The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Detained Journalists ‘Didn’t Break the Law’
- Karen Influence Policy in Favor of Forest Preservation
- Lawmakers Denounce Large Defense Budget
- Upper House Approves Debate on Rakhine Militants
- Court Date Postponed for Defendants in Anti-Government Protest Case
- Police Arrest 9 Suspects in Connection with Elephant Poaching
- Thai Prime Minister Aims for October Trump Meet
- Fitting a Round Peg into a Square Hole
- China’s Charm Offensive Regains its Foothold in Myanmar
- Analysis: The Peace Process and an Unattainable Plan
- Maung Di Sculpts Modernism in Myanmar
| Detained Journalists ‘Didn’t Break the Law’ Posted: 09 Aug 2017 07:51 AM PDT YANGON — A Myanmar National Human Right Commission (MNHRC) member who met with three detained journalists from The Irrawaddy and the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) in northern Shan State's Hsipaw Prison said they had not broken the law, according to their accounts. Commissioner U Yu Lwin Aung said he met with Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, of The Irrawaddy, and U Aye Nai and U Pyae Phone Aung of DVB at the prison on Wednesday. He said he spent nearly six hours there, interviewing the journalists separately about their case. An MNHRC team has been on tour in northern Shan State for the purpose of exploring prison reform, and the meeting with the detained journalists was part of their agenda, according to U Yu Lwin Aung. He told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that he was informed the three journalists went to Namhsan by showing their journalist ID cards and passing through the security gates toward the area. While in Namhsan, they made contact with the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and covered a drug-burning event hosted by the ethnic armed group. "They said Namhsan is not a prohibited town by any law. There were administration members, teachers, doctors, and locals from the area attending the anti-drug ceremony by the TNLA," said U Yu Lwin Aung. On their way back from the event on June 26, the journalists were arrested and prosecuted by the Myanmar Army, accused of having violated the Unlawful Associations Act. The military suggested that they had connections with the TNLA, which has not yet signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement in the government's peace process. Their requests for bail were denied during their second trial session last week. The Commissioner said he would forward his findings as soon as possible for the consideration of other MNHRC members in the Yangon head office. The seven members of the MNHRC will decide which government ministry or office they will report to after a discussion is held about the commission's position on the case. The post Detained Journalists 'Didn't Break the Law' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Karen Influence Policy in Favor of Forest Preservation Posted: 09 Aug 2017 06:31 AM PDT YANGON — Ethnic Karen herbalist Naw Paw Lay is concerned about the link between environmental degradation and traditional health practices. "If our forest is destroyed, we will not have any more herbal medicine plants," she is featured as saying in a documentary about her community entitled "Indigenous Karens' Community Forest." She is among those who rely on the Kheshorter Forest, home to more than 200 species of medicinal plants, about which she has extensive knowledge, particularly regarding their healing properties. On Wednesday, in commemoration of the International Day of the World's Indigenous People, The Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) and the Karen National Union (KNU) launched the 26-minute documentary film exploring the community lifestyle, beliefs, and preservation practices of the Karen in the Kheshorter Forest. The area, totaling more than 14,600 acres, is located in western Papun District—known locally as Mutraw—and Nyaung Lay Pin District, or eastern Kler Lwee Htoo, in Karen State, referred to by the Karen as Kawthoolei. It has long been cherished by locals as an environmental, social and spiritual sanctuary. Kheshorter was featured in the forefront of the movement for the systematic restoration of forests under the collective governance, protection and management of 15 villages since 1999, prior to the official recognition of the Kheshorter forest as a Community Forest by the Karen National Union (KNU). "We have been conserving our land, animals and natural resources in the forest with the traditional ways from our ancestors," said Saw Oh Moo, a community elder from Kheshorter. This practice, he added, "is not new to us." The Kheshorter Forest is mostly mountainous, home to numerous rare and endangered species of fauna, including tigers and Hoolock Gibbons. Restoration of the forest started with research involving the observation and documentation of orchids and herbal medicinal plants, and mammals, birds, reptiles and amphibian species. These activities were carried out in collaboration with students and the community. In 1997, Myanmar became a member of CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora), which aimed to ensure that international trade in wild animals and plants would not threaten these species' survival. Through the research, it was discovered that Kheshorter hosts 120 species of orchids, 70 percent of which are included in a trading ban by CITES. Among 81 mammal species, two are listed by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) as critically endangered, as are 31 reptile species, 130 types of birds, 13 amphibians, and 200 kinds of plants. In the documentary about Kheshorter screened on Wednesday, community members expressed fear that large-scale development projects in the area would be carried out without their consent and could have a negative impact on the forest. "Cooperation and collaboration with the local community is crucial […] to strengthen local community participation and collaboration in forestry activities in the long term," said Padoh Mahn Ba Tun, the chairman of the KNU's Kawthoolei Forestry Department (KFD). He added that the KNU—a signatory to the nationwide ceasefire agreement—is already present at the peace discussion table and hoping to collaborate with the Myanmar Forest Department for long-term conservation efforts. In November 2016, the Karen National Union (KNU) and the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) Myanmar signed an agreement to preserve nature and wildlife in the KNU-controlled area. Under the agreement, WWF representatives and researchers agreed to provide technical and financial support to the KNU's Forestry Department. Community elder Saw Oh Moo said, "our actions for the forest and wildlife conservation and protection also have positive impacts on the world, which is affected by climate change and global warming." According to the Myanmar National Forest Master Plan (NFMP 2001), the government set a target that 2.27 million acres in the country be handed over to local forest user groups, like those serving as caretakers of Kheshorter, by 2030-31. The post Karen Influence Policy in Favor of Forest Preservation appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Lawmakers Denounce Large Defense Budget Posted: 09 Aug 2017 06:08 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — Defense budget spending under the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government remains high and still lacks transparency, members of Parliament told The Irrawaddy. "Every year, the defense budget is the highest, we'd like to know why it has increased this year," said Lower House lawmaker Daw Phyu Phyu Thin of Mingalar Taungnyunt. "In countries undergoing democratic transition, [the government] usually increases health and education spending which are beneficial to the people." In the U Thein Sein government budget for the 2015-16 fiscal year, the education budget was 1.405 trillion kyats, the health budget 753 billion kyats, and the defense budget 2.750 trillion kyats. In the 2017-18 fiscal year budget drawn up by the NLD government, the education budget accounts for 8.4 percent of the total budget with 1.761 trillion kyats and the health budget accounts for five percent with 1.077 trillion kyats. While these two ministries account for over 13 percent together, the defense budget alone is set at 2.915 trillion kyats or nearly 14 percent of the total budget of 20.59 trillion kyats. Daw Phyu Phyu Thin questioned the transparency of the defense budget while discussing the Union Attorney-General Office's analysis report on the 2015-16 fiscal year Union budget at the Union Parliament on Tuesday. "I want the [defense ministry] to release [financial records] transparently. As they are using public funds, details should be released so that people can know if their money is being wasted or if there is corruption," she told The Irrawaddy. U Khin Cho, secretary of the Joint Public Accounts Committee, said the Union Attorney-General Office does not have the mandate to audit defense expenditures in details, but can only roughly check the capital and operating expenditures. "The Auditor-General Office is not authorized to audit the expenditures of the Tatmadaw in detail. Our [public account] committees can only check the report of the Auditor-General Office," he told The Irrawaddy. The NLD government did not cut the defense ministry's proposed budget in consideration of its national reconciliation policy and the Union-level committees which review budget proposals rubber stamped the overall proposed budget except for some duplicated projects, said Lower House lawmaker U Aung Hlaing Win. "We won't cut the defense budget according to our party's policy of national reconciliation and we can't investigate if that military equipment [proposed in the budget] has actually been bought or not," said U Aung Hlaing Win. "As the country is at war, the defense budget will be large. That amount seems to be a burden, but I think it is just enough for the Tatmadaw because it has around 500,000 soldiers. It is hard for them to reduce it. I don't think they are asking for more than is necessary," he added. At a defense ministry press conference discussing its activities over the past year, military leaders said the defense expenditure was exempted from auditing by civilian departments because of the confidentiality of state defense and military procurement. According to the Ministry of defense, the defense budget accounted for 14.62 of the total budget in 2011-12 when the U Thein Sein government took the office, 14.08 percent in 2012-13, 13.27 percent in 2013-14, 12.70 percent in 2014-15, 13.64 percent in 2015-16, 14.30 percent in 2016-17, and 13.95 percent in 2017-18. Maj-Gen Myint Nwe of the Tatmadaw told the Parliament on Jan. 31 that the defense ministry's estimated revenue was 73 billion kyats, and estimated expenditure was 2.9 trillion kyats in the 2017-18 fiscal year, of which operating expenditure was 1.7 trillion kyats and capital expenditure was 1.3 trillion kyats. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Lawmakers Denounce Large Defense Budget appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Upper House Approves Debate on Rakhine Militants Posted: 09 Aug 2017 06:01 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — Upper House lawmakers will consider a proposal urging the government to take action against suspected militants in northern Rakhine State under the 2014 Counter-Terrorism Law and help locals who have fled their homes because of recent killings in the area. The Upper House on Wednesday accepted the proposal from MP U Khin Maung Latt of the Arakan National Party (ANP) to target alleged insurgent groups in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships. "It seems that every civilian has to take up arms. There is no room for negligence. I'm afraid the situation will only get worse. The region doesn't have enough security measures, and even the border guard forces are under threat," U Khin Maung Latt told the Parliament. U Khin Maung Latt was seconded by Arakanese lawmaker Daw Htoot May. The militants had greatly disrupted the livelihoods of locals as well as threatened regional stability, she said. Last week, seven ethnic Mro, a sub-ethnic group of Arakanese, of Kay Gyee village near the Mayu mountain range in southern Maungdaw Township were found dead with gun and machete wounds, and one is still missing. It remains unclear who was responsible for the killings. Hundreds of people from Outt Nan Yar village in Rakhine State's Rathedaung Township resisted security forces on August 4 when policemen attempted to arrest six men suspected of being militants, according to the State Counselor's Office. Four suspects were apprehended from Outt Nan Yar, read a statement from the office, while two managed to escape after hundreds of villagers surrounded a dozen policemen and fought back against the armed security forces with machetes and slingshots. The Rakhine government described the incident as a "terrorist attack" and said the toll of civilian deaths has been rising since militants attacked border outposts and killed nine Myanmar border guards in Maungdaw last October. In response to the attack, security forces launched a brutal counterinsurgency sweep on areas home to the self-identifying Muslim Rohingya, referred to as "Bengalis" by many in the state and the government, who claim they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Alleged human rights abuses by the army, including rape and killing of civilians and the burning of more than 1,000 homes, caused international criticism, and forced some 75,000 people to flee Rakhine to Bangladesh. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has rejected a proposed UN inquiry into the allegations. More than 600 Arakanese people from 134 households in the villages near Outt Nar Yar fled their homes and moved to other villages on August 5, according to the State Counselor Office. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Upper House Approves Debate on Rakhine Militants appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Court Date Postponed for Defendants in Anti-Government Protest Case Posted: 09 Aug 2017 05:42 AM PDT MANDALAY — A court in Chanmyathazi Township postponed a hearing for detained nationalists on Wednesday after police requested more time to apprehend the remaining suspects on arrest warrants. "Police presented the detainees and requested to extend the warrant for those at large and reappoint the hearing date, so it was postponed until August 23," said U Zin Lin Thant, a spokesperson of the Chanmyathazi Township Court. Seven detained nationalists—six Buddhist monks and one layperson—were arrested after a crackdown on an anti-government protest camp in Mandalay. The monks were arrested during a raid on the camp. U Kyaw Myo Shwe, the plaintiff in lawsuit against a journalist with the publication Myanmar Now, was arrested when he appeared at trial for the suit in Maha Aung Myay Township. The seven defendants appeared in court for the first time on Wednesday. There is still an arrest warrant out for two monks from Mandalay's Patheingyi Township and four other laymen. The Mandalay District Buddhist Monks authority filed the lawsuit against the eight protesting monks for incitement under Article 505(b) of Burma's Penal Code. The charge does not allow for bail to be set and the detainees face up to two years' imprisonment, a fine, or both. For the five laymen, including U Kyaw Myo Shwe, the administration officer of Chanmyathazi Township opened a lawsuit under the same charge. The four detained Buddhist monks have been defrocked since their detention and they appeared at court on Wednesday in plainclothes. "We will keep fighting to protect our nationality, race and religion, and the truth, until we die. You all, who are outside of the prison, also carry on with the mission," shouted the detained Buddhist monks before they entered the courtroom. "If the government wants to be democratic, it also needs to listen the voice of the minority. The crackdown is not democratic, it is like a dictatorship," said U Agga Daza, one of the detained Buddhist Monks. More than 30 Buddhist monks and dozens of laymen and supporters greeted the defendants at the court with flowers and food. "The detainees requested an immediate sentencing but I told them that I had to follow court procedure according to the law. They apparently do not wish to be in detention," said Daw Myat Myat Lwin, the judge in the case. After receiving the next court date, the detainees were sent back to Obo prison. The post Court Date Postponed for Defendants in Anti-Government Protest Case appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Police Arrest 9 Suspects in Connection with Elephant Poaching Posted: 09 Aug 2017 04:01 AM PDT PATHEIN—Police have arrested nine suspects in connection with the hunting of two wild elephants in the Myittayar forest reserve in Irrawaddy Region's Ngapudaw Township. "A combined column of the police, forestry departments and administrative authorities of Ngapudaw and Pathein townships combed the forest reserve and arrested nine people with crossbows, poisoned bolts [arrows], and poison bottles," police lieutenant colonel Khin Maung Latt of the Irrawaddy Region Police Force told The Irrawaddy. In response to a tip-off from locals, the authorities searched the Myittayar forest reserve near Tin Chaung village tract and found a dead 25-year-old female elephant on August 4, and a 4-year-old female elephant the following day, both shot with 16-cm poisoned bolts. The Forestry Department then burned the bodies at the scene. From January to June, eight elephants were poached in the Irrawaddy Region; the latest killings have brought the total to 10. All of the elephants were shot with poisoned crossbow bolts, according to the Irrawaddy Region Police Force. "In the first case, the bolt pierced all the way through the hide. In the second case, the bolt penetrated halfway. The poison seems very strong. Both died within 24 hours of being shot," said Ko Tun Lay, administrator the Tin Chaung village tract. "Poachers were waiting for elephants to die to dissect them. But the department personnel got there first," he added. Ten crossbows, more than 90 bolts, and poison were seized from the nine suspects, according to the police. "The arrested parties lived in the forest. Although we are educating locals, they can't resist the money they get from poaching, so they let the hunters stay with them and act as their guides. It is difficult for us to stop it," said police lieutenant colonel Khin Maung Latt. Forest reserves in Pathein, Ngapudaw and Thabaung townships in Pathein District are home to wild elephants. Poachers take the tusks, hide, flesh, and tails from hunted elephants and sell them to smugglers along the Pathein-Mawtin road. From there, smugglers take the items via the Pathein-Monywa road to Mandalay Region, where they smuggle them into China via the Mandalay-Muse road. The majority of the elephant poachers have been from Minbu, Ngape, and Sidoktaya townships in Magwe Region, according to the Irrawaddy Region Police Force. Locals have suggested conducting routine security patrols around the forest and installing inspection gates along the route to prevent poaching. Last year, poachers killed 13 wild elephants in the region and police arrested hunters in four of the cases. They are still investigating six cases and closed three cases, as they could not identify the poachers. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Police Arrest 9 Suspects in Connection with Elephant Poaching appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Thai Prime Minister Aims for October Trump Meet Posted: 09 Aug 2017 12:36 AM PDT BANGKOK, Thailand — Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha has said he will visit the United States at the invitation of US President Donald Trump this October, amid reports that the US has pressured Thailand to help cut funding sources to North Korea. This is the first time the prime minister has indicated a clear timeline for the overseas visit after Trump invited the prime minister to the White House on an official trip in a phone call in April. Gen Prayut's announcement came during a visit from US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson to Bangkok. Tillerson met the prime minister on Tuesday. Reports suggest Tillerson is in Thailand to press the Prayut government to take harsher action against North Korea. A top priority of the US official has been to encourage Southeast Asian nations, including Thailand, to do more to cut funding to North Korea. The US believes North Korean front companies are active in Thailand and it is trying to encourage Thailand to shut them down, Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Susan Thornton told reporters. The companies are using Bangkok as a regional hub and they change their names frequently, she said. The prime minister also said Tuesday his visit to the US this October should proceed without any conditions imposed by Washington. "Thailand is committed to its obligations to the United Nations and has clearly expressed its stance through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [Asean]. So there should be no need to set any conditions for the country," Gen Prayut said, without elaborating. Last weekend, the UN Security Council voted unanimously to impose strict new sanctions on Pyongyang in response to North Korea's launch of two intercontinental missiles last month. On Saturday, foreign ministers of the 10 Asean member states marked the bloc's 50th anniversary by issuing a statement demanding North Korea stop the rush toward war. In a historic moment, all 10 members demanded that Pyongyang immediately halt ballistic missile launches and nuclear weapons tests. "We reiterate our support for the complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula in a peaceful manner, call for the exercise of self-restraint, and underscore the importance of creating conditions conducive for dialogue to de-escalate tensions," the statement said. It has been reported that Trump's invitation to Gen Prayut and some other Asean leaders, including Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, is part of an attempt to reach out to US allies in Asia and seek their cooperation in containing the threats posed by North Korea's nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai, however, hesitated to confirm the exact time frame for Gen Prayut's US visit, saying the Thai and US sides were working to find an appropriate time for the visit. "The United States is still planning the visit. We need not worry about the date of the visit because there are efforts from both sides to prepare for it," he said. Gen Prayut's US visit has been postponed from a previous tentative date of July 19. Don clarified Tuesday that Gen Prayut might have been referring to the period shortly after the coup in May 2014 when he said he could not visit other countries because he had staged the coup. Australia, for one, announced a ban on visits by junta members including the leader, Gen Prayut. Gen Prayut was now free to visit any country he was invited to, as long as time permits, he said. In the meeting between Gen Prayut and Tillerson, deputy government spokesman Werachon Sukondhapatipak said the two men discussed cooperation in various areas ranging from security, counter-terrorism efforts, human trafficking, cyber security, disaster management, and trade and investment. The prime minister invited American investors to invest more in Thailand's Eastern Economic Corridor and the U-tapao area, said Lt Gen Werachon. Gen Prayut also assured the US secretary of state that the Thai government is sincere in its efforts to protect intellectual property. He also asked the US to review the kingdom's status on the Priority Watch List of the Office of the US Trade Representative, the deputy spokesman said. Gen Prayut also confirmed to Tillerson that the government would stick to its roadmap toward democracy. Tillerson also met Don at the Foreign Ministry. "This is the first high-level US visit to Thailand in three years. The visit indicates that the relationship between our countries is good, and it is going to get better," Don said after the meeting. Tillerson came to Thailand after attending the Asean Regional Forum in Manila. The post Thai Prime Minister Aims for October Trump Meet appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Fitting a Round Peg into a Square Hole Posted: 08 Aug 2017 11:47 PM PDT HSIPAW, Shan State—Last Friday, residents woke up to see beefed up security forces in their tourist town in northern Shan State. The night before, they also noticed several police and army vehicles patrolling the town. About 60 police officers—half of the town's police force—and additional army personnel were dispersedly deployed at almost every corner of the town and on its main road. They were all fully equipped with automatic rifles at the ready and pistols on their waist belts. The heavy security in this tiny town was for a court hearing to be held in the morning. Don't be mistaken that this was for jailbird criminals. On the contrary, it was for three detained reporters and three locals who traveled with them. On June 26, Ko Lawi Weng of the Irrawaddy and Ko Aye Nai and Ko Pyae Phyo Aung of DVB were arrested by the military and later charged with Article 17(1) of the unlawful association act. Before 10 a.m., traffic police halted all trucks and vehicles to make way for a police custody van and escorted police vehicles and motorcycles, which turned on an earthen road leading to the Hsipaw Township Court. Residents rarely saw such a scene in the town and had the impression that it was a very important case since the first hearing on July 28. Yes, it is a high profile case despite being held in a small town. The international community and the entire nation are watching over it with interest because the case is a legal battle between independent media and the military, which is the most powerful institution in the country. Not only we journalists but also many people in the country see the case as a test of whether the country's judiciary—traditionally notorious for not being independent, impartial or fair—has changed under the country's first elected government run by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Just before the first court hearing, the military affirmed that it would not put pressure on judges handling the detained journalists' case and accept the court's decision. Few people believe those words based on their past experiences and a public consciousness that the judiciary was controlled by the previous military regimes. Coming out of the police custody van on Friday morning, the three detained journalists told reporters that they believed that the court would release them on bail if the country had rule of law because they were only doing their jobs as journalists. Those hopes didn't last long, as judge U Kyaw Moe Thu denied them bail soon after court started around 10 a.m. The courtroom is tiny but the hearing for this case has been unprecedented. One social worker who was observing in the court for hours told me that he had never seen such intensive questioning, especially against a military prosecutor, during other hearings held for the same charges. Six lawyers of the defendants bombarded prosecutor Adjutant Thet Naing Oo of the military with questions involving journalistic rights to freely contact sources regardless of who they are, the controversial unlawful association act, the nature of the independent media in serving the public and so on. The essence of the questions indicated that the military's charge against the journalists was like putting a round peg into a square hole and that these charges were simply wrong. The prosecutor seemed like he had been defeated on the battlefield. It was a minor 'victory' on that battlefield in the eyes of the defendants, their family members, reporters and other observers in court compound. Locked up in police custody just behind the court for the lunch break, our reporter Lawi Weng asked me, "How long might the case take?" Honestly, I didn't have a clear answer for his simple question. It'll be hard for anyone to answer his question. What I could say was that we have been trying our best to defend him and other detained reporters together with our lawyers. Simultaneously, we have been trying to make concerned authorities of the government understand that the journalists were wrongly charged from the start. But the government can't interfere with the military, which is the main prosecutor in the case. The bigger question that is still lingering is whether the court can act independently and justly. Though the military said it wouldn't put pressure on judges and the court in this case, we have to wait and see how the court and the judge act. In the meantime, our detained journalists are waiting in a cell in Hsipaw Prison for their next court hearing this coming Friday. The post Fitting a Round Peg into a Square Hole appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| China’s Charm Offensive Regains its Foothold in Myanmar Posted: 08 Aug 2017 07:34 PM PDT Daw Aung Sang Suu Kyi hosted an important Chinese guest for dinner at her Naypyitaw residence on August 4, with the visit covered on the front page of the state-run newspaper the following day. The guest in question, Song Tao, head of the International Liaison Department of the Communist Party of China, was on his second official trip to Myanmar. During his first visit, in August, he met the reclusive ex-junta head Snr-Gen Than Shwe at his residence, a testimony to China's reach and influence in the country. The minister for the State Counselor's Office, U Kyaw Tint Swe, and National Security Adviser U Thaung Tun also attended the dinner on August 4. Although details of the meeting were not released, sources said the discussion touched on a wide range of issues, including the peace process, indicating a warming of relations between China and Myanmar. Some unconfirmed reports from sources familiar with China-Myanmar relations suggested that Song Tao was laying the groundwork for a high-level visit by China to Myanmar. Whatever the case, China's aggressive engagement with Myanmar is paying off. On the same day as the dinner, Reuters reported that the two countries were holding initial talks about buying electricity from China. It added that the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan had been left with a surplus of power after a switch toward less energy-intensive industries amid an economic slowdown. Three days later, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi told villagers in central Myanmar that peace and power supply are priorities. As part of its ambitious "Belt and Road" initiative, a development strategy that links China with the rest of Asia, Beijing will likely fund infrastructure projects, trade and investment that will stimulate the economy in Myanmar. With that, Beijing is likely to push for stability along the China-Myanmar border, where powerful ethnic armed groups are based. Chinese officials have told the groups to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). Regardless of whether they follow the directive, the groups will remain under China's influence, a part of Beijing's strength over Naypyitaw. Much importance lies in Song Tao's recent trip, coupled with his briefing and assessment delivered to Beijing's top leaders. It could potentially shape Beijing's future policy toward its southern neighbor. During his visit, Song Tao also met top army leaders, with the exception of army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who was visiting Japan at the invitation of Nippon Foundation Chairman Yohei Sasakawa. Japan's Sasakawa Foundation is also involved in the peace process, but it is known to have more contact with ethnic armed groups in southern Myanmar. China also promised to assist in the peace process, and last May, a Chinese special envoy—Sun Guoxiang—helped to negotiate a trip involving members of several ethnic armed groups based in northern Myanmar to Naypyitaw so that they could attend a government-sponsored peace conference. Despite its involvement in Myanmar and its promise to assist in the peace process, China has little influence on ethnic armed groups in the south. China as Big Brother When Western nations, including the United States and those in the European Union, imposed sanctions and condemned Myanmar's former military regime, China was the pariah government's main backer and largest investor. As a powerful neighbor, Beijing supported Myanmar through aid and investment, helping build strategic infrastructure projects such as oil and gas pipelines, ports, and dams. China has poured money into hydropower projects in the country's ethnic regions, and its three major oil corporations have a strong foothold. However, China did not win the hearts and minds of the Myanmar people—it was Beijing's disadvantage. Many in Myanmar worry that Chinese investments and aid programs are like a Trojan horse. They view the activities of its resource-hungry neighbor in Myanmar as exploitation. Song Tao's recent visit—or soft diplomacy—may not help to lessen the public's anti-China sentiment, either. But the government in Myanmar needs China. For decades, Myanmar's leadership has seen China's rising power differently. The late Prime Minister U Nu, who held numerous meetings with Chinese leaders to settle several disputes, once publicly expressed this fear in a statement after the Chinese Communist Party assumed power in 1949. "Our tiny nation cannot have the effrontery to quarrel with any power," he said. "And least among these, could Burma afford to quarrel with new China?" Former President U Thein Sein, who suspended the controversial China-funded Myitsone Dam project in Kachin State in September 2011, in what was seen as a cue to the West and US to ease sanctions on his country, expressed his closeness to China. During his official visit to Beijing in 2014, he confessed a fondness for Chinese television dramas. "Since childhood, I've been watching Chinese television," the then President told China Radio International. Song Tao has been enforcing the closeness between the two countries on his recent visit by meeting key figures in the political landscape of Myanmar, including leaders of the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Interestingly, he also visited former commander-in-chief Gen Tin Oo, 90, who has been hospitalized since May. Tin Oo went on to become a founder and patron of the National League for Democracy (NLD). Paying respects to Tin Oo, some China analysts in Yangon concluded, was Beijing showing its long lasting gratitude to Myanmar generals who fought against the Kuomintang (KMT) troops on Myanmar soil in the 1960s. Gen Tin Oo was one of the army officers who fought against KMT forces, and as a result he won the title of 'Thura' for his courage in the mid-1950s. (Aside from Tin Oo, China also provided sanctuary for Brig-Gen Kyaw Zaw, one of the legendary "Thirty Comrades," when he joined the Communist Party of Burma on the China border. Brig-Gen Kyaw Zaw led Myanmar troops and defeated KMT forces in the 1950s. He lived and died in Yunnan.) Like an elephant, Beijing has a long memory when it comes to its southern neighbor: both on political players and the military. The West is Losing on Myanmar Since taking office in April in 2016, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has surprised her Western friends and former supporters by developing a warm relationship with the Chinese. Equally, Beijing was ready to repair the strained relationship with Myanmar. China was trying to bring back Myanmar into its fold even before Daw Aung San Suu Kyi came to power. Months before the historic election in 2015, she was invited to visit China where President Xi Jinping received her. The political gambit was well calculated. The NLD won a landslide election, and soon after, China sent its foreign minister Wang Yi to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—the first foreign official to do so. While Beijing has shown support to the new government in Myanmar, the West has lost its interest and position in the country, putting its focus on the human rights issues concerning the Rohingya people in Rakhine State and, partly through its media coverage, applying pressure on the government and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. This has not gone unnoticed by the new leadership in Naypyitaw. Under the Trump administration, the US policy on Myanmar is unclear—that is, if there is any policy at all. Or does it plan to just follow Obama's policy? The US State Department is disoriented, to put it mildly. Myanmar's past connections with North Korea have resurfaced under the Trump administration, with US Special Envoy for North Korea Joseph Yun visiting Myanmar in June. He met with leaders including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to discuss regional security, and to reportedly ensure that Myanmar does not pursue any links with North Korea. However, Myanmar, and its desire to achieve a federal Union and push ahead with the ongoing peace process, remains on the US radar, with American agencies based in Yangon assisting on these issues. Under the Obama administration, Air Force One landed twice in Myanmar to praise the political reform in the country. During that time, China seemed to lose its edge and influence over its southern neighbor. Obama left a vacuum, but China has quickly returned and reset its influence. It remains to be seen how Song Tao's visit will yield any major change in Beijing's engagement policy with its troubled neighbor. But one thing is certain: China has revealed its imposing strategy of regaining its foothold in Myanmar. Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. The post China's Charm Offensive Regains its Foothold in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Analysis: The Peace Process and an Unattainable Plan Posted: 08 Aug 2017 07:01 PM PDT CHIANG MAI, Thailand – The government Peace Commission and the ethnic coalition the United Nationalities Federal Council's Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN) will meet for their sixth round of formal talks in Yangon on Thursday, mainly to reach an understanding regarding the signing of the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). Delegates from both sides – led by U Khin Zaw Oo, the secretary of the Peace Commission, and Khu Oo Reh, the head of the DPN – met informally in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Friday, Aug. 4. There, they agreed on the date for this week's meeting, scheduled from Aug. 10-11, where they will continue discussing the UNFC's nine-point proposal that they have put forward as a path to signing the NCA. The UNFC has asked that the proposal become an appendix of the NCA, if the coalition's five members are to sign, which include the Shan State Progress Party, the New Mon State Party, the Lahu Democratic Union, the Karenni National Progressive Party, and the Arakan National Council. Nai Ong Ma-Nge, a spokesman for the UNFC's DPN, told The Irrawaddy this week that they "need to thoroughly discuss the definitions of the proposal and to make sure [both sides] can reach a common understanding during the upcoming talks." Since peace talks began in late 2011 under the administration of former President U Thein Sein, and the drafting of the NCA took place from 2013 to 2015, a lack of common understanding on the terms of an agreement has led to a stalled peace process. This has consequently frustrated the public whose trust in the peace negotiations has deteriorated. The government delegates appeared firm in their determination to set a date for the formal talks with the DPN in Yangon taking place this week. According to a source close to the government, the administration hopes to finalize the agreement with the DPN, citing a need to prioritize work that that must be completed before the third session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference, scheduled no later than December. The government, the Tatmadaw and most of the country's more than 20 ethnic armed groups initiated the drafting of the NCA pact and aimed to sign it together. Yet this goal has yet to be reached 20 months after the initial signing of the NCA by the eight ethnic armed groups, the government, and the military in Oct. 2015. Last week, the peace commissioners—who are representatives of both the government and the army—said that they would continue working "to achieve peace, and open the door of the NCA," as it is the path that their own leadership has accepted. The five-member UNFC became weaker in terms of representation when one of its most prominent members, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) left the bloc in June. Now it is solely representative of ethnic armed groups in south and east of Myanmar. Meanwhile, a Wa-led alliance of armed groups in the north and northeast of Myanmar, known as Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee has emphasized a desire to have talks with the government as a bloc, an approach which the government has rejected, except in dealing with the UNFC. Peace commission representatives have stated that they will not acknowledge the bloc formation, and that it will only meet its members separately. The government acted on this most notably in Naypyitaw in May, holding sideline meetings with northern bloc members after they joined the opening of the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference in Naypyitaw. Thus, both formal and informal talks between the government and the northeastern alliance have not been strongly forged. More than half a dozen informal talks have been held in recent months between the KIA and a Tatmadaw representative, yet formal military-to-military meetings have been stalled, reportedly due to the KIA's inability to send its military representatives—who would match the ranks of the Myanmar Army's delegates, upon their request—unaccompanied. This suggests that the Myanmar Army mainly wishes to speak with high-ranking military personnel regarding military tensions. It has proven to be another hurdle in implementing peace talks, as long as the national armed forces continue to discriminate against their ethnic counterparts. A peace commissioner told The Irrawaddy that he believed conversations between commanders from both sides would help reduce fighting on the ground and also could further peace negotiations. But since the May conference in Naypyitaw, peace talks and national dialogues have stalled. The convening of national political dialogues in NCA-signatories' controlled areas—in the case of the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Arakan Liberation Party—have not yet been able to be held due to the military and government objections over the venue and security, respectively. Myanmar's peace process remains in limbo as the government stands firm in its own desired direction and the ethnic armed organizations demand another. If such pressures, including those from the military, continue, bringing all the groups to the table to end fighting appears to be an unattainable plan. The Myanmar Army also still is increasing military pressure on the ground while peace talks are being held, Nai Ong Ma-Nge added, explaining that the New Mon State Party received a military warning on the evening of Aug. 4, because members were planning to wear army uniforms for their revolutionary day celebration on Aug 7. When asked by The Irrawaddy how long he speculated it would take to agree on the terms of peace, Nai Ong Ma-Nge said it would depend on the responses of the government and the military. The Tatmadaw's actions, he explained, "have impacted the building of trust." The post Analysis: The Peace Process and an Unattainable Plan appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Maung Di Sculpts Modernism in Myanmar Posted: 08 Aug 2017 06:55 PM PDT It has not been long since modern art found its place in Myanmar. For years, modern artists received little to no appreciation for their aesthetic creations. Among them was Maung Di, who had to pretend not to hear people criticizing his work some decades ago. He could do nothing about people's lack of appreciation and had to hold back some of his ideas. Finally, Maung Di, who is also a renowned poet and short story writer, is showcasing some of the objects that he had wanted to create almost 40 years ago. His ninth solo show, Maung Di's East Village Sculpture Series, features two paintings – Nude and Black & White – and 10 objects: Passing Ozone, Space Crystal, Light Crystal, In & Out, The Smile of a Comedian, Leaf, Portrait of Maung Di and more. The Light Crystal was created with two tical (just over half an ounce) of gold. "I wanted to create this piece with gold, but could not afford it. I made it only after my daughter bought me the gold," Maung Di told The Irrawaddy. He created Passing Ozone in 1993. It is a 1.5 square foot plexiglass sheet with a hole in the center. It was a favorite of the late celebrated vocalist Khin Wan, said Maung Di. The sculpture entitled In & Out is a large plexiglass sheet with nine small holes. Maung Di said: "People on the other side can be insiders, and likewise, people on this side can be outsiders. We don't know which side we belong to." Born in a small village in Pakokku District in 1941, the 76-year-old artist said the exhibition was to commemorate his birthday. "I hope this exhibition will open the eyes of Myanmar's sculptors. I want them to be aware that there are many types of sculpture other than Rodin," said Maung Di, referring to works by the French sculptor Auguste Rodin. Maung Di, who was deemed to be one of the pioneers of modernism in Myanmar in the late 1960s, will be present with his works through Wednesday at the Ahla Thit Gallery on University Avenue Road in Bahan Township. Maung Di, who has only organized nine solo exhibitions since his first one in 1979, said: "I do what I feel like I should do. I display what I believe in, not for money, not for fame." The post Maung Di Sculpts Modernism in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
