The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• US Embassy: Thein Sein Summons on Rohingya ‘Unrelated’ to Burma Policy
• Villagers Flee as Govt Troops Clash with KIA in Hpakant
• From the Archive: Photos of Burma’s Historic By-elections
• Paunglaung Dam Violates Norms and Destroys Lives, Study Finds
• KIA Suspected in Shooting Death of Hpakant Jade Trader
• Murder Victim’s Body Discovered in Travel Suitcase Near Mount Yankin
• House of Schemes: Office No. 37 in Naypyidaw
• Christian Pastor Survives Knife Attack at Home in Bangladesh
• Australian Court Tests Legality of Offshore Detention for Asylum Seekers
• Japan’s Abe Set to Keep Allies in Key Posts as Attention Returns to Economy

US Embassy: Thein Sein Summons on Rohingya ‘Unrelated’ to Burma Policy Posted: 07 Oct 2015 06:12 AM PDT US President Barack Obama sits with Burmese President Thein Sein in the Oval Office at the White House in Washington on May 20, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — The US Embassy in Rangoon said Wednesday that a federal court summons for President Thein Sein and several Burmese ministers for human rights violations allegedly committed against the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority has nothing to do with Washington's policy toward Burma. Last week the US District Court for New York's Southern District issued the summons after a lawsuit was filed by the Burma Task Force USA, a coalition of 19 Muslim-American organizations. The case was submitted under the Alien Tort Claims Act and the Torture Victim Protection Act, and charges Thein Sein and his ministers with crimes against humanity, extra-judicial killing, torture, and mental and physical trauma. It was filed on behalf of three plaintiffs, all US resident Rohingya refugees who claim to have experienced torture and discrimination in Burma. The lawsuit is seeking compensatory and punitive damages. A spokesperson from the US Embassy in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the mission was aware of reports about the lawsuit and added that "federal court actions occur independently of the executive branch." "This lawsuit is unrelated to US policy toward Myanmar," the spokesperson added. The Burmese government has not officially responded to the summons nor the accusations it was based on, and presidential spokesman Ye Htut has made clear that no response should be expected. "We are surprised to learn that a US court accepted the case filed by an unknown coalition that constructed the case on weak evidence," he told Radio Free Asia last week. "We will not respond to it and couldn't care a fig," he said, before adding that the case was a "cheap stunt" by groups that have been putting pressure on the Burmese government over its handling of "the Bengali issue," using the government's official term for Rohingya. Through official diplomatic channels, the United States has not shied away from criticizing the treatment of Burma's Rohingya Muslims, a persecuted minority residing mostly in western Arakan State that the Burmese government considers to be illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. Most recently that criticism has focused on the systematic disenfranchisement of Rohingya voters ahead of Burma's Nov. 8 general election, and the disqualification of most Muslim candidates hoping to stand for election in Arakan State. Tens of thousands of Rohingya have fled Burma by boat since violence between Arakanese Buddhists and the Muslim minority flared in 2012, displacing more than 100,000 people—mostly Rohingya—to temporary camps where most still live today. Conditions at the camps have deteriorated severely since the violence, with movement of Rohingya inhabitants restricted and access to health care and jobs limited, prompting the mass exodus. The post US Embassy: Thein Sein Summons on Rohingya 'Unrelated' to Burma Policy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Villagers Flee as Govt Troops Clash with KIA in Hpakant Posted: 07 Oct 2015 06:06 AM PDT A soldier from the Kachin Independence Army puts on his shoes as he and his comrade cross a stream towards the front line in Laiza, Kachin State, January, 2013. (Photo: David Johnson / Reuters) RANGOON — Fighting broke out in Kachin State's Hpakant Township on Wednesday between government troops and the Kachin Independence Army, one of several armed groups that elected not to sign a long-awaited ceasefire deal with Naypyidaw. The fighting began at 7 am Wednesday and continued into the afternoon, with the Burma Army's Infantry Battalion No. 336 facing off against Kachin Independence Army (KIA) Battalion 6, under Brigade 2, according to KIA major Tang Seng. "The engagement started as government troops crossed into our territory," Tang Seng told The Irrawaddy. "They had deployed in the area since last night. Since then, we told them not to cross the territory to avoid clashes. But they started the attack with 60 mm and 120 mm artillery." Tang Seng said casualties were not yet known but one artillery explosion sent villagers fleeing for safety. About 30 villagers sought out KIA troops to request shelter, the major said. "We heard the gunfire," Thet Zaw Oo, a police officer in downtown Hpakant told The Irrawaddy. "But it is not in our area, it is in Lone Kin [village]." Some villagers sought shelter in downtown Hpakant on Wednesday, according to Da Chi La Seng, a member of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and a state candidate for the Hpakant constituency. "Fighting occurred at two places: near Nam San Chaung Phyar village and Jayayang [or, Ja Ya Yang] village," Da Chi La Seng said, "Mostly plantation workers near those villages fled." In June and July, fighting between government troops and the KIA in the jade-rich northern township caused scores of villagers to flee their homes. Tang Seng said the KIA's political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization, had ordered that engagements with the Burma Army be avoided during the election period. However, Wednesday's fighting was unavoidable, he said. "Our headquarters ordered us not to go into the villages or the town [and] to avoid any confrontation, as the election is close. If something happened [that would affect] the election, we don't want to be blamed, especially by the international community. So we follow our orders," he said. Further south, in Shan State, government forces also clashed with the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) near the armed group's headquarters in Mong Hsu Township on Tuesday. The SSA-N and the KIA are among several major ethnic armed groups that have elected not to accede to a nationwide ceasefire agreement that government negotiators say will be concluded on Oct. 15.   The post Villagers Flee as Govt Troops Clash with KIA in Hpakant appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Archive: Photos of Burma’s Historic By-elections Posted: 07 Oct 2015 04:33 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. In the days leading up to the early April by-election that put opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Parliament, the streets were alive with enthusiasm and excitement over The Lady and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). Iconic imagery lined the avenues of Rangoon and nearly every taxi that traversed them. Photographers clambered up trees and over fences to catch a glimpse of Suu Kyi as she arrived at polling stations or rally points. In Wah Thin Kha village, where Suu Kyi spent the night on the eve of the vote, locals said the crowds surpassed any festival the area had ever seen. Children donning NLD T-shirts and stickers on their faces shouted "Mother Suu! Mother Suu!" whenever a vehicle passed by. Local people, young and old alike, were outspoken when interviewed by journalists from all over the world. There was no fear on their faces, even in front of large TV cameras. A 95-year-old Karen woman, Daw Aye, said openly just before entering the polling station, "I will vote for Aung San Suu Kyi." As a general election nears on Nov. 8 and Suu Kyi once again takes to the road to rally her supporters, The Irrawaddy looks back on this photo series documenting the historic vote and the exhilarating atmosphere that swept the nation just before the poll. The post From the Archive: Photos of Burma's Historic By-elections appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Paunglaung Dam Violates Norms and Destroys Lives, Study Finds Posted: 07 Oct 2015 04:09 AM PDT Households displaced from Paunglaung because of Upper Palaung Dam. (Photo: Physicians for Human Rights) RANGOON — Displacement caused by the Paunglaung dam in eastern Burma's Shan State was carried out in violation of human rights and has resulted in the deterioration of health, food security and livelihoods, according to a survey carried out by Physicians for Human Rights (PHR). The findings, published earlier this week in a report titled, "Forced Displacements and Destroyed Lives Around the Upper Paunglaung Dam in Shan State, Myanmar," showed that international guidelines were not followed during the displacement process leaving lasting effects on the communities moved to make way for the 61 square kilometer reservoir. "Myanmar [Burma] authorities have, once again, not bothered following international guidelines when evicting families, forcing them deeper into poverty," said Widney Brown, PHR's director of programs and the report's principal author. PHR surveyed a total of 80 consenting households, interviewing participants about the displacement procedures, relocation process and post-move conditions. Over the course of nine months, the researchers found that the project ultimately resulted in a loss of jobs and income, increased food insecurity and poverty, and limited access to improved water sources. Sixty-four percent of those surveyed said they accepted a relocation scheme because they felt threatened or afraid of what would happen if they refused, and 84 percent dropped below the poverty line after the relocation. Ninety-three percent of respondents said their overall living situation had become worse since they were displaced. Ninety-one percent said they did not have enough money to make ends meet. Forty-five percent cited insufficient access to drinking water. Eighty-one percent of respondents should be referred to a professional consultant to seek treatment for depression, the report said, as mental illness and alcoholism appear on the rise. The Upper Paunglaung dam supplies electricity to the capital Naypyidaw and lies on the Paunglaung River in southern Shan State, an area prone to conflict between the Burmese government and ethnic rebels. The project was jointly developed by Chinese, Swiss, and British firms, and was completed in 2013, according to PHR. Some 8,000 people from 23 villages were relocated to make way for the development. Deputy Minister for Electric Power Aung Than Oo recently told the Lower House of Parliament that the ministry had developed a acceptable system for dealing with displacement related to energy projects, which included construction of new villages complete with homes, roads and water supply. He also testified that measures were in place to ensure that compensation reached the hands of those displaced. "Though [authorities] have given verbal promises, the situation is very bad, in reality," affected villager Min Min Htay told reporters in Rangoon. "We don't have enough food, sources of livelihood are scarce and we have difficulty accessing drinking water. Some people got depressed because they lost their farms, and even tried to commit suicide by taking poison." PHR is a New York-based advocacy group that focuses on physical and psychological impacts on communities on the frontlines of human rights crises. Operating in more than 60 countries, PHR specializes in using forensic documentation to assess human rights conditions. A number of Burma-based civil society organizations assisted PHR in carrying out the Paunglaung survey, including Land In Our Hands (LIOH), Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY) and six other local organizations. The post Paunglaung Dam Violates Norms and Destroys Lives, Study Finds appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KIA Suspected in Shooting Death of Hpakant Jade Trader Posted: 07 Oct 2015 03:17 AM PDT Hand-pickers search for jade through rubble dumped by mining companies at a jade mine in Hpakant Township. (Photo: Minzayar / Reuters) RANGOON — Colleagues of a 35-year-old man shot dead in a Hpakant village have accused soldiers from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) of responsibility for the killing. The deceased, Tun Lwin, was a member of the Shan Ni, or Red Shan, ethnic group and a member of the Tai-Leng Nationalities Development Party (TNDP) who operated as a mineral trader in the jade-rich village of Namt Maw. "[He] was shot four times in his head and chest by two gunmen on a motorbike at his home at 4:15pm on Monday," said Khin Maung Lwin, the head of the TNDP's Tun Lwin's brother has filed a murder case at the Hpakant police station. Local residents told The Irrawaddy that his brother believed the killing had resulted from a taxation dispute over jade products. Hpakant police officer Thant Zaw Oo told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the suspects were believed to be two KIA soldiers in their thirties. Several local KIA sources contacted by The Irrawaddy said they were unfamiliar with the incident. Jurisdiction of Hpakant Township's lucrative jade mines is contested between the Burmese government and Kachin rebel troops, and mining operations in the area have periodically halted since the breakdown of a ceasefire between the government and KIA in 2011. Locals and police officers have told The Irrawaddy that the area is facing heightened tension in the wake of recent military operations in Kachin State. Khin Maung Lwin, who is also an Upper House candidate for the TNDP in Hpakant, said that Tun Lwin's body had been sent to the Shan Ni Literature and Culture Association office in Seik Mu village, two miles away from his home in Namt Maw, after an autopsy in Hpakant hospital. Tun Lwin is survived by his wife and daughter. The post KIA Suspected in Shooting Death of Hpakant Jade Trader appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Murder Victim’s Body Discovered in Travel Suitcase Near Mount Yankin Posted: 06 Oct 2015 11:53 PM PDT The suitcase containing the man found dead on Mount Yankin. (Photo: Mandalay News Images) RANGOON — The body of a man aged in his forties has been found in a suitcase* on the road leading to the summit of Mount Yankin in Mandalay's eastern outskirts, according to the Patheingyi Township police force. Officers said they investigated the scene on Tuesday morning after receiving a report that the deceased man, whose body showed signs of beating and torture wounds, had been found stuffed inside the 2 by 1.5 foot suitcase. "We're still investigating the case and identifying the victim. We have not yet determined what the charge will be," a township police officer told The Irrawaddy. Police said the victim had a two-inch long stab wound on the left side of his head, along with bruising on his forehead and lips. *Correction, Oct. 7, 2015: This article originally stated the deceased’s body was found inside a packing crate.  The post Murder Victim's Body Discovered in Travel Suitcase Near Mount Yankin appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

House of Schemes: Office No. 37 in Naypyidaw Posted: 06 Oct 2015 11:33 PM PDT Click to view slideshow. Government office building No. 37 is located on a quiet corner of Yaza Thingaha Road near the Ministry of Livestock & Fisheries in Burma's capital. Though the compound appeared empty when The Irrawaddy recently visited, a few well-equipped police officers manned the main gate, eager to prevent attempts to photograph. This is the office that a recent article in the local "Tomorrow News Journal" suggested was planned to be the headquarters of a proposed "Supreme Council," to be headed by former dictator Gen Than Shwe and his deputy Maung Aye. The plan, however, was reportedly aborted after Maung Aye refused to join. On Google Maps, the location of the office appears to fall under the Ministry of Industry (1). When calling the office telephone number however, the receiver offered only vague responses. A military source affirmed the theory that Office No. 37 was intended to house a council to be chaired by Than Shwe. The compound, which hosts a meeting room and a large car park, is now empty, the source said. Future plans for the building remain unknown. When I mentioned the office to several current senior government ministers, they seemed to register the name. Yes, one minister said, there was a plan to form a supreme council, but it didn't eventuate. Perhaps in its place, since 2011, Burma's top body has been the National Defense and Security Council—an 11-member council comprised of the president; the commander-in-chief and his deputy; the two parliamentary speakers and vice-presidents; and four ministers that has a lead role in a State of Emergency. Adding to the intrigue, not far from Office 37 stands Than Shwe's lavish residence, near Water Fountain Park. Sources said the office was supposed to be the administrative locale from which the ex-dictator would oversee the country's political transition. A former military officer serving in the bureaucracy told me recently there was nothing wrong with the idea of a patron guiding a country through a period of political change. "Like in China or North Korea or Singapore, the country [Burma] needs guidance," he told me through a sea of cigarette smoke. His reference to North Korea was curious. The Korean Workers' Party maintains a secretive complex called Office 39 in Pyongyang that the US Treasury Department has described as "a secretive branch of the government of North Korea… engaging in illicit economic activities and managing slush funds and generating revenues for the leadership." Did Burma's military leadership take inspiration from the North Korean regime, with whom it strengthened ties during the 1990s when both countries were internationally ostracized? Enduring Intrigue Senior government and military figures insist ex-junta leader Than Shwe no longer exercises influence. However, many leading officials still meet with him to pay their respects on various anniversaries or special occasions. Regular visitors to Than Shwe's residence include heavy-hitters President Thein Sein; army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing; parliamentary speakers Khin Aung Myint and Shwe Mann; and Htay Oo who is currently joint chairman of the ruling party after the ouster of Shwe Mann. The late Aung Thaung, widely known as a political hardliner who was believed to be among the wealthiest men in the country before he died in July, was also a Than Shwe acolyte. Why? Aside from access to power, Than Shwe provided the political and financial stability that patrons such as Aung Thaung could count on. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing spoke of his respect for the former junta supremo during a recent interview with Radio Free Asia, emphasizing that he did not continue to wield any influence over the current government. "He's living peacefully by himself in retirement. I sometimes go to see him to pay my respects on religious occasions, but I do this because he's the father of the Tatmadaw," Min Aung Hlaing said. "He gives advice on the betterment of the Tatmadaw, but he won't say, 'Do this' or 'do that.' He often stresses the need for us to maintain unity and to work for the country. We don't discuss the current political process." Debate over Than Shwe's lingering influence resurfaced when Union Parliament speaker Shwe Mann was removed as head of the Union Solidarity and Development Party in a dramatic late night purge in August. Other dictators such as Gen Ne Win continued to exercise influence following their ostensible departures from the political stage. Four years after Ne Win stood down amid the political turmoil of 1988, he still reportedly played a role in the dismissal of regime leader Gen. Saw Maung. But Than Shwe wasn't forced to step down. He carefully planned his retreat, even earning discreet praise from some Rangoon-based diplomats as a skilled political "chess player." 'Supreme' Exit Strategy So what happened to the idea of a "Supreme Council?" After a 2010 election widely viewed as rigged, in March 2011, Than Shwe officially handed power to the new quasi-civilian regime, dissolving the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Executive power was transferred to the loyal general Thein Sein who first served under Than Shwe as General Staff Officer in the War Office in the mid-1990s. Today, almost all of the country's key political players are former military men. According to his grand strategy, Than Shwe wanted to leave politics "alive"—avoiding a scenario that befell several former regime figures, from Gen Ne Win to former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt, who spent time in jail or under house arrest. A senior member of the previous regime recalled that during a meeting Than Shwe once remarked that he worried for his children's future after his tenure. He did not elaborate and those present were left to silently decode the comment. But the dictator's wish to create a council through which power could be exercised behind the scenes was reportedly met with firm resistance. According to the "Tomorrow News Journal," five senior members of the SPDC, including Than Shwe and Maung Aye, were to be on the council which was ultimately shot down by the latter regime second-in-command. Maung Aye's Low-Key Withdrawal Interestingly, the article effectively portrays Maung Aye as a hero and a professional soldier. After the military reigns were officially handed to Min Aung Hlaing and deputy Soe Win, Maung Aye diligently packed his bags, the journal wrote. A graduate from the first intake of the Defense Services Academy in 1959, the battle hardened general was known for his heavy drinking and, of course, a penchant for golf. But he was not seen as politically savvy, despite heading Burma's Trade Policy Council, and was more attuned to matters of defense and security. When a nationwide pro-democracy uprising was brutally crushed in 1988, Maung Aye was serving as Eastern Region regional commander, based in Shan State. In 1992, he was summoned to Rangoon to become army chief and the junta's number two. This was interpreted as a shrewd move to calm rising tension among field commanders at the prospect of ambitious intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt rising to the top post. It is safe to say Maung Aye's appointment ushered in a temporary truce between competing top leaders. Maung Aye saw himself as a soldier, not a politician. He was, thus, an unthreatening choice as Than Shwe's deputy. According to the journal, at his farewell gathering in Naypyidaw, Maung Aye told senior staff that he "wouldn't make the same mistake" as others by clinging to power. This was interpreted as a parting shot at the proposed supreme council. "We should all leave politics once and for all," he was reported to have said to his staff officers. The journal states that upon learning of Maung Aye's opposition, Than Shwe aborted plans for the council as he didn't want to be seen as a typically "power hungry general." After leaving the capital, Maung Aye traveled to his native Kantbalu in Sagaing Division, where he ordained as a monk. He spent several weeks in the monkhood before holidaying in some of his favorite places such as Putao in Kachin State and Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Division. Maung Aye didn't return to Naypyidaw where a plush residence was built for his family next to Than Shwe's own compound. In July 2012, he suffered a serious stoke and flew to Singapore for medical treatment. He has been in a wheelchair since. A 'Pleasant' Retirement In contrast to Maung Aye, Than Shwe seems to enjoy the leafy surrounds of his residence in Naypyidaw. The ex-general and his family reportedly often visit Mt. Pleasant Hotel on the outskirts of Naypyidaw where he can take in the hilltop view of the capital he ordered built from scratch over a decade ago. Several armed guards are known to accompany him and his family on this regular sojourn and when the ex-general is in the hotel's observation tower, no one is allowed to enter the building. From this vantage point, which has also been visited by foreign dignitaries and ministers in the past, Than Shwe likes to take his lunch. Hotel staff and several officers said he can often be seen using a pair of heavy duty binoculars to look out over the country's administrative center. With possible plans for a more hands-on role as political overseer behind him, the former regime leader is perhaps reconciled to a retirement spent simply watching on. The post House of Schemes: Office No. 37 in Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Christian Pastor Survives Knife Attack at Home in Bangladesh Posted: 06 Oct 2015 10:30 PM PDT Muslim devotees at the Bishwa Ijtema gathering in Dhaka, Jan. 11. (Photo: Reuters) DHAKA — A Bangladeshi pastor survived an attempt on his life by three men who came to his home pretending to want to learn about Christianity, police and the victim said Tuesday. The attempt follows two killings of foreigners last week in the predominantly Muslim country grappling with violence claimed by hardline Islamic groups. The Islamic State group claimed it had carried out last week’s attacks on a Japanese agricultural worker and an Italian aid worker. The IS claim has been rejected by Bangladesh’s government, which accused the opposition of trying to destabilize the country. On Monday, the Rev. Luke Sarker, 52, suffered minor injuries when three men attacked him with a knife at his home in the northwestern district of Pabna, police official Siddikur Rahman said. Sarker, the pastor of Faith Bible Church, said the men had phoned him about two weeks ago saying they wanted to visit him to learn about Christianity. After they arrived at his home on Monday, the men suddenly attacked him with a knife and tried to slit his throat, Sarker said by telephone. But as he shouted, his wife came to his rescue and the men fled. Police later recovered a motorbike from outside his home. On Tuesday, police arrested a member of the Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami political party, related to the attack on the pastor. Obaidul Islam was detained in a raid at his home at Ishwardi in Pabna, local police official Biman Kumar said. “We are questioning him,” Kumar said. Meanwhile, police said they have arrested two suspects in Saturday’s attack on Japanese agricultural worker Kunio Hoshi in northern Bangladesh. Local businessman Humayun Kabir Hira and opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party activist Rashedunnabi Khan Biplob were produced before a magistrate and arrested, said local police Chief Rezaul Karim. Biplob, Hira and three others were detained soon after the killing but were not initially named as suspects. The others are still being questioned but so far are not considered suspects, Karim said. Hira owned a fishery near the farm where Hoshi was producing high-yielding grass as cattle feed and had helped the Japanese man lease the land he was farming, Karim said. The Islamic State group issued a statement claiming responsibility for that attack, according to the SITE Intelligence Group, which monitors jihadi postings online. The report could not be independently confirmed. The Islamic State also claimed responsibility for the Sept. 28 killing of Italian aid worker Cesare Tavella in Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital. Foreign Minister A.H. Mahmood Ali brushed aside the Islamic State allegations while briefing foreign diplomats Tuesday. “We don’t have any proof (about IS claim). We don’t have any credible information. The US is also working to verify the claim,” the United News of Bangladesh agency quoted the minister as saying. Robert Gibson, British high commissioner to Dhaka, said that they discussed the overall situation. He said the government assured them of a fair investigation. “We’re assured by the government that no stone will be left unturned,” the agency quoted Gibson as saying. The government has blamed the country’s main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party and its key ally, Jamaat-e-Islami, for the attacks, accusing the groups of trying to destabilize the country. The BNP denied the allegations. Bangladesh has been struggling in recent months with a rise in violence claimed by hardline Islamic groups, banning several that have been blamed for killing four secular bloggers this year. The post Christian Pastor Survives Knife Attack at Home in Bangladesh appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Australian Court Tests Legality of Offshore Detention for Asylum Seekers Posted: 06 Oct 2015 10:20 PM PDT Demonstrators hold a banner during a rally in support of asylum seekers in central Sydney. (Photo: Daniel Munoz / Reuters) SYDNEY — Australia’s highest court will begin considering on Wednesday whether the policy of sending asylum seekers to the tiny South Pacific nation of Nauru for long-term detention is in breach of the constitution, a major challenge to the controversial policy. The hearings at the High Court, which are scheduled to last two days, will test for the first time whether Australia has the legal right to participate in the offshore detention of asylum seekers—the backbone of its immigration policy for five years. Asylum seekers have long been a contentious political issue in Australia, although it has never received anywhere near the number of refugees currently flooding into Europe as they flee conflict in the Middle East and North Africa. Successive Australian governments have vowed to stop asylum seekers reaching the mainland, turning boats back to Indonesia when it can and sending those it cannot for detention in camps on Manus island in impoverished Papua New Guinea and on Nauru. Harsh conditions at the camps, including reports of systemic child abuse, have been strongly criticised by the United Nations and human rights groups. The case has been brought on behalf of a pregnant Bangladeshi asylum seeker, who was brought to Australia from Nauru because of serious health complications and is now being forcibly returned with her infant child. “This woman has a 10-month-old baby and she wants to rebuild her life somewhere safe and somewhere where she can move on with certainty. It is abundantly clear that can’t happen on Nauru,” Daniel Webb, Director of Legal Advocacy at the Human Rights Law Centre, told reporters. Nauru unexpectedly said on Monday that all 600 asylum seekers held there would be allowed to move freely around the island and that all their asylum applications would be processed this week. New Australia Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull said last month he was concerned about conditions in the camps but gave no indication of a major policy change. Immigration Minister Peter Dutton said Nauru’s decisions were unconnected to the High Court challenge. Australia has defended its detention policy as necessary to stop deaths at sea. No one processed at the Nauru or Papua New Guinea camps is eligible to be settled in Australia, even if they are found to be genuine refugees. The camps have also been criticized because it has become almost impossible for outside observers to gain access. An independent UN investigator postponed an official visit to Australia last month, citing a lack of government cooperation and “unacceptable” legal restrictions. Some investors in the company that runs the camps, Transfield Services Ltd, have said they will push for greater transparency and oversight. The post Australian Court Tests Legality of Offshore Detention for Asylum Seekers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Japan’s Abe Set to Keep Allies in Key Posts as Attention Returns to Economy Posted: 06 Oct 2015 10:09 PM PDT Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe speaks during a news conference at his official residence in Tokyo, Oct. 6, 2015. (Photo: Yuya Shino / Reuters) TOKYO — Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is set to retain close allies in key posts in a cabinet reshuffle on Wednesday, playing it safe as he refocuses on the economy after enacting divisive security legislation that dented his popularity. Half of the current 18 cabinet members will retain their portfolios, including Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, Finance Minister Taro Aso and Economics Minister Akira Amari, according to media reports. Defense Minister Gen Nakatani and Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida will also stay. Maverick lawmaker Taro Kono, a frequent government critic, is expected to be appointed minister for administrative reform, a position similar to that he recently held in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Abe tapped veteran lawmaker Motoo Hayashi, 68, for the trade and industry portfolio, replacing Yoichi Miyazawa after just over one year. Hiroshi Hase, a former professional wrestler, will replace Hakubun Shimomura as education minister, media reported. Shimomura had said he would stand down over missteps that forced the scrapping of plans for a new national stadium as the centerpiece of the Tokyo 2020 Olympics. Abe's attempt to boost his ratings with a broad cabinet makeover, including five women, backfired in September 2014 when two ministers quickly resigned over scandals. This time he was expected to opt for stability as he refocuses on the economy after the unpopular security legislation passed. Abe will also promote Katsunobu Kato, a deputy chief cabinet secretary, to a new post in charge of his latest goal to build a "Society in Which All 100 Million People Can be Active". The slogan, Abe aides say, is meant to show that all Japanese will be included in economic growth. However, some have said it echoes wartime propaganda. Kato will also take over the job of promoting a more active role by women in society, one of Abe's pet policies. The number of women in the cabinet, however, dropped to three from five. He will coordinate policies to raise the low fertility rate and reform Japan's creaking social security system. Koichi Hagiuda, an LDP aide to Abe, will replace Kato, media said. Hagiuda, 48, has sometimes caused headaches for Abe's government with outspoken comments on Japan's wartime past, a topic that often frays ties with China. Abe has been trying to demonstrate renewed commitment to fixing the stale economy. He recently unveiled three new policy "arrows" that aides say subsume an original trio of hyper-easy monetary policy, public spending and reform. The new targets are to expand the economy by one-fifth to 600 trillion yen (US$5 trillion), boost the fertility rate and reform the overburdened social welfare system. The post Japan's Abe Set to Keep Allies in Key Posts as Attention Returns to Economy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• '2015 is like the pre-exams … in 2020 it will be very different’: Ko Nay Phone Latt
• Refugees watch election with interest, trepidation
• Heavy rain warning issued
• Big tourism increase forecast for Bagan
• WB funds to light up villages
• WWF reveals ‘treasure trove’ of Himalayan species
• Relocated villages face water shortages
• Shwe Pyi Thar workers launch hunger strike
• Up to 1 million still missing from Yangon voter list
• KIO: ‘We can’t sign if the govt does not accept all groups’

'2015 is like the pre-exams … in 2020 it will be very different’: Ko Nay Phone Latt Posted: 06 Oct 2015 11:33 PM PDT Ko Nay Phone Latt knows quite a bit about what happens when politics and technology collide. He's a third-generation National League for Democracy member – now running on the party's ticket to take a seat in the Yangon Region Hluttaw. He speaks to Catherine Trautwein about Myanmar's changes and how social media will impact the November 8 election.

Refugees watch election with interest, trepidation Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Outside of Nai Soi village in northern Thailand, more than 14,000 refugees from Kayah State debate elections going on just across the border. While there will be no voting for those in Thailand's largest refugee camp – most lack ID cards – that doesn't mean they don't have opinions about the coming polls.

Heavy rain warning issued Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Monsoon season won't be exiting quite yet, as a low-pressure area continues to hover over the Bay of Bengal. The rain will continue this week, with downpours expected along the coastal and upper reaches of Myanmar, according to the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology.

Big tourism increase forecast for Bagan Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Despite the doubling of the entry fee to the Bagan tourist zone over the past two years, and discouraging news of floods and explosions, officials expect visitor numbers to continue to grow "dramatically" in the near future.

WB funds to light up villages Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Power is coming to the people – the village people, that is.

WWF reveals ‘treasure trove’ of Himalayan species Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Scientists rarely discover mammals anymore – especially not ones as eccentric as noseless monkeys that sneeze every time it rains. But the critically endangered snub-nosed monkeys of Kachin State, discovered in 2010, were one of 211 new species found between 2009 and 2014 in the widely diverse slice of land hugging the eastern Himalayas, according to the World Wildlife Foundation.

Relocated villages face water shortages Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT More than 8000 people relocated for a hydropower project near Nay Pyi Taw say they are facing severe water shortages.

Shwe Pyi Thar workers launch hunger strike Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Angered that the establishment of a national minimum wage has led to effective pay cuts of about 30 percent, workers from the Han Jen garment factory in Yangon's Shwe Pyi Thar township have mounted a hunger strike.

Up to 1 million still missing from Yangon voter list Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT Yangon's electoral rolls are still short 1 million domestic migrants, according to the regional election commission's count. Those hoping to jump on the election bandwagon are only being given a very narrow window to amend their absence on the list, however, with officials advising applications to correct the errors be sent in by October 10.

KIO: ‘We can’t sign if the govt does not accept all groups’ Posted: 06 Oct 2015 02:30 PM PDT The Kachin Independence Organisation is one of the largest groups refusing to join a nationwide ceasefire agreement which the government intends to sign with a minority of armed ethnic factions on October 15. KIO deputy chief of staff Major General Gun Maw spoke to senior reporter Ye Mon of The Myanmar Times at a summit of armed ethnic organisationsin Chiang Mai, held from September 28 to 30, when divisions among them dealt a blow to hopes that a genuine "nationwide" ceasefire would be reached.

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Partial treaty signing cast a long shadow on political arena Posted: 07 Oct 2015 06:21 AM PDT Reportedly, the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) is going to take place in Naypyitaw, on 15 October. As the government's long planned, "open book" signing of the NCA becomes a reality, together with its 7 or 8 ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the political battle line is again redrawn, from the all-inclusiveness ceasefire signing to partial-ceasefire arrangement, that is supposed to be sold by the regime as being a nationwide one, to the public and as well, to the international community. Regarding this controversy, the UNFC and it's leadership came up with a series of rebuttal and spelled out on how flawed the regime's insistence of partial-ceasefire, to be taken as all-encompassing, covering the whole ethnic conflict spectrum. UNFC Statement The 7 point United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) Statement of 3 October, argued that the 70 odd years of civil war is due to the fact that political grievances of the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities have been  adequately addressed, to be resolved through political means. It went on to explain that the UNFC had met twice with the Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC), the regime's peace negotiation organ, informally twice in 2013 and the UNFC headed, Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) have had a 17 month-long peace negotiation, including the last four months deliberation of the ethnic armed organizations-senior delegation (EAOs-SD) to break the ice, but was derailed, due to the government's rejection of the all-inclusiveness participation of all EAOs, in the NCA. To pinpoint its concern of the validity regarding the government's undertaking, the paragraph 5 writes: "As the NCA is going to be signed by only some organizations, it cannot be a decisive and  complete one, because  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  NCA,  only  if  all  the stakeholders  participate  in  the  various  levels  of  political  dialogue, including  the formulation of political framework, the Code of Conduct for troops of the two sides, rules  governing  the  ceasefire  etc., the  UNFC  believes  sincerely  that  a  genuine  and meaningful  political  dialogue  can  be  attained  and  lasting  and  durable  peace  can  be established." The statement accused the regime's offensives of the government on the EAOs, during the entire negotiation process, as a big stumbling block to the peace process and called on the people and international community to support its efforts as follows: "Due  to  the  situations  mentioned  above,  the  people  and  the  international  community are  urged  to  support  and  make  effort  concertedly  for  the  emergence  of  genuine political dialogue and peace in the country. For the achievement of genuine peace and political  dialogue,  from  the  step  of  inclusive  signing  of  the  NCA,  the  UNFC  on  its part, will strive on, after finding pragmatic means and ways." Nai Han Tha Nai Han Tha, Vice-Chairman of the UNFC, when asked by the DVB, on 4 October, regarding the intention of the UNFC Statement replied: "We have formed NCCT, SD and negotiated with the government. But it (the regime) don't want to accept our all-inclusiveness (proposal) and opted to go ahead according to its pattern (of signing) with groups it could muster. On the other hand, it couldn't be taken as nationwide ceasefire and it is not appropriate. If ceasefire will be done only with some groups, battles will continue to occur in some places and (I) don't see it as a way to achieve peace, leading to ceasefire. And if political dialogue is to be held, without all-inclusiveness, we foresee that our struggle for genuine peace and long-lasting, stable, peacefulness couldn't be established." He further elaborated by mentioning the people and international empowerment of the nationwide ceasefire, he meant that the people and international community should help strengthen the real ceasefire that encompass nationwide, leading to all-inclusive political discussion. He said that this half-baked pattern of undertaking would not be able to speedily materialize a long-lasting, stable peace and development that the people have longed for; and thus, the people should strive for all-inclusive ceasefire and political discussion. The international community has been urged that it also should, through this appropriate approach, weigh in with various help to achieve the said result. Major General Gun Maw In an interview with the The Irrawaddy on 3 October, Major General Gun Maw, Vice Chief of Staff of Kachin Independence Army (KIA), when asked, regarding the issue on how to term the regime's version of NCA, when it is just partial-ceasefire arrangement, replied: " I've talked about this two or three times at the summit meeting. If only a faction of the group is signing, it is not going to be complete and comprehensive. It will be just signing an NCA draft. Only if all signed, it could be called NCA." Concerning the future cooperation and coordination of the NCCT members, which now are divided in a "signing" and "non-signing" groups, Gun Maw, according to  DVB report on 3 October, said: "We need to discuss about some ideological points. For example, drawing the framework within 60 days and starting political dialogue after 90 days would be meaningful only after the comprehensive signing of NCA. But if some would sign and the others won't do, (we) would need to decide among us, whether this NCA is a comprehensive NCA or not. It will depend on this." The same report clarified the NCCT position by Gun Maw as: "Since the NCCT is formed by the (EAOs) conference with principles and policy, we need to discuss this separately, for the "signing" group members are still involved in the NCCT. But if NCCT would continue to exist, we would have to ask if the Law Khee Lar and Laiza conference resolutions would be adhered to or not. That's why when the signing group members are ready, we need to find answer to this issue." The latest DVB interview with Gun Maw of today (7 October) pinpoint and clarify the Kachin and EAOs' position on some of the main unclear issues as below: ·         The government has said very often that it agreed on principle to include these groups (MNDAA, TNLA, AA) in the NCA; and to find a way to make it happen. But to this day, we have not seen them make any effort towards that. ·         The KIO, based on our past experience, suggested that even if we cannot sign the NCA, we are ready to join the political dialogue if it will be genuine. Now, however, the government has said that the groups that refuse to sign the NCA can only join the dialogue as observers. So it is as if the government are blocking us when we try to come up with solutions. At the same time, the government are saying they will allow the groups such as the LDU [Lahu Democratic Union] and [WNO] Wa National Organization to join the dialogue even though they will not be signing the NCA. ·         The ethnic armed groups have often stressed the unlawful association issue. Not because we want to be off the list for our own sake, but because we must prevent harm to the civilians that make contact with us or work with us in the peace process. No group regards themselves as an unlawful association ·         The government often stressed the issue of time. We responded that it is their responsibility to keep with the schedule. We understand that we are still going to have to continue efforts to resolve the country's issues, perhaps with a new government after the elections. We don't see the time factor as a valid excuse to rush the NCA signing. Whether the next government will continue the process or not isn't a question because it will have to. We assume that there are a lot of party interests behind the agenda to rush the NCA signing ahead of the elections. ·          It is unlikely that the KIO would attend (political dialogue phase)as an observer. Padho Naw Zipporah Sein Vice-Chairperson of the Karen National Union (KNU), Padoh Naw Zipporah Sein told VOA, on 5 October, that the regime should include Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang national Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA), so that the process will become all-inclusive. She went on to stress that ongoing armed conflicts in Kachin and Shan States are  stumbling blocks to the ceasefire process and that drawing up military code of conduct (CoC) and all would be only meaningful, if the peace process is all-inclusive. CNF Statement The 2 October, 8 point CNF Statement said that even though all the EAOs cannot participate in the NCA signing, it will continue to strive for all-inclusiveness from within; and that it will try to secure the Union Accord and amendment of the 2008 Constitution through political dialogue, which had failed to amend the constitution during the parliamentary session, a few months ago. RCSS/SSA debacle According to SHAN report of 5 October, although the 7 EAOs have agreed to sign the NCA with the government, on 15 October, at Naypyitaw, the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) is still not sure to participate. "When we come to the meeting (in Rangoon), the central committee meeting hasn't decided anything yet. That's why (we) can't be sure to sign on the government's fixed date or made decision to sign it," said RCSS/SSA adviser, Khuensai Jaiyane. During the month of September, series of battles were fought between the RCSS and the Burma Army, as it made an ultimatum that the RCSS should move back to the east of Salween river to Mong Hta area. The Burma Army offensive, using helicopter gunships, has angered the RCSS and forced to rethink its position, which normally has been keen to ink the NCA against all odds. Besides, insider sources said that some 30 point agreement made between the military and the RCSS for three years in Kengtung, has never been fulfilled, except for a few points. And it wanted to discussed about it, before making the decision to sign the NCA. Meanwhile, SHAN report of 6 October said that the Tatmadaw has launched offensives on SSPP/SSA positions around its Wan Hai headquarters, employing hundreds of troopers, making a mockery of U Aung Min's recent assurance that the government won't attack the groups that are not yet signing the NCA, but will honour the bilateral ceasefire agreement already signed. This renewed armed engagement with its northern brethren could also add more doubtfulness to sign the treaty for the RCSS, which is on the verge of deciding whether to say yes or no. However. the latest RCSS insider report today (7 October) confirmed that it will participate in the government initiated signing of NCA. Khun Okker Surprisingly, Joint-Secretary(1) of the UNFC, Khun Okker, who is also the patron of the Pa-O national Liberation Organization (PNLO) that is going to sign the NCA, has quite a different point of view, concerning the UNFC Statement. He outlined a couple of reasons for signing the NCA of 7 EAOs, in an interview with the Media Initiatives for Democracy News on 5 October. ·         First, the treaty should be signed with the government that has initiated the ceasefire proposal. ·         Second, it is the best situation to sign for the government and military relationship is at best – for the regime also stems from the military – and would strengthen the agreement. ·         Third, the next in-coming government after the election is unknown and also not sure, whether it will carry on with the peace process. ·         Finally, the benefit of being exempted from Unlawful Association Act, Section 17/1 and 17/2, would give the EAOs the opportunity to interact with their people and political parties, during the election period and beyond. He added, that the big EAOs like Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA) and New Mon State Party (NMSP) are just waiting to see how the NCA will pan out in reality – i.e., if the President and Commander-in-Chief will be involved in the signing -  and that has been the real reason why they have been refraining from signing it immediately. In the same interview, when asked why battles have been raging in Kachin and northern Shan States with those groups like TNLA and KIA, he replied: "There are four big groups, SSPP/SSA, KNPP, KIA and NMSP that have not consented to sign (the NCA). At this moment battles are occurring in Kachin and northern Shan States. This is called stratagem. By doing that, some groups (might consider) if the NCA is signed the battles could be stopped. But if (they) refused to sign because of the battles, (they) could be left out and could be dangerous for them. It is not known whether the Tatmadaw (Burma Army) would like them to be all involved (in the NCA) or not. Groups that are entitled but left out could be the Tatmadaw's liking. This is dangerous and I see this as Tatmadaw's trap, for by creating troubles (some groups) might not dare to sign. If the NCA is signed, Tatmadaw cannot do anything. If the Commander-in-Chief signed it, armed attacks could not be done. (The military) has created a situation before the signing and those left out groups could be to its liking. (The military) could take military actions by blaming them either with extortion (of the population) or new recruitment (for the EAOs). Whether the left out groups are more secure by signing or not signing is doubtful. I see that we have written the NCA and if after signing, if it is violated, we could make use of the treaty and demand (justice). But without signing, (we) can't ask for ceasefire." Further questioning on if the Tatmadaw has laid out traps and attacking the EAOs, Khun Okker replied: "It could be, it is pressuring (them) to sign by military attacks and also, out of desperation, (creating a situation) that groups be left out (of signing the NCA), or to mentally (psychologically) disturbed the ethnic leadership." Karen Civil Society Organizations Mizzima report of 5 October reported that 41, domestic and international, Karen civil society organizations made a collective, joint statement that they have no confidence and doubtful of the 7 EAOs' NCA signing, which includes three Karen armed organizations. The statement was released on the 4 October. Mahn Orlando, spokesman for all international Karen organizations and Vice-Chairman of the Australian-based Karen organization told Mizzima that the recent undertaking cannot be called nationwide ceasefire, as only 7 EAOs are involved in the process. He said. "The EAOs have decided in unison (for all-inclusiveness). But now only 7 will sign. Concerning the groups that are not yet ready to sign, U Aung Min self had said that as a first step, the ones that are ready could sign and those that are not ready could follow suit and participate in the political dialogue phase. But now, it is said that groups that are not ready to sign will be only allowed to attend as observers, in political discussion. This kind of mixed statements are unbelievable and make (people) doubtful." Furthermore, there has been no reduction of armed conflict in Kachin and northern Shan States, but seen only escalation, which questions the government's good-will and sincerity on peace process and ceasefire. "We see the Burmese government is continuing to make use of its traditional system of holding fire in one hand and water in another (carrots and sticks)," stressed Mahn Orlando. The 41 Karen Civil Society Organizations recommendation are as follows: For the peace process to succeed in bringing actual peace it should not be rushed or forced. We earnestly recommend that: 1.       It is time for the leaders of the EAOs and the government to find a realistic and acceptable alternative that will bring all conflicting parties into agreement. 2.       Alternatives always exist if firstly there is enough democratic space for all concerned stakeholders to be involved, secondly, there is real commitment to respecting the needs and will of the people, and finally, there is a sincere will to address the root causes of the conflict to bring about lasting peace. 3.       The small group of KNU leaders and the EAOs leaders, who decided to sign, should seriously consider the unifying call for the inclusiveness of all ethnic armed groups. Perspective and recommendations In sum, the latest development on NCA deliberation has taken a nasty turn, for the government has to do a lot of explanation on why it's recent undertaking deviates from the original version and aim of nationwide and become just partial-ceasefire signing ceremony. Some even go so far as to compare the recent government initiated NCA signing as a "still-born" baby. The likely answers would be the accusation of the regime on the EAOs, who refused to sign and blamed them as unreasonable, denying to give due credit to the government. But at the same time, the regime is striking another reconciliation posture that it has the intention to make it all-inclusive in the course of time, by saying that this is just an initial first step of signing with the 7 or 8 EAOs, which will eventually absorb the rest of EAOs that have so far refused to yield to the regime's initiated signing of NCA. However, the 10 EAOs that have refused to go along said that it would stick to their all- inclusiveness signing and won't budge from their position, reiterating that only real nationwide participation in the NCA inclusively could formulate the framework for political dialogue (FPD), military code of conduct (CoC) and ceasefire joint monitoring committee (JMC), but not with only the 7 or 8 EAOs that have partial-ceasefire agreement with the regime. As a result, the diplomatic opinion-making war might have been already started with the UNFC openly soliciting the public and international community to help them achieve a real nationwide ceasefire, rather than the government initiated partial one that would reach nowhere. At the same time, the regime is busy enlisting the UN, EU, China, India, Thailand and various international observers to attend the ceasefire signing ceremony, scheduled to take place in Naypyitaw, on 15 October. Given the lessons learned, when the government prematurely hailed the NCA draft outcome of 31 March this year as a final breakthrough, posturing as if the nationwide ceasefire agreement was already sealed, the UN and EU happily jumped to endorse and congratulate the regime, which later have put them in an awkward position, as it turned out to be just the government's manipulation of the situation. It is hoped that this time around, the world body and concerned international community will be more careful with the government's version of NCA, for actually it is just a partial one in every sense of the word.  Besides, as recommended by the EU, in its Meeting Report, of 23 May 2014, Yangon, titled "Looking forward in Myanmar's peace process: How can the EU and civil society provide constructive support?", the international community should participate as a "witness" or "monitor" the peace process, with lessons learned from other countries like the Philippines and makes international participation in peace monitoring  more effective. The EU and the international community should use its funding to support a "level playing field" for all stakeholders involved in Myanmar's peace process. And most importantly, the EU and the international community should consider providing penalties in addition to incentives. The EU has provided many financial incentives but there are not enough penalties for failures to meet commitments. Finally, people are at loss, as to why the regime and the military have not follow the repeated, well-meaning suggestions from well-intended quarters, to declare unilateral ceasefire, withdraw their front line units to their respective mother units, lift the Unlawful Association Acts on all EAOs, freeing all political prisoners, who  have been imprisoned because of the Unlawful Association Act, to level the political playing field, once and for all. Most are convinced, that if the above mentioned suggestions are implemented today, all the EAOs would flock to Naypyitaw to sign the NCA, without even having to woo them, one little bit. Actually, the choice to make it or break it is with the Union Solidarity and Development Party-Military regime.

Flood disaster in eastern Shan State was man-made Posted: 07 Oct 2015 06:11 AM PDT The devastating impacts of August's floods in eastern Shan State, which destroyed homes and farms in four villages and killed five people, were the direct result of unregulated logging and rubber monocropping in this remote mountainous area along the Mekong River. The floodwaters originated in the Loi Phalang mountain range, running east from Tarlay, in Tachileik Township, to the Mekong River. These mountains have been heavily logged since the mid-1990s, with timber exported along the Mekong to China and Thailand. Most of the valuable timber, such as rosewood, has long been stripped off lower slopes, but logs of various species remain piled up on remote hilltops, waiting to be sawn into blocks for export. On the lower hillsides, biodiverse forests have been replaced by monocrop rubber plantations. Rubber trees carpet the hills all along the 37-mile road from Tarlay to the new Laos-Myanmar Friendship Bridge at Keng Larb.    These elements laid the foundation for August's flood disaster. On the evening of August 3, heavy rainfall washed heaps of felled timber down from mountaintop logging sites. These logs were pushed along five main streams, where they formed giant log jams.  As rainfall continued, water pressure built up behind the logs, compounded by fast runoff from the rubber plantations, long stripped of absorbent undergrowth and topsoil.  Finally, in the early hours of August 4, the log jams burst apart, sending a deadly torrent of timber, rocks and mud down into the valley below.  The Shan village of Wan Kai, directly in the path of the Nam Kai stream, was the worst hit. Residents were awoken by a thunderous crashing, and rushed frantically from their homes to flee the torrent. Four people, including the one-and-a-half year old child of a local schoolteacher, were swept away and perished. Twenty-three houses were completely demolished. All of the paddy fields of the Lahu village of Nam Wan were destroyed by the deluge of logs and rocks. A young farmer, who had slept in his fields, disappeared that night. His body has not yet been found. Although Burmese government soldiers from Mong Phyak came to clear mud and rubble from the roads soon after the disaster, there has been no attempt yet to clear the devastated fields. The main local livelihood is rice farming, but villagers now fear, if their fields cannot be restored, they have lost not only this year's harvest but also future harvests. While local villages are suffering the terrible costs of this disaster, those who authorized and profited from the logging and rubber concessions that caused the tragedy remain unscathed. This flood disaster must serve as a wake-up call for Burma's policymakers. Current development policies are reckless and unsustainable, serving the interests of only a few outside investors, while destroying the environment, lives and future of local people.   President Thein Sein, formerly the Triangle Regional Commander, who prides himself on his close links to eastern Shan State residents, should take a long, hard look at the legacy of his presidential term in this area. The deluge of mud speaks volumes.   By JAPHET JAKUI / Director, Lahu National Development Organisation (LNDO)

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