appointed independent commission to investigate allegations of human rights abuses in Rakhine State.

"Who is ruling the country?" military representative Colonel Myint Cho asked, voicing disapproval of the government's decision to include a foreign expert.

Tuesday (June 12)

Lawmakers discussed the National Education Policy Commission's report on its work from October 2017 to April 2018. They acknowledged the importance of vocational education in Myanmar and the need for cooperation with local and international private schools.

Wednesday (June 13)

In the Lower House, lawmaker Daw Khin Saw Wai of Rathedaung Township asked when the Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population would be able to release population data on the Kaman people, as the 2014 national census failed to provide an estimate for the group, who live primarily in Rakhine State.

Union Minister for Labor, Immigration and Population U Thein Swe replied that his ministry is still trying to count the Kaman population in cooperation with concerned departments. He blamed the delay on the Rohingya community, which he said had disrupted the administrative mechanism in Rakhine State so that the government was not able to conduct a census there.

Thursday (June 14)

The Lower House voted to put on record the report of the Joint Coordination Committee of the Union Parliament for the year 2016-17.

Military representatives have criticized the committee, saying its creation and operations have lacked transparency. Committee vice chairman U Aung Kyi Nyunt said the panel was formed in response to administrative requirements of the Parliament, and not for legislative purposes.

Military representative Major Zin Lin remarked that if the committee was formed solely to perform administrative functions, there should be no need for a vote to approve its work.

Friday (June 15)

The Lower House approved a proposal by Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) lawmaker U Thaung Aye urging the Union government to take action in cooperation with international agencies under the Counter-Terrorism Law against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), which launched attacks in 2016 and 2017 in northern Rakhine State.

The post This Week In Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Where Some See Respect, Ethnic Groups See Burmanization and Loss of Rights

Posted: 15 Jun 2018 05:51 PM PDT

YANGON – During peace discussions with the public in Mon State on Thursday, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said using Burmese style honorific titles allowed the speaker to show respect to the person they were talking to and it was thus a good thing.

The country's de facto leader made her comment in response to a point raised by one of the participants in the dialogue, Mi Ngwe Lay, a Mon woman and philanthropic worker, who highlighted the issue of ethnic people who were forced to use a Burmese prefix with their names. Specifically, she cited the case of a former Mon candidate who had been required to add the prefix “Daw” to her name during the 2015 election.

As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's comment hinted, the controversy centers on feelings of respect and the fear of being Burmanized.

The need to show respect and value each ethnic group's traditions is a refrain that is commonly voiced by the leaders of both the ethnic minority groups and the majority Burmans, with all sides stressing that it is key to the peace process. Through such respect, one can build trust and then work to achieve genuine peace. This line has been heard frequently since the democratic transition began in Myanmar in 2010.

In her role as state counselor, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi repeatedly reminds the public to respect one another, to listen to others and to share their experiences, to support the peace effort. As the de facto state leader as well as long-time moral icon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's words are a source of inspiration for many.

It is widely understood among Burmans that Burmese honorable titles as such Daw and Ma for women and U, Ko, and Maung for men are a way of showing respect to other people. The country's citizens have been taught this way for decades. But sadly most people don't sufficiently understand the sensitivities surrounding this issue and the underlying political implications. People tend to forget that such thinking is reinforcing the perception that the country is being Burmanized, particularly among the ethnic minorities.

Myanmar has 135 so-called ethnic groups as recorded by the government, however, it is unclear how many groups there actually are and how many are in danger of extinction. The 2014 census on the Myanmar Population and Housing does not provide an ethnic breakdown, due to "disputes about the names of the ethnic persons, the structures and the race."  On June 13, Minister of Immigration and Population U Thein Swe reiterated that the figures about the racial make-up of the country, the only data left to be disclosed, is still not ready to be published. U Thein Swe made the comment in a response to a question from the Rathaetuang lawmaker Daw Khin Saw Wai during a parliamentary session on Wednesday.

As a leader of a multiethnic nation with many diverse cultures, the state counselor "needs to address the meanings, the values and the feelings of ethnic groups behind these prefixes and honorifics, not just the words U and Daw (Bamar), Mi and Naing (Mon), Naw and Saw (Karen), especially in this special period of our country's history when we are building understanding and trust among ethnic groups," said Saw Bo Bo, the secretary of the Karen Literature and Culture Association in Yangon.

In addition to the prefixes, another problem is the changing of ethnic names into Burmese. The names of many minority ethnic people are either incorrectly spelt or forcibly changed to a Burmese version to make it easier for the staff recording the population and housing information data.

Saw Bo Bo noted that some ethnic Karen do not have Nan, Naw or Saw, Sa, Mahn as prefixes to their names. "They did not have a chance to use these Karen honorifics when they first made their NRICs (National Registration Identity Cards) and now it's extremely difficult to correct them since they would need to publish the change in a newspaper and go through other bureaucratic processes."

"We have people listed with Burmese nationality on their NRICs even though both sets of parents were Karens. The same has happened with their religion, as their faith is stated as Buddhist even though the person is Christian," Saw Bo Bo said.

It happens not only with the Karen, but to many ethnic minority people be they Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah, etc. Even this reporter had a similar experience. Regardless that my birth certificate and NRIC state that I am Karen-Bamar, on my officially renewed household registration paper, my identity was changed to Bamar only. Those careless immigration officials did not pay attention to my identity and obviously didn't think it is important, as we all are citizens of Myanmar.

"Use of the Bamar prefix hurts the public perception of the ethnic minority people," said Nai Soe Aung, chairman of the Mon Literature and Culture Association in Yangon.

Losing Identity: Losing Political Rights

Besides misspelling names or adding Burmese prefixes, changing a person's ethnic category can lead to an identity crisis or worse, the loss of political rights.

In the case of the Mon, not only those in Mon state, but also in Yangon region, many are registered as Bamar on their National Registration Cards.

Nai Soe Aung added, "Many were identified as Bamar even though they are Mon. The Mon population in Yangon is estimated at 150,000, but only around 40,000 are registered as Mon and this has led to the loss of Mon ethnic representation in the political arena."

According to the Constitution, minority ethnic populations with more than 50,000 are entitled to have their own ethnic representatives in the respective regional parliaments. Therefore, Karen and Rakhine ethnic affairs ministers are able to be elected in Yangon, while the Mon are denied this opportunity.

People, mostly Burmans, tend to think it is not important because Myanmar does not teach cultural diversity through mother-tongue language instruction in the education system. In terms of culture, they see the wearing of ethnic costumes as enough, and tend to omit the importance of the teaching of ethnic languages to schoolchildren.

"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should have visited the Mon National Schools (run by the New Mon State Party in its controlled areas), where ethnic language, literature and history are primarily taught," said Nai Soe Aung.

The Mons' mother-tongue-based multilingual education curriculum is a success that is being followed by a few other groups. However, there is no government support for this MTB-MLE, he added.

To better understand Myanmar's diverse culture, Myanmar needs to support the teaching of ethnic children in their mother tongue, as they learn best in their own languages rather than in Burmese. As Myanmar is in a transition to democracy, it should follow the example of other democratic nations, especially neighboring India, where at least three languages — the official languages and the mother-tongue — are taught as compulsory subjects in school.

The more Myanmar leaders pay attention to mother-tongue education and value the feelings of the different ethnic groups, the closer we will be to building genuine peace in the country.

The post Analysis: Where Some See Respect, Ethnic Groups See Burmanization and Loss of Rights appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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