The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• In Arakan State, Resource Control Fuels Conflict
• Former Generals, a Hotelier and More in Suu Kyi Cabinet
• Ten Things To Do In Rangoon This Week
• Who Will Control the NDSC?
• Are New Ministers an Auspicious Sign For Burma’s Businesses?
• The Shape of Things to Come
• New Portfolio, Old Political Hand for Ethnic Affairs Post
• Taiwan Security Agency Says China’s Gambia Gambit Meant to Pressure President
• US Says Burma Persecutes Rohingya, but Not Genocide
• Breaking Taboo, Hindu Widows Celebrate Festival of Colors
• Suu Kyi Listed Among NLD Cabinet Nominees
• The ‘Butterfly Book’: A Look into Burma’s Colonial Past

In Arakan State, Resource Control Fuels Conflict Posted: 22 Mar 2016 07:18 AM PDT A jetty for oil tankers is seen in Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State in October 2015, where oil and gas pipelines connect southwestern China with the Indian Ocean. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — In a new report, Arakan Oil Watch (AOW) has urged Burma's incoming government to amend the Constitution in an effort to quell tensions between the military and the country's ethnic armed groups. "Breaking the Curse," released on Tuesday by the environmental non-government organization, describes the "decentralization of natural resource management" as "key to ending the conflict and 'resource curse'" in Burma. The problem's legislative roots can be traced to two constitutional articles: 37(a) and (b), according to AOW. Article 37(a) stipulates that the national government is the owner of all lands and all natural resources both above and below ground and water, while 37(b) says that the government can enact necessary laws to supervise the extraction and utilization of state-owned resources. Kyaw Khine, AOW's director, explained that if the government were to amend these two articles, states and regions would be able to manage their own natural resources. This, he argues, would contribute to greater self-determination for Burma's ethnic states and potentially de-escalate the country's decades-long civil war. Specifically, "gas and jade projects should be postponed until the existing laws have been amended," he said. There have been several natural resource projects pursued in Arakan State, including titanium and marble mining, offshore gas projects and the construction of deep-sea ports. Local civil society groups in the region have also urged lawmakers to delay development of the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone, led by the Chinese state-owned conglomerate CITIC (China International Trust and Investment Corporation), because of potentially negative environmental impacts and a lack of transparency. Tun Kyi, secretary of the Kyaukphyu Rural Development Association, a local AOW partner, echoed Kyaw Khine's concern over links between ethnic clashes and control of resources. "We [ethnic groups] want to know how the government is spending the budget," Tun Kyi said at the conference. "Our [Arakanese] situation is like government enslavement." AOW has been working to expose violations of human and environmental rights by the extractive industries since 2006. According to Kyaw Khine, no political parties in the region have submitted a proposal that would call on the government to amend articles 37(a) and (b) of the 2008 Constitution. The post In Arakan State, Resource Control Fuels Conflict appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Former Generals, a Hotelier and More in Suu Kyi Cabinet Posted: 22 Mar 2016 06:20 AM PDT A lawmaker partially obscures a sitting of the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on Tuesday. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — With 18 names put forward for 21 ministerial posts on Tuesday, the National League for Democracy has included a diverse but male-dominated array of technocrats, ethnic minorities, NLD loyalists and others not sworn to the party, evening selecting two members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) for the incoming cabinet. From the USDP, Thein Swe, a party secretary, and the former central executive committee member Thura Aung Ko secured the blessing of NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party had said members of the outgoing ruling party would be considered for cabinet slots in a "national reconciliation" government. Five experts and technocrats, seven NLD members—most prominently Suu Kyi, who is expected to take four portfolios—one ethnic party leader and three military selections round out the proposed cabinet. With the NLD failing to explicitly assign any of the 18 names to specific ministries, speculation has focused on what formal role or roles Suu Kyi will play in a government that she has said she will ultimately lead through her chosen proxy, President-elect Htin Kyaw. According to NLD sources in Naypyidaw, Suu Kyi will take four portfolios: the ministries of Foreign Affairs, Electric Power and Energy, and Education, as well as the recently streamlined cabinet's President's Office ministerial post. The Foreign Affairs Ministry was tipped in recent weeks as a likely Suu Kyi choice, affording her a seat on the powerful National Defense and Security Council (NDSC). While a clearer picture may not be offered until Thursday, when lawmakers will discuss the proposed cabinet, several of the nominees have been confirmed for specific assignments. The Lady's Men One demographic that fared particularly poorly was women: Suu Kyi is the lone female cabinet member. The party did a far better job in female representation for last year's election, when nearly 15 percent of its candidates were women. The five experts and technocrats are tipped to head up ministries covering the environment, industry, health, construction and media. In terms of partisanship, two non-NLD parties were given cabinet seats, with Nai Thet Lwin of the Mon National Party assigned the Ethnic Affairs minister post, and the aforementioned USDP duo. Thein Swe, a former major-general turned Lower House lawmaker representing the Ann Township constituency, won re-election to the same Arakan State seat in Burma's Nov. 8 general election. The 67-year-old has been picked to lead the Ministry of Labor, Population and Immigration. He was a minister of Transport from 2004-10, under Burma's former military regime, and prior to that served as minister of the Prime Minister's Office from 2003-04. Thein Swe told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the NLD was acting in accordance with its policy of collaborating with different parties, individuals and experts in the aftermath of its landslide election win last year. "As our party's policy dictates, we are ready to work together for the national interest," he said of his USDP affiliation, adding: "Now our collaboration will bring betterment of the state and the people." Thura Aung Ko, who was purged from the USDP leadership along with former parliamentary Speaker Shwe Mann in August last year, is tipped to head the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture. The 68-year-old is a former brigadier-general turned lawmaker, who served as deputy minister of Religious Affairs under military rule, which ended in 2011. He lost to his NLD opponent by a razor-thin margin of 49 votes in the November election, in Chin State's Kanpalet constituency. Among lawmakers for the military-backed USDP, Thura Aung Ko developed a reputation as one of the bloc's more pro-reform lawmakers, late last year voicing support for a suspension of Article 59(f), the constitutional clause that bars Suu Kyi from the presidency because her two sons hold British passports. The political analyst Aung Thu Nyein, who works as a freelance governance consultant, said the nomination of representatives from outside the NLD's ranks would be viewed favorably in the name of "national unity," even if that meant former generals turned politicians. "As the NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have won the public trust, the public has reacted positively to whatever her arrangements [including USDP cabinet members]," he told The Irrawaddy. That being said, "checks and balances on the cabinet, and the efficiency of the ministerial departments, are the key to successful governance," Aung Thu Nyein added. The analyst said he did not expect rapid change or improvements under the new administration, but rather gradual reform as the ministers-in-waiting grow more comfortable with their roles and responsibilities. Asked about the possibility of Suu Kyi taking four portfolios, Aung Thu Nyein said: "If it happens, it would be due to the uniqueness of the 2008 military-backed Constitution." Part of that "uniqueness" allows the Burma Army to select three ministers for the security portfolios of Defense, Home Affairs and Border Affairs. On Tuesday, the names of a trio of lieutenant-generals, Sein Win, Kyaw Swe and Ye Aung, were included in the cabinet roster, and they are expected to take the respective ministerial posts. Analysts have noted that these ministers' ability and willingness to work with Suu Kyi will be critical to the success of the NLD's five-year term. Writer, Hotelier Among Others Pe Myint is the odds on favorite to serve as the country's next Information minister, a post in which he will be responsible for reforming an institution that for years has been synonymous with government propaganda. The NLD has not offered specifics on the Information Ministry's future, but reforms could include privatization of the three state-run dailies it currently prints. Born in 1949 in Thandwe, Arakan State, the ethnic Arakanese is a well-known writer and chief editor of Pyithu Ayay (People's Affairs), a weekly journal focused on political issues. He is also the vice chairman of the Myanmar Press Council. Pe Myint graduated from the Rangoon Medical College in 1975 and worked as a general practitioner for more than a decade before transitioning into the realms of literature and media. The retired CEO of a resort hotel at Shan State's Inle Lake was named the next minister of Hotels and Tourism. A family member confirmed to The Irrawaddy that Ohn Maung, the former CEO of Inle Princess Resort, internationally known for its corporate social responsibility initiatives and eco-tourism practices, was picked to handle a portfolio covering an industry that generates a major share of the country's foreign exchange and is expecting continued rapid grow in the coming years. "I think he was picked for his 40 years of experience in the hotel and tourism sector. But when it comes to making decisions, he will seek advice from experts to make the best judgment, I think," said the family member. Ohn Maung was not available for comment on Tuesday. Ohn Maung, 68, is an NLD member and was an elected lawmaker from his native Nyaung Shwe in Southern Shan State during the 1990 election. He is no stranger to the tourism industry, starting the first and at the time only guesthouse in the town in 1976. In 1998, his family opened the Inle Princess at a quiet inlet on the eastern shore of the lake, still one of the first hotels on the lake at the time. Managing the nation's coffers will be Kyaw Win, tapped to serve as minister of Planning and Finance after a decades-long career in the civil service that dates back to 1972. He pointed to his lengthy career in the National Planning Ministry and later Internal Revenue Department as reason for his selection. "The NLD leadership have a policy to put the right man in the right place. I think I was assigned because I deserve it," he told The Irrawaddy. Htet Naing Zaw contributed reporting from Naypyidaw. The post Former Generals, a Hotelier and More in Suu Kyi Cabinet appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things To Do In Rangoon This Week Posted: 22 Mar 2016 06:13 AM PDT Photography World Press Photo Exhibition World Press Photo, an independent non-profit organization founded in the Netherlands, organizes the world's largest and most prestigious annual press photography contest. The prize-winning photographs are assembled into this traveling exhibition, which is visited by over 3.5 million people in more than 90 cities in 45 different countries. The exhibition has reached Rangoon with the support of the Dutch embassy in Burma. Where: Institut Français de Birmanie, at 340, Pyay Road, Sanchaung Tsp. Tel: 01 536 900 / 537 122 / 535 428 When: Saturday, March 19 until Thursday, March 31. Open from 9:00 a.m. until 9:00 p.m. Music Ko Ye Lwin To mark the golden anniversary of his musical career, Ko Ye Lwin (of Mizzima Hline Band, Pan Ye Lan) will stage a free musical show. Dozens of vocalists will join him in entertaining with the Mizzima Music Band. Where: People's Park When: Saturday, March 26. Starts at 6:30 p.m. The Evolution—The Time Machine Myanmar Beer will stage a music show called "The Evolution—The Time Machine." Popular singers including R. Zarni, Phyu Phyu Kyaw Thein, Sandi Myint Lwin, Wai Su Khaing Thein, and J Me will be at the show. The ticket price is 6,000 kyats per person. Where: Myaw Sin Kyun, Kandawgyi Park When: Saturday, March 26. Starts at 5:00 p.m. Literature Books for Children Festival Seikku Cho Cho Publishing House is holding the Books for Children Festival at its bookshops in Rangoon and Mandalay, selling children's books at 10-20 percent discounts. Children's books published by Quality, Myit Moh May May, Su Pyae Sone Tun, Pin Wa Yone, Mone Yway and Duwun are also on sale. Where: Seikku Cho Cho book shops in Rangoon and Mandalay. Tel: 01-542 973, 01-700302 When: Saturday, March 19 to Sunday, March 27. Variety Shows Fundraising Theater A variety show will be held at the National Theater and proceeds will go to a home for the aged which is dedicated to elderly artists. Artists, actors, Myanmar traditional dancers, writers, and musicians will join the charity show. Paintings will also be on sale at the charity show. Where: National Theater at Myoma Kyaung Road, Dagon Tsp: 01-382489 When: Friday, March 25. Food Thingyan Food Fair Festival Food stalls featuring Burmese, Vietnamese, Thai, Korean and Japanese dishes, as well as sweets, cakes and teas. Music performances start from 6:00 p.m. on weekdays and 4:00 p.m. on weekends. Where: Myanmar Plaza, No. 192 Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Bahan Tsp. Tel:09-786999678 When: Friday, March 25 to Sunday, April 3. Arts 'New Page' Painting Exhibit Lokanat Gallery will host 'New Page,' where 29 artists will exhibit around 110 paintings, including acrylic, oil, watercolor and pastel works. The prices for the art range between US $100 and US$1,500. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Monday, March 21 until Friday, March 25. Time: 9:00 a.m. — 5:00 p.m. Exhibition by Shine Lu Artist Shine Lu will exhibit his work at Nawaday Tharlar Gallery. Titled "Dozens Expressions," the exhibition will showcase 12 acrylic paintings whose prices range from US$2,500-3,000. Where: Nawady Tharlar Art Gallery at Room No. 304, 20/B, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Tsp. Tel: 09-43097918 When: Saturday, March 19 to Friday, March 25. Tabaung A group exhibition of 12 artists will be held in Ayerwon Art Gallery in Dagon Seikkan Township. A total of 40 works in acrylic, oil and watercolor will be on display. Where: Ayerwon Art Gallery at No. 903 – 904, U Ba Kyi Street, 58 Ward, Dagon Seikkan Tsp. Tel: 09-45005 7167 When: Saturday, March 26 to Wednesday, April 6. 1 Plus 7 Taste A group art exhibition titled "1 Plus 7 Taste" will be at 65 Art Gallery. A total of 50 works of acrylic, oil and watercolor will be on display and prices range from US$1,500 to US$7,000. Where: Gallery 65, at 65 Yaw Min Gyi St, Dagon Tsp. Tel: 01 246317 When: Saturday 26 to Wednesday 30 March. Time: 10:00 am-6:00 pm   The post Ten Things To Do In Rangoon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Who Will Control the NDSC? Posted: 22 Mar 2016 05:25 AM PDT Burma Army commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing looks at NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw on April 10, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) With Aung San Suu Kyi on the list of cabinet nominees, there is widespread anticipation among her supporters regarding the ministerial role, or roles, she will undertake in the new government. On Monday, Parliament approved President-elect Htin Kyaw's proposal reducing the cabinet from 36 ministries to 21, with 18 ministers selected by the legislature and three appointed by the military. The Irrawaddy has long predicted that if Suu Kyi were constitutionally barred from the presidency, she would take up a position in the foreign ministry. In addition to this role, NLD insiders and the BBC Burmese service have reported that she could pursue additional cabinet positions within the ministries of energy and electric power, education and the president's office. Some say Suu Kyi, who has claimed to be "above the president," could become a "super minister," or even a prime minister—a position that does not yet exist within Burma's government structure, but could potentially be created with her in mind. With the exception of the foreign ministry role, a question remains: would she retain these positions for the duration of her term, or delegate them to other qualified persons in the future? Under Burma's past military regimes, the foreign minister post was deemed largely insignificant, but here it could serve as a platform for Suu Kyi to engage in fruitful dialogue, particularly with regional governments, and to receive visiting government officials who would prefer to meet with her over Htin Kyaw. The position of foreign minister is also noteworthy as it would give Suu Kyi a seat within the powerful executive body known as the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC). The council is comprised of 11 members including the president, two vice presidents, speakers of the upper house and lower houses, the army's commander in chief, the deputy commander in chief, the foreign minister, and the ministers for defense, home and border affairs. As things stand, the NLD will have five key members in the NDSC including Suu Kyi, if she is confirmed as foreign minister. President-elect Htin Kyaw, Vice President-elect Henry Van Thio, and the lower and upper house speakers, Win Myint and Mahn Win Khaing Than, respectively, are all party members. Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. Yet the army will have a majority within the NDSC with six members. The military as an institution continues to control defense, home and border affairs ministries. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has nominated generals to lead these bodies and thereby serve on the NDSC: Lt-Gen Sein Win, Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe and Lt-Gen Ye Aung. The military's nomination of Rangoon Chief Minister Myint Swe as vice president—and NDSC member—stirred up controversy as he is believed to be the mouthpiece of former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe's in the new government. Myint Swe's appointment comes just months after a supposedly cordial meeting between Suu Kyi and the former Snr-Gen Than Shwe in early December, raising more questions regarding the direction of the Lady's relationship with army leadership. Under outgoing President Thein Sein's administration, former generals and army leaders controlled the NDSC – one member, Lt-Gen Ko Ko, is the current minister for home affairs as well as a notorious Burma Army loyalist. These NDSC members represented the previous military regime and have long acted without opposition. This time, the NLD-backed president will retain ultimate executive authority in the council, but the NDSC can—with Htin Kyaw's cooperation—collectively declare a state of emergency in Burma and then exercise legislative, executive and judiciary powers after such a declaration. The NDSC will undoubtedly see itself splitting into two camps concerning national emergencies and other pressing issues, potentially fostering healthier debate, but more likely creating a political environment wrought with tension and resentment. The post Who Will Control the NDSC? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Are New Ministers an Auspicious Sign For Burma’s Businesses? Posted: 22 Mar 2016 05:14 AM PDT People walk by a construction site of new apartment buildings in Rangoon in November 2015. (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's business community reacted positively as the Union Parliament released 18 names for cabinet positions on Tuesday. Among the national ministers listed are National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers Than Myint and Kyaw Win, who have been nominated for the positions of Minister of Commerce and Minister of National Planning and Finance, respectively. Than Myint, 72 years old, is currently the NLD chairman for Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar Township and a lawmaker in the Lower House. He received a Bachelor's degree in economics from Rangoon University and completed graduate work in the United States. He has served in a number of positions within the Ministry of Finance, and joined the NLD in 2012. "He [Than Myint] is a member of the NLD's economic development committee and has a good background in economic affairs… so I believe he will work for this post," Aye Lwin, central executive committee member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "Ministers must also implement the government's policies, which is another reason why I believe he can do this," Aye Lwin added, referring to Than Myint's NLD ties. The other candidate, Kyaw Win, 68 years old, is a business consultant and an NLD lawmaker for the Lower House representing Rangoon's Dagon Seikkan Township. He holds a Bachelor's degree in economics, as well as a doctorate. "I would welcome the national planning and finance ministries becoming one ministry since all national projects are related to finance. He [Kyaw Win] would be able to control such a ministry because he has solid experience with businesses," Aye Lwin said. Yet both nominees are essentially unknown within Burma's business community. "I don't know either of them, but [the NLD] will make policies, and they will follow them. We still have to see how to build a good system, but what I can say now is that they [Than Myint and Kyaw Win] must be honest, unlike previous ministers," Chit Khine, chairman of the Eden Group of Companies, told The Irrawaddy. Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the UMFCCI, echoed Chit Khine's optimism. "The Ministry of Commerce already has some good policies, so the next government should maintain these policies while also, for instance, trying to curtail red tape. The minister must be able to work with all government staff members more efficiently," he said. "Crafting good policy while also following the law and regulations will be important in the new government era." The incoming NLD government revealed 18 names for cabinet positions for 21 ministries, though the specific assignments for the ministerial posts have not all been disclosed. The post Are New Ministers an Auspicious Sign For Burma's Businesses? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Shape of Things to Come Posted: 22 Mar 2016 04:47 AM PDT The post The Shape of Things to Come appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

New Portfolio, Old Political Hand for Ethnic Affairs Post Posted: 22 Mar 2016 03:17 AM PDT Nai Thet Lwin, left, vice chairman of the Mon National Party, was nominated on Tuesday to serve as ethnic affairs minister. (Photo: Mon National Party / Facebook) RANGOON — Nai Thet Lwin has been nominated to act as the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government's minister of ethnic affairs, a newly created portfolio that supporters in Burma hope will help further national reconciliation in the diverse nation of nearly 52 million people. An ethnic Mon who is vice chairman of the Mon National Party (MNP), Nai Thet Lwin's name appeared on a list of 18 Union-level ministers announced in Parliament on Tuesday. Though the NLD did not offer specifics on who would take on which of the 21 ministries making up the incoming government's cabinet, Nai Thet Lwin's daughter confirmed that the 76-year-old has been tapped to lead the Ethnic Affairs Ministry. "My father will do the best he can with this position offered him," Mi Kon Chan told The Irrawaddy. A longtime politician committed to equal rights for Burma's ethnic minorities, Nai Thet Lwin is well-respected in Mon circles. Born in a small village in Kawkareik Township, Karen State, Nai Thet Lwin attended Moulmein University in neighboring Mon State, where he became involved in underground resistance to the ethnic Burman-dominated government of the late dictator Gen. Ne Win. He graduated with a degree in philosophy in 1970 and spent several years teaching and advocating for the preservation of Mon literature and culture before committing more fully to his people's struggle for self-determination. According to Nai Soe Myint, general secretary of the MNP, he allowed Mon politicians to establish a political party office at his home ahead of Burma's 1988 pro-democracy uprising. That party, the Mon National Democratic Front, would go on to win five seats in a 1990 general election that the military government nullified. The regime dissolved the party, in which Nai Thet Lwin was vice chairman, in 1992 and imprisoned many of its members. Nai Thet Lwin did not contest the 1990 vote and avoided imprisonment. The MNP was formed in 2012 as a reincarnation of the former MNDF. Nai Thet Lwin has since served as vice chairman of the MNP, though he again opted not to run in last year's general election. His party is a member of the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), a grouping of ethnic political parties that contested the 1990 election. He is believed to have maintained close ties with the New Mon State Party, an ethnic armed group that abstained from the signing of a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement on Oct. 15 of last year. Nai Thet Lwin's daughter Mi Kon Chan, who was elected to Parliament for the NLD, said it was too early to know how effective the Ethnic Affairs Ministry would be, but she highlighted equal rights and peace as priorities. "It is time for our ethnic [minorities] to work toward having equal rights," said the lawmaker, who represents Mon State's Paung Township in the Lower House. "We have been expecting to have this chance for a long time." The NLD-dominated Parliament is expected to discuss the proposed cabinet roster on Thursday. Tuesday's nominations were ostensibly put forward by President-elect Htin Kyaw, who was chosen by NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi to serve as her proxy leader of the incoming government. The post New Portfolio, Old Political Hand for Ethnic Affairs Post appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Taiwan Security Agency Says China’s Gambia Gambit Meant to Pressure President Posted: 21 Mar 2016 11:00 PM PDT China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi (R) shakes hand with his Gambian counterpart Neneh Macdouall-Gaye at a signing ceremony in Beijing, China, March 17, 2016. (Photo: China Daily / Reuters) TAIPEI — Taiwan's top security agency said on Monday China's establishment of diplomatic ties with one of the island's former African allies was meant to put pressure on President-elect Tsai Ing-wen to "fall in line" before her inauguration on May 20. China resumed ties with the small west African state of Gambia last week, ending an unofficial diplomatic truce between China and Taiwan following landslide wins in presidential and parliamentary elections by Tsai and her pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party. Gambia was one of only a few African countries, along with Burkina Faso, Swaziland and São Tomé and Príncipe, to recognize Taiwan, which China regards as a wayward province to be recovered by force if necessary. Taiwan has only 22 allies in the world, including the Vatican City. China and Taiwan have for years tried to poach each other's allies, often dangling generous aid packages in front of leaders of developing nations. On Monday, Taiwan's normally secretive National Security Bureau said in a report presented to parliament the island's ties with its few remaining diplomatic allies were at risk of being undermined by financial aid packages from China. "The warning to our new government was thick with meaning," the bureau said in its report. "It had the intention of pressuring President-elect Tsai Ing-wen to respond in her May 20 inaugural speech in a way that falls in line with China's expectations," the bureau said. Tsai said in an interview carried by one of Taiwan's biggest dailies, the China Times, on Monday that both sides should show goodwill in the period before she is sworn in. "Through the expression of goodwill, the hope is to build a foundation of trust," Tsai said. She said through a spokesman last week she hoped the Gambia case was not a "targeted move" by China. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said the resumption of diplomatic ties with Gambia was "not aimed at any person." Hua also warned the United States not to "put in a good word" for Taiwan, after US President Barack Obama signed a bill supporting Taiwan's participation in Interpol. Hua said Interpol was a body only sovereign nations could join. China has repeatedly warned Tsai against any moves towards independence, while Tsai has stuck to her stance of maintaining the status quo without offering a clear policy. Gambia broke its ties with Taiwan in 2013, but did not immediately establish ties with China. The post Taiwan Security Agency Says China's Gambia Gambit Meant to Pressure President appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US Says Burma Persecutes Rohingya, but Not Genocide Posted: 21 Mar 2016 10:53 PM PDT Rohingya Muslim men ride their bicycles past a railway line near a displacement camp outside Sitttwe, Arakan State, in November 2015. (Photo: Sai Aung Min / Reuters) WASHINGTON — The US State Department said Monday it had determined that Burma is persecuting its Rohingya Muslims, but the government's treatment of the religious minority group does not constitute genocide. "While it's without question that they continue to face persecution, we did not determine that it was on the level of genocide," State Department spokesman John Kirby told reporters. In a report to Congress seen by Reuters, the State Department said the US government is "gravely concerned" about abuses against the Rohingya, but did not determine that they constitute mass atrocities. Tens of thousands of Rohingya Muslims have fled poverty and persecution in western Burma since religious violence erupted there in 2012, prompting international calls for investigation into what some called "strong evidence" of genocide. The United Nations and European Union said on Monday hope that conditions would improve under Aung San Suu Kyi's new government has contributed to a slowdown in the number of migrants fleeing to Thailand and beyond. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) is forming a government that will take power on April 1, but she and the NLD have been criticized for saying little about how they will address the Rohingya's situation in Arakan State, where about 140,000 people remain in camps. Congress passed legislation last year directing Secretary of State John Kerry to consult with governments and rights organizations and report to lawmakers on whether Buddhist extremists in Burma had committed atrocities against the Rohingya. It gave Kerry until March 17 to report back and also to report on whether atrocities committed by Islamist extremists against Christians and other religious groups should be considered mass atrocities or genocide under US law. Kerry told reporters on Thursday that Islamic State has committed genocide against Christians, Yazidis and Shi'ite Muslims. But Kerry did not release the report addressing Islamic State and the Rohingya. The report to Congress said Islamic State is responsible for crimes against humanity, but it does not make that determination for Burma. "Meanwhile, we remain concerned about current acts that constitute persecution of and discrimination against members of the Rohingya population in Burma," the report said. In 2012, it said conflict led to the deaths of nearly 200 Rohingya and the displacement of 140,000 people. Incidents of violence against Rohingya individuals continued from 2013-15, it said. The report also found little public support in Burma for the rights of the Rohingya population, and recognized that some Buddhist leaders inflamed anti-Muslim sentiment through hate speech. It called on the government of Burma "to pursue comprehensive and just solutions," including addressing human rights abuses, upholding rule of law, allowing access by aid groups and developing a path to citizenship or restoring citizenship to stateless people, including Rohingya. The post US Says Burma Persecutes Rohingya, but Not Genocide appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Breaking Taboo, Hindu Widows Celebrate Festival of Colors Posted: 21 Mar 2016 10:45 PM PDT Widows daubed in colors dance as they take part in the Holi celebrations in Vrindavan, in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, India, March 21, 2016. (Photo: Anindito Mukherjee / Reuters) VRINDAVAN, India — Aruna Samaddar threw fistfuls of colored powder into the air. Blue and red and green, the cheerful colors settled on her white sari and all over other women nearby. In most of India, widows like Samaddar have no place in this joyful celebration of Holi, the Hindu festival of colors. The country's millions of observant Hindu widows are expected to live out their days in quiet worship, dressed only in white. They are typically barred from all religious festivities because their very presence is considered inauspicious. So for Samaddar, Monday's celebration was a joy long denied. "I am so happy. I am playing Holi after 12 years. I am happy, very happy," said Samaddar, who appeared to be in her early 30s. The powder made her white sari and those of the widows around her shimmer in myriad colors. So deep is the ostracization of widows that they're often shunned by their families and forced to seek shelter in temples. The holy city of Vrindavan, in India's Uttar Pradesh state, is known as the City of Widows because it has given so many women shelter. And in recent years, widows have found a bit of color and joy here as well. Aid group Sulabh International has been organizing regular Holi celebrations in Vrindavan since 2013. Samaddar and more than 1,000 other widows gathered in the courtyard of one of the city's oldest temples—devoted to Krishna, the most playful of the Hindu gods. The festival of Holi falls on Thursday this year, but in Vrindavan and many other parts of the country, the playing of colors begins a week ahead. Hindu priests chanted religious verses as hundreds of widows splashed colored powders and played with water pistols filled with colored water. Showers of flower petals filled the air. As loud music blasted, the younger women jostled with each other as they played with the colors. For dozens of older women, years of social conditioning proved hard to break. They applied only tiny dots of color to each other's foreheads. "Their participation in Holi symbolizes a break from tradition, which forbids a widow from wearing a colored sari, among many other things," said Bindeshwar Pathak, the head of Sulabh International. Sulabh was asked to oversee the lives of widows of the city by India's Supreme Court following news reports of the widows being forced to beg for food and into prostitution. While there are tens of thousands of widows in Vrindavan, the group has been appointed caretaker for about 1,500. The organization looks after their basic needs and gives them a stipend of 2,000 rupees (US$30) to buy essentials. They are taught to make incense sticks and garlands to ensure that they can earn a small amount of money on their own. But for most part, the women spend the day singing hymns to Krishna, for which they earn 10 rupees (15 cents). The women range in age from 22 to 100. Some were abandoned by their families decades ago. While some women were not comfortable joining in the celebration of colors, Samaddar was determined to have at least one day of cheer. "We have got just one day to celebrate life," she said as she tossed the colors joyfully. "Let's do it to the hilt." The post Breaking Taboo, Hindu Widows Celebrate Festival of Colors appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi Listed Among NLD Cabinet Nominees Posted: 21 Mar 2016 09:58 PM PDT National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi arrives at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman, was named Tuesday on a list of 18 Union-level ministers announced by Burma's Parliament, all but ensuring she will be a member of the incoming government's cabinet. Eighteen names for cabinet positions were revealed by the incoming NLD government on Tuesday in Parliament, but specific assignments for 18 corresponding ministerial posts were not, with the timeline for that disclosure unclear at present. What is known is that Suu Kyi, assuming she is confirmed by the NLD-dominated legislature, will be the only female member of a cabinet with Suu Kyi loyalist Htin Kyaw at the top as president-elect of the incoming government. Suu Kyi herself is constitutionally barred from the presidency, and has effectively said that she will call the shots in the executive branch via her proxy Htin Kyaw. Parliament is due to discuss the proposed cabinet roster on Thursday. The names of at least two members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the former ruling party that was thrashed by the NLD in November's general election, are also on the list, making good on a pledge by the incoming government to form a cabinet of "national reconciliation" that included other parties' members, the military-backed party notwithstanding. The names for three security posts—ministers of Defense, Home Affairs and Border Affairs—were also revealed, with these positions filled by the Burma Army as per a constitutional framework that entrenches a military role in Burma's politics. Sein Win, Kyaw Swe and Ye Aung are the three lieutenant-generals listed on the cabinet roster announced Tuesday, expected to take the respective ministerial posts in the incoming government. The post Suu Kyi Listed Among NLD Cabinet Nominees appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The ‘Butterfly Book’: A Look into Burma’s Colonial Past Posted: 21 Mar 2016 05:00 PM PDT The Burmese "Butterfly Book," a 1907 petition from the residents of Mergui Archipelago to the former British Lt-Gen of Burma. (Photo: British Library / Public Domain) RANGOON — A uniquely designed Burmese document, with text printed on "wings" of silk bound within an oyster shell, is among the highlights of a new display at the British Library in London. Informally dubbed the "Butterfly Book" by the library's staff, the unusual item is actually a formal petition from residents of Mergui Archipelago requesting development projects in the region from colonial authorities, including the construction of a new hospital and a ferry service to other nearby coastal settlements. The petition was presented in 1907 to the British Lt-Gen of Burma on his first visit to the area. The item is part of a small exhibit called "More Than a Book" that sits at the entrance to the Library's Asian and African Studies Reading Room. The exhibit presents examples of writing from Southeast Asia in a variety of formats and materials, including texts incised on bamboo and gold, painted on paper with a brush, and written on gilded wood, according to information on the library's website. Two Burmese sazigyo, or woven cotton tapes used to bind sacred texts, are also on display, along with items from northern Thailand, Vietnam, Sumatra and Bali. The British Library is located at 96 Euston Road, next to King's Cross and St. Pancras International rail stations in London, England. The post The 'Butterfly Book': A Look into Burma's Colonial Past appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to join government as NLD reveals cabinet
• With all eyes on Daw Suu, NLD set to reveal cabinet
• Festering election fight sparks protest
• President-elect wins vote after first speech
• NLD plans end to rules on overnight visitors
• Women quit steelworks amid harassment claims
• Koh Tao appeal hearing delayed again
• New Aung Mingalar departure terminal to ease traffic squeeze
• Water worries worsen in Taungtha
• Construction ministry targets source of housing request leak

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to join government as NLD reveals cabinet Posted: 22 Mar 2016 01:38 AM PDT Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will take a post in U Htin Kyaw's government, the National League for Democracy has confirmed to parliament, as it's list of proposed cabinet ministers was revealed earlier today.

With all eyes on Daw Suu, NLD set to reveal cabinet Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT A frenzy of speculation over what role – if any – Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will take in the National League for Democracy-led government should be laid to rest this morning when the party's proposed list of ministers is presented to MPs.

Festering election fight sparks protest Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT About 1500 people protested yesterday in Yangon against National League for Democracy MP U Phyo Min Thein, accusing him of election violations and his party of shielding him from a legal investigation.

President-elect wins vote after first speech Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT President-Elect U Htin Kyaw delivered his inaugural speech to parliament yesterday, outlining his plans to slash the number of ministries while assuring civil servants they would not lose their jobs.

NLD plans end to rules on overnight visitors Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT The National League for Democracy is set to propose changes to a law that requires citizens to report overnight guests to their local ward administration office – a practice that activists say infringes on human rights, and the party argues is a "disgrace" to the country.

Women quit steelworks amid harassment claims Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Three female employees at a Yangon steelworks who recently complained about labour rights violations have quit after being placed on heavy duties by the factory manager, according to the workers and a local union.

Koh Tao appeal hearing delayed again Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT The defence team for two Myanmar men sentenced to death for the murder of two British backpackers has successfully applied for a third postponement of the appeal hearing, which is now set for April 22.

New Aung Mingalar departure terminal to ease traffic squeeze Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Muncipal authorities say a new departure terminal is needed at Aung Mingalar highway bus station to relieve crippling traffic congestion.

Water worries worsen in Taungtha Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Barely at the start of summer, Mandalay Region's Taungtha township is already dry. The lakes and wells villagers rely on have failed, and local NGOs are already distributing water.

Construction ministry targets source of housing request leak Posted: 21 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Investigators are interviewing staff from two government ministries following the leak to social media of information concerning requests for housing by three Union ministers.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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• SNDP chief says merger with Shan rival unlikely
• SNLD declines NLD offer of Ethnic Affairs post
• Ministry of Ethnic Affairs: A catalyst for positive change?
• People’s War on Drugs in Kachin State: Indication of Failed Policies

SNDP chief says merger with Shan rival unlikely Posted: 22 Mar 2016 07:23 AM PDT Sai Ai Pao, the leader of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) says that it is very unlikely that his party will merge with their rival Shan party, the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), due to political differences. The Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) executive committees- Photo SNDP Sai Ai Pao, previously served as the General Secretary of the SNLD, which won the second largest number of seats in the 1990 election, the results of which were ultimately annulled.  The party Sai Ai Pao now leads, the SNDP, was formed in 2010 by a group that consisted of many former SNLD members at a time when much of the SNLD party leadership including the party chairman Khun Tun Oo and the general secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin, were serving lengthy prison sentences. Sai Ai Pao, who served as the minister of Forestry and Mines in the outgoing Shan State government, claimed that problems arise when two or three parties merge into a single party.  He cited the internal struggles currently plaguing the Arakan National Party, a party created following the merger of the Arakan League for Democracy and the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP). "Why doesn't each party just work on its own way," Sai Ai Pao said. "When they reach the parliament level we can then unite and work together." "I think, in that way, it will work out well," he said. In 2014, many Shan people called for the two major Shan armed groups to combine into one single Shan State Army (SSA).  Similar calls were made for the two major Shan parties, the SNLD and the SNDP, to merge to become one single party.  This did not happen however.  Because the two main Shan parties were unable to unite, in late 2015, a new Shan party, the Eastern Shan State Development Democratic Party (ESSDDP), was established. Sai Leik, a spokesperson for the SNLD, told SHAN in February that it remains the SNDP's right to decide whether to dissolve the party or not. He maintains that the aim of setting up a political party is to work for the interests of citizens. "We hope to hold our party conference in March or April." Sai Leik said. "We will address this issue [merging] during the meeting. If they [the SNDP] have the will to unite, it will be welcomed by the SNLD". Earlier this month, the committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU), a coalition of Shan armed groups, political parties and civil society organizations, of which the SNDP is a member, held its fifth meeting to discuss Shan affairs. The SNDP decided not to attend however.  The SNDP did relatively well in the 2010 election winning a combined 21 seats in both the upper and lower houses of parliament.  At the state level in 2010 the party won 36 seats in Shan State, making it the largest regional party represented in any State or Region legislature.  During the November 2015 election, the SNDP suffered a major electoral setback winning only a single seat at the state level.  The SNLD did much better winning 40 seats, including 12 seats in the Lower House, three seats in the Upper House, 24 seats in the Shan State parliament and a single seat in the Kachin State parliament. BY SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

SNLD declines NLD offer of Ethnic Affairs post Posted: 22 Mar 2016 06:59 AM PDT The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the fourth largest party in the national parliament, has said that it rejected an offer from the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) led government, to have an SNLD representative serve as the newly created Ethnic Affairs minister. The Ethnic Affairs ministry's formation was announced last week by the incoming president, U Htin Kyaw, a close ally of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.  Reached for comment, Sai Nyunt Lwin, the SNLD's secretary general explained that the NLD offered him the position of minister of Ethnic Affairs but that he did not accept this offer.  Sai Nyunt Lwin did not elaborate as why to why he and his party chose to decline the NLD's gesture. Sai Nyunt Lwin had been widely considered to be a leading candidate to be appointed one of two vice presidents but the NLD instead chose Henry Van Thio, a former military officer and NLD Upper House MP from Chin State.  Khun Tun Oo, the popular chairman of the SNLD, indicated that SNLD would like to have one of its representatives chosen as the Shan State Chief Minister.   Sai Nyunt Lwin tells SHAN that it appears unlikely that the NLD will allow this to happen.    "I guess that they will choose NLD for the position," he said.  Although the SNLD won more seats in the Shan State parliament than the NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi's party still gets to pick the Chief Minister as all of the country's chief ministers are chosen by the president.  Dr Lin Htut, an NLD MP from Lashio Township, is expected to be the next Shan State chief minister. The SNLD won 40 seats in the 2015 elections including 12 seats in the Lower House, three seats in the Upper House, 24 seats in the Shan State parliament and one seat in the Kachin State parliament.   Although it has more seats than the NLD in the Shan State Parliament, the military backed USDP party has even more with 33. Earlier this month the USDP flexed its muscle to ensure that its own MP, U Sai Lone Sang, was re-appointed speaker in the Shan State parliament.  This was done with the support of the unelected state parliamentarians appointed by the army. The USDP representatives and the military allies defeated the SNLD Sai Kyaw Thein. The USDP's outgoing Shan State Chief Minister, U Sao Aung Myat, secured the position of deputy speaker in the state parliament.   BY SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

Ministry of Ethnic Affairs: A catalyst for positive change? Posted: 21 Mar 2016 07:49 PM PDT As the final stage of power transfer from quasi-civilian government of Thein Sein to Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD) regime is unfolding, the proposal to install a new Ministry of Ethnic Affairs to look after the interest of the non-Bamar in the parliament has been accepted on 18 March, while at the same time, the war in Shan and Kachin States goes on unabated. The frustration of the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and war weariness, coupled with the desire to live a normal life could be detected in the following statement on Friday, 18 March. "Our armies are ready to find a real and better solution for ending the civil wars, seeing through a peace process and rebuilding Myanmar with the hope of national reconciliation by cooperating with the government of president U Htin Kyaw," said the statement from the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Arakan Army (AA). The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA) also issued similar statements, on 17 and 18 March respectively, that they welcome NLD-led U Htin Kyaw government and would cooperate to achieve peace, development and harmony in the country. The United Wa State Army (UWSA) and  National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), also known as Mong La, have also aired the same sentiment in their statements. It is clear that the military (Tatmadaw) will go on with its confrontation and offensive mode, as is proven by the recent massive deployment in the Shan and Kachin States. The argument behind such action is said to uphold sovereignty and national unity, which are just the pretext to hide the military's real intention of maintaining political edge and ethnocentrism. Such being the case, the question arises if installation of Ministry of Ethnic Affairs to protect the non-Bamar from injustice ranging from lack of rights to self-determination, human rights to equitable resources-sharing could be earnestly carried out. But we should first look at the law of safeguarding the rights of ethnic nationalities promulgated last year. Law of safeguarding national races  Before proceeding further, it would be appropriate to note that the Burmese terminology of "Taing Yin Thar", which usually means to cover all non-Bamar ethnic groups from the majority Bamar point of view,  is also interchangeably used as "indigenous ethnic groups", "ethnic nationalities"  and  "national races". The nine page "Law Safeguarding the Rights of National Races" promulgated on 24 February 2015 has its aim listed in Chapter 2 as follows: 1.      To obtain equal status for all national races according to the rights of the citizenship 2.      To cordially co-habit based on genuine union spirit together among national races 3.      To protect, develop and improve language, literature, culture, national symbol and historical legacy of the national races 4.      To promote improvement, development, unity, friendship, respect and helpful supportiveness  among national races 5.      To improve and develop less-developed ethnic nationalities' education, healthcare, economy, infrastructure and so on, including improvement and development of socio-economy 6.      To let national races fully enjoy the rights stated in the constitution  The Chapter 3 mentioned the rights of the national races, which is spelled out in ten points. It said provided the ethnic nationalities are not against the country's security, rule of law and peacefulness of the community, they are free to practice their language, literature, culture and religion. It further said that the teaching and learning of language and literature are allowed so long as it is not affecting the country's educational law. Other points mentioned are rights to hold cultural traditional ceremonies on special days; innovation, modernization and researching of their culture; equal rights to education, medical treatment, employment and business undertakings; rights to preserve traditional medicine from vanishing, making known and further development; and rights to preserve and protect historical legacy and so on. Regarding representation, all ethnic nationalities have the right to be represented if they meet the population count criteria as a group, as prescribed by the constitution. Nothing much are included other than language, literature and cultural protection. But the law does mention in Chapter 5 regarding developmental and big economic projects, including natural resources extraction that concerned departments must inform the population ahead and coordinate with the ethnic groups, but glaringly  failed to mention that their consent is needed in the decision-making process. One positive point within this law is that the ministry could ask for cooperation from various other governmental departments and ministries if the help is needed to discharge the task of safeguarding the ethnic nationalities. And in case it is necessary, the Minister of Ethnic Affairs could file for the Union Government intervention. Commentary on the law Last year SHAN reported a commentary on the said law by Richard Zatu, a researcher at the Pyidaungsu Institute (PI) for Peace and Dialogue, has pinpointed some flaws as follows: 1. If the country were already a federal union, with the right of self determination for every constituent state, this law would have been superfluous. 2. How effective this law will be depends on how strictly the under par democratic 2008 constitution is being enforced. For example, the law has nothing to say about the ownership of agricultural lands and forests by the national races. But according the constitution's Article 37 (a), The Union is the ultimate owner of all the lands and natural resources above and below the ground, above and beneath the water and in the atmosphere of the Union. 3. The term " national races", at first glance, appear to include the Burman majority, but later articles show the Burmans seem to have been excluded. 4. There is nothing to assure that the person to be appointed as national races affairs minister should be a non-Burman. Also there is no answer to the obvious question: Whether a non- Burman should or should not be appointed as a minister in other portfolios if the national races affairs minister is a non- Burman. 5. The law should also have addressed discriminatory practices largely common in appointment and promotion of civil and military personnel and foreign scholarships. These discriminations have forced non-Burman intellectuals to seek jobs and residence outside the country. 6. Instead of stating that national races' mother tongues will be allowed to teach and learn at schools, it should be stated clearly that they have the right to be taught and learned during school hours. 7. Informing and coordinating with national races in matters of development projects are simply not enough. It should be stated plainly that their consent is also required. 8. A one- year imprisonment for obstructing the rights of the national races is far from being stiff, as it is highly unlikely that the offender would be a non-Burman. 9. The words "in accordance with law" and " if not against the law" are extensively used in the text. 10. We have yet to hear that the country has ratified the United Nations Declaration of the Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) which was adopted on 13 September 2007. It should be and the rights stipulated therein implemented, the sooner the better. Ethnic leaders' view Most ethnic leaders view the formation of the ministry for ethnic affairs as positive, while there are also doubts if this creation would actually be beneficial for the intended population. "It is very good to have the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs because we need to work on national reconciliation and ethnic unity," said Tu Ja, chairman of the Kachin State Democracy Party. Naing Han Thar, chairman of the Mon New State Party, said the ministry would forge better relations among ethnic groups. "It's good to have this Ethnic Affairs Ministry that can build trust among all ethnics," he said. Each of Myanmar's 14 states and regions already has an ethnic affairs minister. But the ethnic groups themselves want the most suitable one among them, and who is not a member of the dominant ethnic Bamar group, to be the national ethnic affairs minister, said Saw Than Myint, chairman of the Federal Union Party, which includes former members of 16 ethnic political parties and is influential in northern Myanmar's Shan state, according to RFA report of 17 March. However, spokesman for Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) Sai Leik has different opinion and told the media that as the ethnic affairs minister would only be vested with protection of language, literature and culture of the ethnic nationalities, the minister doesn't really have much say in actual political decision-making. He said."The 2008 Constitution has clearly given every citizen the citizenship rights and equality. And as the ethnic affairs minister is not given any important task (more than that is given in the constitution), a new ministry, I consider, is not needed." He stressed that at the same time, there is no job description on how to implement the peace process. But if internal peace and comprehensive ethnic nationalities' issues were allowed to be tackled, implementation guidelines need to be promulgated and rights to fully carry out the task has to be discussed, which means a lot still needed to be done." Still, most ethnic nationalities are of the opinion that ending the armed conflict between the military and the EAOs as the core priority issue that needs to be handled, first and foremost. "The most important problem in our country is fighting between military and armed ethnic groups," said Naing Soe Myint, secretary of the Mon National Party. "The Ministry of Ethnic Affairs should solve this problem first," according to a media report. Perspective By all means, the creation of ethnic affairs ministry is a move that has to be welcome, even if there are argument that in a real federal union setup there would be no need to have such an establishment. But the point is, we are not there yet and should accept and entertain the motto of "something is better than nothing". NLD people are already hinting that the ministry should actively participate in the peace process, rather than just play the role of protecting language, literature and culture of the non-Bamar ethnic groups. Myanmar Times recently reported that U Htun Htun Hein, spokesperson for the NLD ethnic affairs committee, said the ministry was needed to discuss federalism and deal with ethnic armed groups in the peace process. "Our NLD party holds strongly to the goal of national reconciliation and serving the people according to their wishes. That means the ministry must focus on the ceasefire and peace process," Daw Khin San Hlaing, a lower house NLD MP, added. To top it all off, on 21 March, the President-elect U Htin Kyaw, during his speech, explaining the parliamentarians on the necessity to streamline the formerly bloated ministries from 36 to 21, made an unmistakeable and important point of the newly created ministry. He said: "Besides, we have formed the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs, by firmly holding hands with all ethnic nationalities, in unity together, which is vital for peace, harmony, development and progress including  sustainability (of the country)." Hence, whether one like it or not, the linking of Ministry of Ethnic Affairs to the ongoing peace process is going to be a reality, which will interact with the defence, home and border affairs ministries, controlled by the military. But of course, the feasibility outcomes will largely depend on how the military will react to the policy directive of the NLD regime and its political will to deliver. In short, this newly minted ministry could be a catalyst or game changer. So far, the military has not actually obstruct the transition, although minor glitches were present now and then, and could even be seen as being largely accommodative. So there is no reason not to believe that the to be expanded role of the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs would also be able to work in tandem with the military controlled ministries, in forging peace and harmony for the benefit of the country and people. In a nutshell, the attainment of real nationwide ceasefire, working out political settlement, consolidation of national reconciliation and finally, building a genuine federal union have never been nearer like now in our recent past history of some fifty years. Everyone is now hoping that the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs will play the badly needed catalyst role and change the chemistry of engagement for the better that will heightened the peace process to fruition.

People’s War on Drugs in Kachin State: Indication of Failed Policies Posted: 21 Mar 2016 07:37 PM PDT The creation of Pat Jasan and its 'people's war on drugs' have brought to light a number of key drug-related problems facing not only the Kachin State but also the rest of the country. Praised by some Kachin activists for finally addressing drug problems, they are also criticized by others for violating human rights and not providing any services to marginalized communities, including drug users and poppy farmers. A staff member coaxes information from a drug user at a drug rehabilitation center in  Kachin State, Myanmar / Photo credit Pailin Wede Communities in the Kachin State have launched a 'people's war on drugs'. Known as Pat Jasan ('Prohibit Clear'), a new organisation was formed two years ago to combat the worsening drug problem among the local population. The self-appointed committee decided to take law enforcement into their own hands as they feel the government is not doing enough to stop the flow of harmful drugs into their communities. The Pat Jasan vigilantes, often dressed in military-style uniforms and armed with stick and batons, have arrested and beaten drug users and put them into forced treatment camps, and they have sent teams into opium-growing areas to eradicate poppy fields. The Pat Jasan has been praised by some Kachin activists for finally addressing drug problems, but criticized by others for violating human rights and not providing any services to marginalized communities, including drug users and poppy farmers. Most recently, their poppy eradication efforts led to open conflict with opium farmers and local militia groups. The creation of Pat Jasan and its war on drugs have brought to light a number of key drug-related problems facing not only the Kachin State but also the rest of the country. First, there are widespread and serious drug-related problems in Myanmar. Problematic drug use has been reportedly rampant for at least two decades, and there is little evidence to suggest that the situation is improving. Some areas in the country, especially Kachin and northern Shan States, are facing a heroin epidemic, with devastating consequences for local communities. Injecting heroin use is one of the main drivers of the spread of HIV/AIDS in the country, and HIV prevalence among injecting drug users in the Kachin State is, according to statistics released yearly by the Myanmar Ministry of Health, among the highest in the country and in South-East Asia. Scores of young people die prematurely every year of drug use problems, including overdoses, although reliable data does not exist. Problems caused by drug addiction within families and communities have never been more acutely felt. According to a representative of a Kachin civil society organisation: "More Kachin people have died of drug-related problems than because of armed conflict." Second, current policies to address these problems are clearly failing. The response by the central government and local authorities to this tragedy is very inadequate. The current legal framework focuses on arresting and criminalizing drug users. Arrests conducted by law enforcement agencies mostly target drug users or small-scale dealers. In contrast, very few major traffickers, corrupt officials or militia leaders involved in the drug trade are ever prosecuted. As a result, a very large part of the prison population in Myanmar, especially in northern regions, consists of drug users. Drug treatment facilities, too, are largely insufficient. There are only two public hospitals offering drug detoxification services for the entire Kachin State – in Myitkyina and Bamaw, and not a single government-run rehabilitation centre is operational at present. Overall, the weakness of the national response starkly contrasts with the enormous show of opportunism and business priority that are deployed to exploit the rich natural resources of the Kachin state, including jade, timber and gold. Third, there are many links between drugs and the continuing conflict in the country. After decades of civil war, many conflict actors rely on the drug trade to finance their armies and operations. Corruption is a big problem in Myanmar, and many representatives of government agencies and the Tatmadaw also profit from the drug trade. In consequence, drug producers and traffickers appear to have been given a free hand by the authorities. Myanmar government officials privately admit that several Tatmadaw-supported militias are heavily involved in amphetamine and heroin production and trade. However, their relationship with the Tatmadaw, whose priority is security and not drugs, makes these militia groups untouchable. Many of these militias have no other political objectives than to maintain the status quo and continue with their businesses. Some of their leaders have even been elected into parliament in the 2010 and 2015 general elections. At the same time, there has been a tendency to blame ethnic armed opposition groups for the drugs trade, some of which have strong anti-narcotics policies and who are calling for federal reform, based on democratic principles, to resolve the country's social and political problems. This marginalization of those calling for reform has greatly frustrated local communities and raised serious questions about the sincerity of central governments to address the country's drug problems, listen to ethnic nationality grievances and aspirations, and achieve a sustainable peace. Against this backdrop of failure, communities in the Kachin State have decided to take things into their own hands. Initiated by members of the Kachin Baptist Convention, the Pat Jasan was set up. But the movement has rapidly gained momentum and is now gathering support way beyond its KBC start. Its popularity is the result of long-time accumulated frustration and anger endured by communities living in the Kachin State over neglect and ineffective drug policies. Supporters of the Pat Jasan movement are happy that finally someone is taking action against the drug problem in the Kachin State. However, without addressing the root causes of problematic drug use, production and trafficking in the Kachin State and country as a whole, the problem is unlikely to go away. Blaming and targeting the weakest links in the drug trade – marginalised drug users and opium farmers – is also problematic as these people need social support rather than punishment. It will not solve the underlying crisis. Punishing them will only push them into further misery and poverty. Instead, it is time that the government and other concerned actors start targeting those really controlling and profiting from the trade: i.e., the larger traffickers and those who support them. In the field, the problems do not end here. In recent months, the militant activities of Pat Jasan have risked creating new conflicts among the local population. In particular, Shan communities in the Kachin State have complained that the arrest of members of their community by ethnic Kachin Pat Jasan members, and sometimes handing them over to the armed opposition Kachin Independence Organisation, is feeding into existing tensions between Shan and Kachin communities. At this critical period in the country's history, this is a very sensitive issue that needs to be handled carefully. As Myanmar's political transition continues, it is important to promote peace and inclusion rather than aggravating community grievances and conflicts. In summary, among the many challenges facing the country today, it is now vital to acknowledge the magnitude of the drug use epidemic in the Kachin State and other northern regions, and to develop a set of policies that will match the severity of problems caused by drug use and production. To be successful, such policies should be made in consultation with affected communities, who include drug users themselves and impoverished poppy-farmers growing opium as a means to survive. A real debate also needs to be held around the different strategies that can be adopted to tackle the detrimental problems caused by drug use and production. After decades of the international 'war on drugs', a growing number of countries are moving away from this one-dimensional approach and are recognizing that strategies merely based on repression have actually failed to produce results and only made matters worse. Most recently, the United States of America, which has long led this international endeavour, has begun considering different approaches to drug control because of this history of failure. Therefore, as international strategies change, the question is whether another 'war on drugs' in the Kachin State, launched out of frustration, is really the best option. The encouraging news is that there are alternative methods that have proved effective in addressing the most serious problems caused by drug use and production. Many countries have already introduced them with success, and there are many experiences and materials available that can be learned from. In general, such policies consist of placing the focus of interventions on supporting the most vulnerable – the drug users and small-scale impoverished farmers – rather than punishing them, while police and judicial efforts are re-directed on dealing with major drug-related offences. Based upon these experiences, what will be needed at the community level in Myanmar in the coming years is the provision of effective treatment and services for drugs users in different parts of the country, which are voluntary, based on needs and respect human rights. Similarly, as most opium-cultivating communities grow poppy as a livelihood strategy, the development of their communities should be prioritized rather than arresting individuals and destroying their livelihoods. In short, the drug crisis in the Kachin State is an urgent warning of the failures of anti-narcotic policies in the past and a wake-up call for inclusive, informed and reflective actions that are in partnership with the local peoples in the future. This commentary is part of a project funded by Sweden.

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