The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Fighting Creates Chaos, Danger for Civilians in Kokang Town
- Foreign Journalists Deported After Covering Student Protests
- We Need to Upgrade the Military: Min Aung Hlaing
- Border Trade With China Dented by Kokang Clashes
- Tenasserim Villagers Angered by Tin Mine Impacts
- Thousands Displaced by Kokang Fighting Arrive in Lashio
- Peng Jiasheng: ‘A Larger Nationality Wants to Eliminate a Smaller One’
- Sri Lanka’s New President Makes India His 1st Visit Abroad
- ‘Nut Rage’ Prompts South Korea to Consider Law Against High-Handed Conduct
- Burma Army Recovers Bodies of 13 Rebels in Renewed Clash
- China’s ‘Blood Famine’ Drives Patients to the Black Market
| Fighting Creates Chaos, Danger for Civilians in Kokang Town Posted: 16 Feb 2015 05:33 AM PST  A screen shot taken from a news report broadcast on News Asian Journal on Phoenix TV on Friday shows scenes of looting in Laukkai, Kokang Special Region. (Photo: Phoenix TV) Heavy fighting between the Burma Army and ethnic Kokang rebels for control of Laukkai Township in the Kokang Special Region in northern Shan State in recent days has created a dangerous and chaotic situation in which dozens of civilians were possibly killed, a rebel source said. Tar Parn La, a spokesperson for Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which is fighting alongside the Kokang rebels also known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), told The Irrawaddy that intense, close combat had taken place over the weekend in the town and surrounding mountainous areas. Most residents are understood to have left the area since late last week, but Tar Parn La said sources of the front line told him that as many as 50 civilians could have been killed in recent fighting. "We heard Burmese troops from Light Infantry Division (LID 33) killed everyone they come across in Laukkai. They raided homes and shoot people, even in daytime," he said, adding that some of the civilians might have been killed for violating a Burma Army curfew. MNDAA sources could not be reached for comment on Monday. Chinese state media reports and unconfirmed posts of photos on social media showed shop houses looted and burned in the town. Images also appeared of apparent civilian casualties and residents being arrested by authorities. Some 4,500 civilians, mostly migrant workers from central Burma and families of army and police personnel stationed in Kokang region, fled for Lashio, Pyin Oo Lwin and Mandalay over the weekend, where they were supported by the army and local authorities. Thein Hteik, a migrant worker who arrived in Mandalay said, "All people ran away from home. Local military troops told us not to stay there because it is no safe. We, sixteen of us, left the town. Now, Laukkai is almost empty." "You don’t hear anything in daytime, but gunfire can be heard at night. We saw a helicopter come and open fire on the second day of the fighting," he told an Irrawaddy reporter, adding that he had seen burned down houses. Myint Myint Win, a mother of two who fled from Chin Shwe Haw, an area in Laukkai Township, said, "We were asked by the military to leave Chin Shwe Haw in advance [of the fighting]. They told us they will send us to a safe place. They asked us to get in trucks and we finally reached Mandalay." "As all people left the town, I and my family also have to leave even though we didn’t want to. We were doing well and earned a good income there [in Chin Shwe Haw]. Now, we are jobless," said Myint Myint Win, who comes from Magwe Division. Fighting escalated in the area after Feb. 9 and Kokang rebels, also known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), launched attacks on army and police stations in the town. The Burma Army sent reinforcements and launched airstrikes using Russian-made helicopters gunship and jet fighters; it reestablished control over the town over the weekend. State media reported that, "Government troops encountered engagements with Kokang renegade groups in Laukkai on Saturday throughout their attempts to comb the town for security reasons." The report in the Global New Light of Myanmar said 26 rebels had been killed during the operations. "Sporadic fighting continued all day long, with the army seizing 100 small arms, ammunitions, eight walkie-talkies, four laptops and narcotic drugs, killing 18 and capturing eight others, all of whom were seriously wounded," the paper said. "The captured Kokang defectors all died of wounds they had suffered amid medical treatment given by the government troops." At least 47 government troops have been killed and 73 were wounded, state media reported last week. Rebel sources claimed they had suffered less than 10 casualties by the end of last week. A front page article in state media on Monday featured Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing visiting wounded soldiers and civilians who fled from Laukkai to Lashio. It stated that the Burma Army troops "are waging the just war to defend the sovereignty of the state, monks and people are supporting them." The commander on Union Day accused other unnamed, rebel groups of supporting the Kokang, who number an estimated 1,000 fighters. "We have evidence of some ethnic armed groups being involved in the fight of Kokang renegade troops. They have to take responsibility for it," he was quoted by state media as saying. The TNLA and the Arakan Army have confirmed that they are supporting the MNDAA. The Kachin Independence Army is also believed to have sent fighters, while the powerful United Wa State Army is said to support the Kokang with arms and ammunition. Additional reporting from Mandalay by Zarni Mann and from Lashio by JPaing. The post Fighting Creates Chaos, Danger for Civilians in Kokang Town appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Foreign Journalists Deported After Covering Student Protests Posted: 16 Feb 2015 04:46 AM PST  Student protesters in Irrawaddy Division on Monday, February 16, 2015. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Two foreign photographers were forced to leave Burma over the weekend after documenting student protests without journalist visas, the Ministry of Information has confirmed. The two Spanish nationals, both in their 30s, were apprehended by Burma's Special Branch police on Friday afternoon in Irrawaddy Division. The pair boarded a flight out of the country on Saturday morning. "Immigration officials confirmed that they deported two Spanish men on Saturday," Minister of Information Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy on Monday. "They followed the student protesters in Ayyarwaddy [Irrawaddy] region and took photos [and] interviews with the protestors. When local officials inspected their passports, they came with [a] tourist visa not as a journalist." One of the men told The Irrawaddy shortly before their departure that they met with student demonstrators on Thursday night and explained that they were freelance photojournalists. They remained with the group until their arrest the following day. Police approached them in the afternoon and escorted them to the local immigration office, where they were asked to show their passports. Traveling without the documents, the pair was transported to Rangoon to retrieve them. The men were taken to Rangoon International Airport with little explanation, and later informed that they would be flown to neighboring Thailand. Both had entered Burma on tourist visas, which do not entitle them to work as journalists inside the country. Burma's Ministry of Information requires journalists to provide proof of an officially recognized media sponsor to be eligible for a visa. The pair was in Burma photographing a student movement protesting a new education law. Demonstrations that began in November 2014 swelled to a critical mass within days, after which student leaders paused the protests and demanded that the government take action to amend the law within 60 days. Protests resumed on Jan. 20, when those 60 days had expired. Hundreds of students set off by foot from Mandalay—Burma's second largest city—to the commercial capital, Rangoon. Smaller solidarity marches soon sprung up in other parts of the country, planning to converge along the route. The government agreed to negotiate with student activists, and on Feb. 11 accepted their demands. Demonstrations continued, however, pending legally binding amendments. Growing crowds of protesters have received several signs of warning from the government. Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen KoKo recently cautioned that the rallies were considered a "threat" to national stability during a broadcast aired on state television, urging families to recall their sons and daughters. The demonstrators have thus far not faced legal action or force, though the Ministry of Information announced on Friday that "necessary measures" would be taken to "prevent undesirable consequences" should they enter Rangoon, signaling that tolerance is waning. On Monday, demonstrators in Irrawaddy Division announced that they would not enter Rangoon Division, and would instead turn back and return to their homes as the government had ordered. A core column of protesters from Mandalay, however, have vowed to continue their march. Saturday's deportation was the second such incident in less than a year. In May 2014, Australian journalist Angus Watson was deported after reporting on a demonstration in Magwe, central Burma, demanding greater press freedom. The government accused Watson of both violating the terms of his business visa and taking part in the demonstration, which he and his employer refute. The post Foreign Journalists Deported After Covering Student Protests appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| We Need to Upgrade the Military: Min Aung Hlaing Posted: 16 Feb 2015 04:35 AM PST  Burma military Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, second from left, in Lashio over the weekend. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Quizzed about widespread speculation he will seek to contest the country's presidency later this year, Burma's military commander-in-chief said he was more focused on upgrading the combat capabilities of his troops, according to a local weekly. In an interview with the Flower News Journal, published over the weekend, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing deflected a question on the presidency by instead discussing the need for a modernization of the country's armed forces. "I have to do a lot to improve the quality of our troops," he said. "The era has changed. In the past, rifles were used, then automatic rifles and in the electronic age, there have been weapons with improved accuracy. We are upgrading the army sector by sector to be able to catch up. Otherwise, we will be left behind. We are therefore focusing our attention on that." The commander-in-chief's comments come at a time when the Burma Army and Air Force have spent the last week in battle with Kokang armed groups in northern Shan State. State media reported on Thursday that 47 government soldiers had been killed during the fighting. The post We Need to Upgrade the Military: Min Aung Hlaing appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Border Trade With China Dented by Kokang Clashes Posted: 16 Feb 2015 04:27 AM PST  The border gate between Muse in Burma's Shan State and Ruili in China's Yunnan Province. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Cargo through the Burmese border town of Muse has declined in recent weeks, with traders saying both recent fighting in northeast Burma and the coming Chinese New Year are to blame. Clashes in Laukkai Township first erupted between an ethnic Kokang armed rebel group and government troops on Feb. 9, and by Friday state-run media reported that at least 47 Burma Army soldiers had been killed. Though the Muse route plied by trucks laden with imports and exports is not in the current conflict zone, the number of trucks from Rangoon and Mandalay has been down, traders say. Muse is Burma's largest border crossing and its main gateway to China. Some 900 trucks cross into China daily, while about 500 trucks head in the other direction. Though Muse lies about 60 miles northwest of Laukkai, truck drivers are taking precautions amid increasing concerns over the safety of the route. Thein Paing, a fish trader whose goods are transported overland from Rangoon to Muse, said drivers have decided to stop in the cities of Kyauk Me city or Lashio in recent days due to security concerns. "Trucks from Mandalay and Rangoon usually go directly to Muse, but in recent days, they've stopped and slept at Kyauk Me or Lashio because they think something might happen with government troops or ethnic armed forces moving their troops from one place to another at night," he said. "Nothing has happened yet in this area, but truck drivers are concerned for their security in any case." The fighting in Laukkai has resulted in the displacement of thousands of civilians who have fled to Lashio, northern Shan State's largest city, and Mandalay. Thein Paing said the violence was not the only reason for the slowdown in trade. "It is true, the numbers of trucks from Rangoon and Mandalay to Muse has decreased this month, but the fighting is not the only factor; Chinese New Year preparations in border areas are also a major factor," he said, adding that low market prices for produce and a recent seizure of Burmese rice exports by Chinese authorities were further discouraging traders. The Chinese New Year falls on Thursday this year. The holiday and the lead up to it commonly brings a slowdown in cross-border commerce for China and its trading partners. Burma's major exports are agriculture products. Textiles, tobacco, alcohol, electronics and precursor chemicals used in illegal drug production in Shan State are Burma's major imports from China. Yan Naing Tun, deputy director general of the Ministry of Commerce and leader of a so-called mobile team tasked with rooting out smuggling, acknowledged that the number of trucks from both countries has dwindled in recent days, but said the downtick was due to Chinese New Year preparations. "These days, trucks from both Myanmar and China have declined through the border check points—only about 1,200 trucks, down from around 1,500 per day in the past," he said. "I can say that security along the Muse route is still OK, but the reason for fewer truck entries is due to the Chinese New Year," the official added. Yan Naing Tun said trade had come to a halt at an official border crossing in close proximity to the recent hostilities. "There is a trading checkpoint called Chin Shwe Haw in the Laukkai area, but there is no mobile team there and the trading is also stopped there now," he said. Burma has four official border crossings with China. "I believe that it will be back to normal condition at the Muse-Ruili border point after the Chinese New Year at the end of this month," Yan Naing Tun said. In addition to being the artery for hundreds of millions of dollars in legal trade, the Mandalay-Muse border route is also a major point of transit for smuggled goods. Mobile government teams tasked with curbing smuggling along the Burma-China border near Muse have seized illicit goods with an estimated total value of US$27 million over the past two years. The post Border Trade With China Dented by Kokang Clashes appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Tenasserim Villagers Angered by Tin Mine Impacts Posted: 16 Feb 2015 03:44 AM PST  The Heinda Mine, run by Thai firm Myanmar Pongpipat Company Ltd, has created a dusty wasteland cut out of the Tenasserim Hills. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — More than 100 villagers from the Tenasserim Division village of Myaung Pyo have staged a protest at the nearby Heinda mine on Monday, angered by the massive open-cut operation's calamitous toll on nearby farmland and water tables. The villagers, joined by Dawei-based civil society groups and representatives of local political parties, marched from Myaung Pyo to petition workers at the Heinda site, demanding that the mine's impact on nearby settlements be addressed. Myaung Pyo is the worst affected of about 10 villages that suffer from the environmental impacts of the tin-ore mining operations, located about 25 km east of Dawei town. "We are protesting because we have had flooding in the village, spoiling our drinking and domestic water, and sedimentation from the mining project," Mee Gan, a resident of Myaung Pyo told The Irrawaddy. The Heinda mine is operated by the Myanmar Pongpipat Company, a Thai firm which signed a production-sharing agreement in 1999 with the state-owned Mining Enterprise No. 2. 65 percent of the tin and tungsten produced by the mine is shipped across the border to Thailand for processing. Last year, the Dawei Development Association said the Heinda mine has affected dozens of villages downstream from the mine through sedimentation and contamination of the Tenasserim River. Mee Gan is one of nine plaintiffs who brought a civil suit against the mine to the Dawei District Court last May. The complaint states that villagers have suffered for years as a result of mining activities in the area, and seeks compensation for damage to homes and farmland allegedly caused by wastewater from the Heinda mine. The court is currently hearing testimony from the plaintiffs, according to Tin Tin Thet a lawyer representing the complainants. She told The Irrawaddy that conflict between Heinda workers and Myaung Pyo villagers was continuing. "Some days ago, a man in a bulldozer came and started to dig up the land of one of my clients," she said. "She drove him away." According to Mee Gan, about 38 homes are directly suffering from damage caused by periodic flooding and sedimentation. The Myanmar Pongpipat Company earlier offered the nine plaintiffs a total compensation package of US$5000, which the villagers have refused. Khin Swan, Pongpipat manager of the Heinda project could not be reached by The Irrawaddy on Monday, with a staffer at the firm saying the manager was unavailable because he was conducting a visit to the Heinda mine. Aung Kyaw Oo, General Manager of Tesasserim Division's Ministry of Mines, could not be reached as he was travelling to Naypyidaw. The post Tenasserim Villagers Angered by Tin Mine Impacts appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Thousands Displaced by Kokang Fighting Arrive in Lashio Posted: 16 Feb 2015 02:27 AM PST  Some 130 family members of policemen stationed in the Kokang Special Region fled the fighting and move south to Lashio over the weekend, where they were given shelter at Man Su Monastery and a public high school. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) LASHIO, Shan State — Some 4,500 residents and migrant workers from the Kokang region in northern Shan State have fled south to Lashio to escape ongoing, fierce fighting between the Burma army and Kokang ethnic rebels, a head of a Buddhist monastery in Lashio said. Sayadaw Bhaddanta Ponnya Nanda from Masu Shan Monastery in Lashio told Irrawaddy reporters on Monday that more than 4,500 civilians have fled and taken shelter in his monastery and a public high school since clashes broke out on Feb. 9. Some 1,700 migrant workers from central Burma, who work in the Kokang Special Region as day laborers in farming or construction, were among the displaced. Some 1,000 family members of Burma Army troops and policemen stationed in Laukkai Township also fled to Lashio, located some 160 km (about 100 miles) south. Hundreds more civilians are trying to head south but are believed to be trapped between the fighting parties. Sanda Yu Lwin, the wife of a police officer from Toncheng Police Station in Laukkai Township, said the families had been worried about their safety during the journey. "We were at first to come in a convoy. But it leaked out through the internet and we were concerned for our safety. The wives of policemen were with many children and we came in trucks bearing the logos of the [Burmese] Red Cross," she said. Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Ming Aung Hlaung on Sunday visited Pyin Oo Lwin and Lashio, together with his wife and members of the top brass, to talk to wounded soldiers and displaced families. State-owned media reported in a front page article that the commander presented 10 million kyats (about US$10,000) and 100 bags of rice and food donated by the army to the displaced. Government departments, political parties and civil society organizations are reportedly also helping the displaced through donations in cash and in kind. Heavy fighting between the Burma Army and the rebels, also known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), has raged since last week, with reports of dozens of casualties on both sides. Battles are continuing over the control of Laukkai, the region's largest town. Tens of thousands of ethnic Kokang residents and Chinese businessmen have fled the town and surrounding areas and are seeking shelter across the border in China's Yunnan Province. Exact figures on how many crossed the border have not been released by Chinese authorities. The post Thousands Displaced by Kokang Fighting Arrive in Lashio appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Peng Jiasheng: ‘A Larger Nationality Wants to Eliminate a Smaller One’ Posted: 16 Feb 2015 01:00 AM PST  Refugees arriving in Lashio after fleeing the fighting in Laukkai Township over the weekend. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) In this interview from The Irrawaddy's archives, originally published on Sept. 14, 2009, Peng Jiasheng discusses the collapse of a 20-year ceasefire with the Burmese government. The month before, the Kokang leader's residence was raided by troops under the command of the former junta, triggering a regime offensive and ultimately leading to the takeover of the Kokang region by the Burma Army. Here, he discusses the reasons for the junta offensive, the role of China in the conflict, allegations of illegal drug trafficking and the future of ethnic minorities in Burma. Answer: The incident on Aug. 8 was the junta's excuse. It wanted to do away with the local ethnic minority army a long time ago. A larger nationality wants to eliminate a smaller one. This is typical nationalistic chauvinism. This was a massacre. In order to avoid further harm to the Kokang people, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) retreated. This is not what we wanted and also it is not what the people in the international community who support our people would like to see. Now the situation in Kokang is even more complicated. Currently, the situation is very bad. The government troops took over the Kokang area for about 10 days, but there were many reported cases where their soldiers committed robbery, rape and killed civilians. Many people are still afraid to go back home. Most of the shops owned by Chinese businessmen were either destroyed or robbed. This is a calamity. The prosperous environment of Kokang of only a few months ago no longer exists. People are living in deep distress. This conflict has brought great trauma to the Kokang people. The war will be long. It will be impossible to end soon. Q: The ceasefire agreement you signed with the regime in 1989 has collapsed. What do you believe was the motive behind the offensive and the regime's attempt to arrest you? A: In March 1989, the Kokang people agreed to peace and development. In the same year, 17 other local ethnic armed forces also started peace talks with the junta. This brought to an end the large scale of armed conflict in the country. The alliance army is also one of the legal ethnic armed forces that were recognized by the military government. Over the past 20 years of peace and development, the Kokang was the first group in the country to promise the international community that we would stop drug production. We enforced the ban on poppy cultivation in 2002 in our area. The anti-drug production effort and success were recognized by the UN and the international communities. With help from the World Food Programme, the Chinese government and other international aid agencies, we implemented a lot of poppy substitution projects, mainly to grow sugar cane, tea, walnuts and other crops. We achieved very good progress in the poppy substitution. Step by step, the people in our area began to work their way up from poverty. This can be seen by everybody. However, as the military government wants to achieve their goal of controlling the whole country, it felt it needed to take action against the peace and the ceasefire groups. Q: Soon after the government troops captured Laogai, the state-run-media repeatedly accused you of involvement in illegal arms factories and drugs. How do you respond to those allegations? A: Burma is still a country without a real government. The army cannot represent the government. After the election in 1990, the junta usurped power in the country. Ever since then, there has been no proper government in our country. The international community has never officially acknowledged them as the government. Burma is currently a country managed by a temporary council that was set up by the junta. It was called the State Law and Order Restoration Council and was later changed to the State Peace and Development Council. The government army is also an ethnic armed force, so it cannot represent this country. In 1989, for the sake of the peace and welfare of the country, the Kokang people took the initiative to approach the junta-controlled council. This was to protect peace in the country, and to let the people live in peace. Over the past 20 years, we trusted the junta and have been respectful of them. Our political proposition is always the same: support the central government, take the road to peace and development, maintain nationality unification, guard national unity and strive for the autonomous rights of the Kokang people. We never wanted to separate from the country; we only wanted a recognized position for the Kokang people among all of Burma's nationalities. Q: How many people were killed in the latest conflict? A: In this conflict, the Kokang people suffered great loss. We had 14 alliance army soldiers killed in battle, but what we do not know is the number of civilians killed. For example, some naïve young people joined with the traitor Bai Suocheng and his army. In the battles, they were to be used by the government troops to fight against us. These young people refused because they were Kokang and could not kill their own people. The government troops took their weapons away and shot them with machine guns. On Aug. 27, 27 Kokang youth were killed together. Q: Why did the junta decide to single out your group? Was there any reason other than the regime's allegation of your involvement in opium and illegal drugs? A: A lot of things happened over the past month that we never thought could happen. The Kokang alliance army is one of the legal armed forces in the country. All our weapons are old and the ammunition is left over from the days of the Burmese Communist Party. Many of these weapons are in need of repair. It is reasonable to have a factory to repair weapons. This factory is well known by all the SPDC officials in Kokang. They have visited it before. But now they used it as an excuse to take action against us. The motivation behind this is obvious. They want to eliminate the Kokang and other ethnic armed forces and achieve their goal of a junta-managed "unified" country. It goes without saying that the junta will not stop with the Kokang. They will take the war to other groups with all kinds of excuses. If you want to condemn something, you can always find a charge. The government army is the strongest in the country. It can crack down on whichever ethnic groups it wishes. It can accuse any ceasefire group of drugs, or weapons…anything. The current situation on drugs, for example, in the four special regions in Shan State is that there is no poppy cultivation, according to investigations by the international agencies. However, in SPDC-controlled areas, there is more than 250,000 mu [167 square kilometers] of poppy cultivation. This is the work of the junta, and this is how it behaves. Q: Several ethnic ceasefire groups including the MNDAA rejected the junta's proposal for a Border Guard Force (BGF). Why did you reject the BGF plan? A: We are not really against the idea of transferring the army to a BGF, but the terms and conditions were too rigorous. For example, all the officers above 50 would be forced to retire and find their own livelihood. The key leaders of the local government and the commanders of the army would also be appointed by the junta. These proposals are not acceptable to any of the ceasefire groups. It is also not acceptable to the local people. Our requirements were simple: we want to have a high level of national autonomy to protect the interests of the Kokang people. Q: The Kokang and other ethnic groups are unhappy with the 2008 constitution. What do you see as its faults? A: Regarding the constitution proposed by the junta in 2008, it is all about the power and interest of the junta. We do not believe that any rights and interests of the minorities are ensured in the constitution. How can we accept such a constitution that does not represent the people of the country? On the approval of this constitution, there are things that happened that few people know about. For example, in some of the Kokang villages, the junta sent people to vote in the referendum. The local people did not want to participate, so the junta officials themselves wrote [out] all the votes. There were villages where about 100 people voted No, but on their ballots it was reported that more than 3,000 people voted Yes. This is how it was approved. Q: You merged with the CPB in the past and led the successful mutiny in 1989. You went to Beijing and you were closely associated with Chinese officials in the past. Today, China is the closest ally of the regime as well as a good friend of ethnic groups along the Sino-Burmese border. What was China's role in the recent conflict in the Kokang region? A: During the Aug. 8 incident planned by the junta and the armed conflict afterwards, the Chinese government did not give us assistance. We could not talk to the Chinese government about protection and asylum. However, as the Kokang are in fact Chinese, when the refugees fled to China the local authorities took very good care of them. That we really appreciate. Q: What is your message to Chinese leaders who plan to build a gas pipeline through the Kokang region? A: What I want to say here is no matter what happens in Burma, we are ethnic Chinese and our roots are in China. This we will never forget. For the sake of the rights and position of the Chinese in Burma, we will continue our struggle. Q: How do you see the future of Burma and the ethnic minorities? A: Regarding the future of the ethnic minorities in Burma, this is a complicated issue. If Burma does not set up a democratic government that is elected by the people and therefore really represents the people, the future of the minorities in Burma will get worse. Q: Did you receive any political backing or military support from other ethnic groups along the border? Are they united in their goals? A: All the minority ceasefire groups along the China-Burma border areas have good relations with each other and have supported each other over a long period of time. Our fate and experiences are the same. But due to certain difficulties, our alliance is not as strong as it should be. Therefore the junta had its opportunity, and now the Kokang area is under junta control. Q: Are you worried about losing your personal property and your businesses in Burma and China? A: Currently, all my personal property has been confiscated by the junta. My property in China was also taken away by the relevant department of the Chinese government. This is a problem that I cannot solve by worrying about it. Q: Please describe the refugee situation. There were reports of government officials and soldiers attacking Chinese nationals? Was the recent attack designed to demonstrate that the government is not a puppet of China? A: I think the reason why the junta attacked the Kokang is because of the following. First, the junta wanted to develop better relationships with America, India and some Western authorities, in particular with America. In order to improve the relationship with America, the junta is eager to prove that the junta is not a puppet government supported by the Chinese government. That is why the junta chose the Kokang to fight against. They also wanted to test the response of the Chinese government. The Kokang and the Chinese have a blood relationship. The Kokang people are basically Chinese; they are part of the Chinese family. The Chinese in Burma were not officially recognized by the Burmese and therefore for centuries they lived in a very low economic and social position. Only after the meeting in Ninakan in 1947, after the national government's recognition, were the Chinese living in these areas called Kokang. But as a matter of fact, the Kokang people are Chinese. We are the descendants of the Yellow emperor. The anti-Chinese movement in 1967 in Burma feels like yesterday. Even today, many Chinese living in Burma still do not dare to declare that they are Chinese. In 1989, when the Kokang Alliance Army was established, all the Chinese in Burma looked at the Chinese armed forces as the "lighthouse." Now the '"lighthouse" has gone off. The second reason I think is that the SPDC forces were already in Kokang for more than 10 years, and they understood the situation in Kokang, including the relationships among the Kokang leaders. They therefore bought off the traitors Bai Suocheng and Wei Chaoren. This resulted in an internal split in Kokang before the war broke out. Bai Suocheng and Wei Chaoren betrayed their people and surrendered to the junta. Now the junta has taken over the Kokang area, and it is clear about the response of the Chinese government. So their next step will be to reinforce the policy of cracking down on other minority groups along the border. The junta will act recklessly and become more unbridled. Q: Where are you living now? A: For many years, I worked in Kokang. I never had a chance to travel to the big cities in Burma. Now that I have more time, I am travelling in the big cities in Burma. I really feel that my country is beautiful, and it deserves a government that can represent the people by building and developing the country. I currently have no plans to go back to Kokang. The post Peng Jiasheng: 'A Larger Nationality Wants to Eliminate a Smaller One' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Sri Lanka’s New President Makes India His 1st Visit Abroad Posted: 15 Feb 2015 09:26 PM PST  Sri Lanka's Presidenti Mithripala Sirisena waves at media as he leaves the opposition party office in Colombo on Jan. 9, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) NEW DELHI — Sri Lanka's new leader is underlining India's importance as a regional ally by making it his first official foreign destination as president, following years of uneasy relations with New Delhi and international pressure to speed up post-civil war reconciliation efforts at home. President Maithripala Sirisena's four-day visit, beginning with his arrival Sunday evening, has been welcomed by Indian officials, who are planning a ceremony and banquet for him Monday and top-tier meetings befitting the countries' "unique" historical and cultural ties, Indian foreign ministry spokesman Syed Akbaruddin said. Relations between India and Sri Lanka had become tense in recent years, as China grew cozier with the island nation, long considered by India as being within its traditional sphere of influence. Last year, President Xi Jinping became the first Chinese leader to visit Sri Lanka in 28 years as he courted Colombo's support for a maritime trade route. Sri Lanka also irked New Delhi by allowing two Chinese submarines to dock along its coastline, and by brokering deals for billions in Chinese loans and infrastructure projects. Sirisena has said his government will review the loans and projects approved under his powerful predecessor and one-time ally, Mahinda Rajapaksa, whom he defeated in a stunning election upset last month. While campaigning for the election, Sirisena had criticized the Chinese projects as debt traps, but he has since announced plans to visit China after his India trip. "We will be making a new beginning with India," government minister and spokesman Lakshman Kiriella told reporters in Sri Lanka on Sunday. Meanwhile, Sirisena will be looking this week to boost bilateral trade with India, now standing at around US$1 billion. He is to visit a Buddhist temple complex in the eastern state of Bihar before traveling to the southern Indian city of Tirupati later Tuesday and returning to his country Wednesday. He and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are also likely to focus talks on Sri Lanka's efforts to establish reconciliation in the wake of its long civil war, which Sirisena has named a priority for his government. Sri Lanka's ethnic Tamil minority complain that little has been done to restore trust and national unity since the 25-year civil war ended with the routing of ethnic Tamil rebels in 2009, despite pledges to devolve power to Tamil-populated provinces. India, with its own sizeable Tamil population, has also voiced concerns about the slow pace of reconciliation efforts, and has urged Sri Lanka to heed international demands for an independent investigation into alleged war crimes. "This is an important issue. We will discuss issues relating to the reconciliation and reconstruction in Sri Lanka," Akbarrudin, the foreign ministry spokesman, told reporters in New Delhi on Friday. Rajapaksa had been widely popular in the Sinhalese-majority nation for ending the war, but became increasingly unpopular abroad as he refused international calls for an independent investigation into alleged human rights violations during the war, saying a government inquiry would be sufficient. Many had expected that Sirisena would agree to an independent probe, but his government has said it wants time to set up its own judicial mechanism. Thousands of civilians are suspected to have died in the final months of the war when government forces crushed the Tamil Rebels' quarter-century fight for an ethnic homeland. On Saturday, Sirisena urged the Tamil diaspora to be patient, noting that progress has been made through the release of private lands held by the military, but saying "there is a need for necessary time to achieve" full reconciliation and unity within society. Amnesty International praised Sirisena for taking "important steps" in restoring an independent judiciary and other institutions in the country, while also urging efforts toward ending discrimination, protecting free speech and conducting a speedy and thorough investigation into the rights abuse allegations. "It is important that the international community supports Sri Lanka through these initiatives, beginning with India, which is one of its closest and most important partners," the rights group said Sunday. The post Sri Lanka's New President Makes India His 1st Visit Abroad appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| ‘Nut Rage’ Prompts South Korea to Consider Law Against High-Handed Conduct Posted: 15 Feb 2015 09:17 PM PST  Heather Cho, daughter of chairman of Korean Air Lines, Cho Yang-ho, leaves for a detention facility after a Korean court ordered her to be detained on Dec. 30. (Photo: Kim Hong-Ji / Reuters) SEOUL — Resentment has mounted so much in South Korea against what has come to be known as "gabjil", high-handedness by the rich and powerful, that parliamentarians are proposing legislation to punish some of the worst abuses. A bill to be presented in the national assembly this month is formally called the "Conglomerates Ethical Management Special Law" but has been nicknamed the Cho Hyun-ah law. Cho, also known as Heather Cho, is the daughter of the chairman of Korean Air Lines and was sentenced last week to a year in prison for an outburst on a Korean Air plane while on the ground in New York. It was considered a severe sentence by some legal experts. The bill proposes to ban members of the powerful business families known as chaebol from working at their companies for at least five years if convicted of a crime. In earlier cases, some high-profile offenders were pardoned, serving little or no jail time, although recently convicted chaebol executives have found it harder to avoid prison. In February, the Supreme Court confirmed a four-year embezzlement sentence for SK Holdings Chairman Chey Tae-won, who has been in prison since January 2013, among the longest terms served by a chaebol boss. In 2007, Hyundai Motor Chairman Chung Mong-koo was given a three-year jail term for fraud but the sentence was suspended in exchange for community service and a $1 billion charity donation as the court deemed he was too important to the economy to be jailed. Cho, who has appealed against her sentence, was Korean Air’s head of in-flight service at the time of the Dec 5 episode, which has come to be called the "nut rage" case. A court found she had violated the law by ordering the plane she was in to return to the gate after it started to taxi. Cho had demanded the flight crew chief be expelled from the flight after she was served macadamia nuts in a bag, and not on a dish. "I hope the recent case involving Cho has created the right environment to pull together consensus on this," said ruling Saenuri Party lawmaker Kim Yong-nam, the sponsor of the bill. Another parliamentarian from an opposition party has proposed an amendment along similar lines. "There have been calls to put in place a systematic tool to police heavy-handedness by chaebol family members, and stop them from being able to participate in management just because they are relatives," Kim said in an interview. Cho’s lawyer Suh Chang-hee declined to comment on the proposed legislation. It is not clear whether the legislation will be approved by a parliament controlled by the business-friendly Saenuri Party. Shin Seuk-hun, head of corporate policy at the Federation of Korean Industries, a lobby group for chaebol, said improving corporate transparency and ethical standards was positive, but the proposed legislation appeared to regard a corporation as a public interest group. "It’s almost like trying to supervise a company by getting the public involved and treating it as if it’s a group of holy clergymen," he said. "It seems excessive." A recent survey of 1,000 people found three-quarters considered heavy-handed conduct by those in superior positions to be a widespread problem in South Korea, with families of the chaebol topping the list as most likely to be responsible. Bosses at work, doctors and professors were also cited as being unreasonably heavy handed, according to the survey by the Korea Press Foundation. Incidents that in the past may have gone ignored have received prominent media coverage, including the January case of a department store clerk slapped by a female shopper who demanded a refund for clothes that had already been worn. Even before the "nut rage" episode, a TV drama called "Incomplete Life," which portrayed office workers bossed around by oppressive superiors, was a smash hit with viewers who identified with the characters. "Gabjil", or "being bossy", has in recent years become a mocking catchphrase in a traditionally top-down society where hierarchical roles extend to the workplace. Kwon Oh-in of Citizens’ Coalition of Economic Justice, a civic group, said income inequality that gradually deepened through the 1990s has quickened in recent years as policy measures aimed at correcting it misfired and chaebol continued to expand their economic dominance. "Inconsistent policies have benefited chaebol and ordinary people have lost their jobs," he said. "People are angrier." In the nut rage case, the flight’s chief steward, Park Chang-jin, testified that Cho behaved "like a beast that found its prey," treating "powerless people … like feudal slaves." Kim, the ruling party legislator who is also a former prosecutor, said sentencing of powerful people was once dictated by the so-called "three-five" rule. "It meant for chaebol cases like this, the ruling would be three year jail sentence suspended for five years: that was the unwritten code," he said. "This case is important in that the code has been broken." The post 'Nut Rage' Prompts South Korea to Consider Law Against High-Handed Conduct appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Burma Army Recovers Bodies of 13 Rebels in Renewed Clash Posted: 15 Feb 2015 09:03 PM PST  Burma Army Commander-In-Chief Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and other top brass visited Man Su Monastery in Lashio on the weekend, where they met hundreds of civilians who fled the ongoing fighting between government troops and Kokang rebels near Laukkai, in Kokang Special Region in northern Shan State. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma Army troops fighting ethnic rebels near the Chinese border have recovered the bodies of 13 insurgents and captured eight others following heavy government losses this week, state media reported Sunday. The clashes are some of the fiercest in the country in two years and threaten to derail efforts of a nominally-civilian government to sign a nationwide ceasefire with more than a dozen rebel groups that have been fighting for self-rule for decades. According to Myanma Ahlin daily on Sunday, troops found 13 bodies, captured eight seriously wounded rebels and seized 98 weapons. As many as 47 soldiers were killed and more than 70 wounded earlier this week in fighting that involved airstrikes on rebel positions near Laukkai, capital of the Kokang Special Region. The region is about 800 kilometers (500 miles) northeast of the country’s biggest city, Yangon. Kokang rebels used to be part of the now-defunct Burmese Communist Party until a ceasefire was signed with the then-military government in 1989. Officials blame the renewed fighting on a renegade faction led by Phone Kya Shin, which attempted to seize Laukkai. Burma army Chief Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing accused other ethnic armed groups of supporting the Kokang rebels, though he did not name them. The rebel group’s general secretary Htun Myat Lin also told The Associated Press by phone on Saturday that they were supported by other insurgents, including Kachin, Shan and Arakan groups, a claim denied by a Kachin spokesman. Burma only recently emerged from a half-century of brutal military rule. Since assuming power in 2011, the government of President Thein Sein has been trying to strike peace agreements with rebels in resource-rich border regions. Though preliminary pacts have been reached with most of the ethnic groups, clashes occasionally occur with Kachin, Shan and others. In addition to control over jade, timber and other natural resources in areas under their control, they want assurances that they will have some say over future troop movements. The post Burma Army Recovers Bodies of 13 Rebels in Renewed Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| China’s ‘Blood Famine’ Drives Patients to the Black Market Posted: 15 Feb 2015 08:57 PM PST
 Medical staff donate blood at a hospital in Fuzhou, Fujian province, January 27, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) SHANGHAI, China — China's rising demand for healthcare is exposing a chronic shortage of an essential commodity: blood. With hospital blood supplies tight, desperate patients are turning to agents known as "blood heads," who sell certificates that give patients access to state blood banks, creating a black market at the heart of the healthcare system. "To us patients, buying blood solves our problems," said Hong, a retired Shanghai civil servant who suffers from myelodysplastic syndrome, a debilitating blood condition. "If there were no blood heads, what would I do?" The blood "famine," as it has been dubbed, is an unintended consequence of China's attempts to restore faith in the nation's scandal-stained blood supply and encourage people to donate. In the late 1980s and 1990s, local officials urged farmers to sell their blood and plasma, and an earlier generation of blood heads sold this to hospitals and blood banks. Tens if not hundreds of thousands contracted HIV through unhygienic practices in the process. A second scandal in 2011 further depressed donations. A young woman who claimed she worked at the Red Cross Society of China posted online pictures of her lavish lifestyle, damaging the image of a charity that helps the government collect blood. In the mid-1990s, China started shuttering commercial blood stations and in 1998 it introduced a blood donation law, banning the commercial sale of blood and encouraging voluntary donation. It also tightened rules on plasma collection and increased blood testing. Chinese law now encourages patients to present a certificate showing that they, friends or relatives have donated blood when they need to tap the national supply. Some hospitals will not provide blood without these certificates. The effect has been to penalize chronically ill patients who depend on regular or large transfusions, as well as those who cannot count on family and friends nearby. Chinese law also limits individual whole blood donations to twice a year, and provinces rarely share blood. To meet demand, a new generation of blood heads have moved in, paying people off the street to donate blood at a state blood bank and selling their donation certificates to those in need. The blood heads include men like Zhang, a 25-year-old from northeastern Jilin province who late last year stood in a neon yellow puffer jacket outside the Red Cross Center in Beijing. His terms: 1,000 yuan (US$160) for every 100 cc (3.4 fl oz) he gets donated into the blood bank. All he needs – beyond money – is a day's notice, the name of the hospital and the blood type of the patient. Crackdowns Ineffective Periodic crackdowns on blood heads appear to have had only limited effect. "Don't worry about the police. We're outside most of the hospitals and we know all the police officers," Zhang said. Two police cars were parked nearby. Patients such as Hong, whose son asked that her full name not be used for fear that the hospital would deny her a bed if its practices were exposed, are nothing but grateful. Denied blood for the regular transfusions she needs at a top public hospital in Shanghai, Hong moved to a private specialist hospital that introduced her to blood heads. They deliver the blood donation certificates to her bedside. Just under 1 percent of China's population donated blood in 2011, the most recent year for which figures are available, according to the World Health Organization—at the lower end of the WHO's recommended range. That year, blood donations rose 5 percent to 4,164 tons, according to China's National Health and Family Planning Commission. The commission did not respond to a request for comment. In a country where many are still loath to give blood, most legitimate donations come from students and members of the military. But the law also encourages government employees to donate. Chinese court documents show that government units have used blood heads to meet annual quotas for blood collection from residents or employees in recent years. Lawyers involved with these cases confirm that. Local governments are resorting to unusual public campaigns to recruit new donors. A county in eastern Zhejiang province made national headlines in September for proposing to raise the scores on the high school entrance exam for the children of people who donated 4,000 cc of blood. Hunan province is offering to waive the costs of using the blood bank to residents who donate 900 cc. But blood stocks in many places remain stubbornly low, and dip even lower at times such as the Chinese New Year season just beginning. In Changsha, in Hunan province, a blood donation center official said blood stores were currently a third of the levels considered safe. All but essential surgeries have been postponed.
The post China's 'Blood Famine' Drives Patients to the Black Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
