The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Daw Khin Kyi’s Abiding Impact
- The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (March 21, 2015)
- ‘In the Way They Were Trained to Think Everything Is About Security’
| Posted: 20 Mar 2015 06:00 PM PDT  A photo of Daw Khin Kyi, Gen. Aung San and family, taken circa 1945. Aung San Suu Kyi's mother is not as well-known as her father, but her influence on Suu Kyi's life should not be overlooked. While Suu Kyi inherited much of her looks, her intellect, and temperament from her father, it was her dutiful and upright mother, Daw Khin Kyi, who raised her. When I first interviewed Suu Kyi, I deliberately asked her about her mother several times, because so much had already been written about her father but very little about her mother. What attributes did she share with her mother? "A sense of duty," she said instantly. After some thought, she added, "Discipline… courage… determination… I think I get those qualities from both my parents." Her mother was a remarkable woman, she said—very strong, very strict. "She brought me up as she thought my father would have. Her strength was above normal. Sometimes I think by nature she was braver than my father. I think my father, like me, had to learn to be brave. My mother was afraid of nothing." Her mother's story begins in the Maungmya area, a rice-farming and fishing area in the southern Delta. Khin Kyi was the eighth of 10 children and affectionately known in her family as "Baby." She started out in local school, but was considered bright enough to be sent by her family to get a better education at the Kemmendine Girls' School. The school had been started by Baptist missionaries in the 1800s and was open to all ethnic groups. Khin Kyi did well academically, but was not able to gain admission to Rangoon University. She had her heart set on getting a college education, so she persisted and was able to gain entrance to Morton Lane Teacher Training College, another Baptist School, in Moulmein. Khin Kyi returned to her hometown to teach at a government school, but soon became restless in the sleepy provincial town. Two of her older sisters had become nurses, so she went to Rangoon to be trained as a nurse at the General Hospital, an impressive three-story facility built in the Victorian style by the British, with red brick walls and distinctive yellow trim. Khin Kyi learned fast and gained a reputation as a can-do nurse. She was the kind of woman who did not blanch at the sight of a soldier with an arm cleaved to the bone by a machete. She stayed calm and on task even while a pregnant woman was shrieking with pain in delivery and hemorrhaging. Even in those early days, Khin Kyi showed an interest in advancing the roles of women that would continue the rest of her life. She joined the Women's Freedom League, which promoted women's rights. She also transferred to a maternity hospital for a while, to gain an extra credential in midwifery. She was so valued for her skilled support in operating rooms that she was persuaded to return to the General Hospital just as war broke out in 1941. One busy day, a cranky patient named Aung San was admitted to the hospital. The general was exhausted and had contracted malaria while helping the Japanese take over Burma. He was only 27, but he had already gained the reputation as a hero and was serving as minister of defense. The senior staff at the hospital decided that it would not be proper to assign one of the trainees to someone of his stature, so they assigned Khin Kyi, one of the most respected members of the staff, to tend to him. She made a point of wearing a cheerful flower in her hair every day and insisted the headstrong general follow the doctor's orders to the letter if he wanted to get well enough to return to his post. It was just the kind of tough love that Aung San needed. He not only recovered, he fell in love. It was a rare personal detour for him. He had only recently declared to his military colleagues that it would be better for true patriots to be castrated "like oxen," rather than risk romantic affairs that would distract them from their mission. Then, he got distracted himself . . . Marriage The wedding was almost called off at the last minute. Aung San's Japanese officers feted him with an all-night bachelor party of carousing to make up for his years of abstinence. The morning before his wedding day, he staggered home half-drunk with a couple of young beauties in hand. Khin Kyi, who was a tea-totaling Baptist, got word and was not amused. She told him she was calling the wedding off. Aung San swore he would never get drunk again. She accepted him at his word and forgave him. They were married on Sept. 6, 1942, and he kept his promise . . . Aung San was under enormous pressure during their first years of married life. Publicly, he was serving his Japanese bosses as minister of defense. Privately, he was looking for a way to escape Japanese domination. He was determined to keep Burmese independence hopes alive. Aung San began secret meetings with the British. Had his efforts been discovered, he would have been shot by the Japanese for treason. His wife became his trusted confidante and refuge. By the time the war ended, the family had settled into a two bedroom house at 25 Tower Lane. The picturesque wooden structure had a reception room downstairs, where Aung San could meet with important officials. His home was always open to visitors, who could come by to talk with him at any time . . . Aung San liked to come home for lunch to see her and the children. He was often away tending to government matters, but when he was at home, the couple enjoyed typical domestic life in the evening. She mended and embroidered. He read. He was quite content with his wife: She humanized him. When he traveled, Aung San took his wife with him as often as he could . . . She knew her presence allowed her husband to cope with the pressure he was under . . . Tragedy On the day he was assassinated, Aung San had hugged his children goodbye and headed off to work, sticking to his schedule despite warnings of danger. He had received word three days earlier that a plot against him was afoot, but he left home that day with a smile for his children. His much-wounded body was taken to Rangoon General Hospital only hours later. When his wife received word about the attack, she rushed to the hospital, the same red-brick building where she had helped save so many lives. But it was too late to help her husband. According to reports, blood was still oozing from his wounds as she gently cradled his head in her lap. She sat silent for a long time, too deeply stunned to weep. Then, drawing on her skills as a nurse, she gently wiped away the blood and cleaned her husband's wounds so his body could be prepared for display for mourners. Photos taken while his body lay in state show the widow Khin Kyi sitting by the side of the coffin in a plain wooden chair, her shoulders slumped in fatigue and grief. Thousands filed past his open coffin for weeks on end . . . Moving On Khin Kyi could not spend the rest of her life looking back. There was the pressing problem of how to support three children. A small honorarium had been awarded by the new government to each of the murdered cabinet ministers' wives, but it was not enough to provide for ongoing expenses and the children's education. Khin Kyi quietly made contact with the Rangoon General Hospital to see if she might resume her nursing career. But by then, Aung San's old college classmate U Nu was serving as prime minister. He thought a more dignified position should be found for the widow of the country's fallen leader. Khin Kyi was named the director of the National Women and Children's Welfare Board. As a former midwife, she was well acquainted with the difficulties that women faced in Burma and was drawn to the idea of helping them. She was subsequently elected a member of the first post-independence Parliament, helping fulfill the dream her husband had fought for. And in 1953, she was appointed Burma's first minister of social welfare. Khin Kyi became known as an adept administrator and was often commended for her highly disciplined management skills. Her kitchen table had once again become a sounding board for political talk, only now she was presiding. After her husband's death, Khin Kyi tried to establish a sense of normality for her children. She made sure they honored their father's memory and understood they had a civic obligation as his children. Yet Khin Kyi's efforts to stabilize her children's lives were interrupted by another tragedy in the spring of 1953. Her second son, Aung San Lin, who was Suu Kyi's closest playmate, was drowned in an accident at their home on Tower Lane. When word reached Khin Kyi, she was shocked and stricken once again. She stoically decided it was her duty to stay at her desk and finish her work before leaving to tend to yet another unfathomable family tragedy. Some people found that unusual, but they didn't understand Khin Kyi's deeply rooted sense of responsibility. And the pain of coming home to a dead child. After Aung San Lin's death, Prime Minister U Nu made it possible for Khin Kyi to move the family away from the house on Tower Lane and its mixed memories. Another house was found at an address that would later become famous: 54 University Avenue. A steady stream of distinguished figures made their way to Khin Kyi's home and had strong influence on the widow's children as they grew older. U Myint Thein, a distinguished chief justice, was a loyal family friend. U Ohn, a journalist who had known Aung San and had served as ambassador to the Court of St. James and Moscow, brought Suu Kyi books and gave her long lists of books to read in English and Burmese . . . The story is told that young Suu Kyi had such an inquisitive nature that she would pester her mother with questions when she came home from work. Her mother, no doubt sensing her daughter wanted attention, made sure to answer every question. "Never once did she say, 'I'm too tired. Don't go on asking me these questions,'" Suu Kyi would recall later. Though she was a caring woman and a convivial companion with her friends, Khin Kyi was a no-nonsense taskmaster with her children. At times when she would talk about her upbringing, Suu Kyi would say she had a very Burmese relationship with her mother, which meant her mother did not discuss personal problems with her. "Parents don't do that in a Burmese context. There is a certain reserve between the generations. Mothers of my mother's generation just don't have heart to heart talks with their daughters." Her mother had been "very strict," she acknowledged, perhaps too much so, but that discipline had often stood her in good stead in many of life's unpleasant and unpredictable twists. In 1960 Daw Khin Kyi was appointed ambassador to India, becoming Myanmar's first woman ambassador, and the family moved to New Delhi. She stepped down in 1967 and returned to live a quiet life in Yangon where she died aged 76 in 1988. The post Daw Khin Kyi's Abiding Impact appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (March 21, 2015) Posted: 20 Mar 2015 05:30 PM PDT  A billboard advertises a planned condominium development in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Public Called on to 'Reality Check' New Business Transparency Report The Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) launched the research phase of its second Pwint Thit Sa, or Transparency in Myanmar Enterprises, report this week in Rangoon. The group ranks leading Burmese companies based on how much information they publish about their activities on corruption, human rights, health and safety and the environment. Last year's report surveyed 60 companies, revealing that 25—including major names Asia World and Yuzana—had no website at all on which they make information public. Only about 10 companies were found to have published significant information, with the report naming the conglomerates Kanbawza, Max Myanmar and Shwe Taung alongside energy firm Parami as Burma's four most transparent companies. This year, the group will survey 100 companies, contacting them for feedback before publishing the rankings in July, according to a statement on Tuesday. Vicky Bowman, the MCRB director and former British ambassador to Burma, said in the statement that last year's report had made an impact, encouraging some companies to improve their transparency. But, said Bowman, public input was also needed to make sure companies were keeping their promises. "As we said last year, this report measures only what companies say they do, and not what they actually do," Bowman was quoted saying. "We want to get more feedback from the public to act as a reality check. For example, has the company been involved in specific land-grab cases, or does it mistreat its workers or prevent them from joining a trade union? "We hope that those who have been negatively affected by any of these 100 companies' operations will let us know, particularly if the company has not addressed the grievance satisfactorily." Take Up of Condos Falling as Rangoon Building Boom Continues A flurry of new condominium projects began in Rangoon in 2014, but the rate at which apartments are being taken up is falling, according to a market analysis by property firm Colliers International. In a recent research and forecast report on Rangoon's condominium market, the US-based real estate company, which has an office in the city, said 37 new condo developments were launched last year, meaning that 4,150 apartments, or units, are currently being pre-sold. The number of condo units currently on sale was up by 76 percent year on year, the report said. "Local developments continued to lead the number, while large-scale foreign-invested projects are beginning to represent a considerable share," the report said. More than a quarter of upcoming developments were in Colliers' "high-end" or "luxury" categories. A typical two-bedroom luxury condominium in Rangoon costs about US$610,000. Burma's political and economic reforms over the past four years have seen property and land prices in the former capital soar. Increasingly upscale residential developments have been going up to cater to wealthy Burmese and the growing expatriate community, although a long-awaited law to allow foreigners to own some condominiums has not yet made it through Parliament. Colliers said there were now 2,681 completed condo units in Rangoon, and that number is set to almost double this year. However, the report said, "Despite the developers' bullish market sentiments, the sales performance of pre-selling condominiums dampened significantly as of the end of 2014." Across the city, only a "dismal" 68 percent of condos on sale were taken up, down from 80 percent in 2013, it said, putting the slow market down to poor sales at lower-quality developments. "Moreover, the relatively high selling price, owing to large unit sizes, continues to deter purchases from the untapped majority of owner-occupiers, and from investors seeking rental potential amid the growing number of single expatriates in Yangon [Rangoon]," the report said. New Trade Station to Be Opened on Chin-Mizoram Border India and Burma are expected to inaugurate formal trade across a border crossing between Chin State and Mizoram next week, according to an Indian newspaper. The New Delhi-based Business Standard said in a report on Wednesday that both countries' commerce ministers would visit Zokhawthar in India's northeastern state of Mizoram on March 25 to inaugurate formal trade at the border post close to Rih Lake in Burma. The report cited an official in Mizoram's commerce and industry department saying that the new land customs station was ready to facilitate trade at the crossing. "The official said India and Myanmar, at the 5th India-Myanmar Joint Trade Committee meeting in [Naypyidaw] last month, had agreed to enhance trade and investment between the two countries by removing bottlenecks such as lack of good connectivity and banking arrangements," the report said. South Korea's Exim Bank to Fund Fiber-optic Links The Export-Import Bank of Korea will lend nearly $56 million to upgrade Internet infrastructure to some of Burma's more out of reach cities, according to a report in state media this week. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar reported that the South Korean state-owned bank signed an agreement with the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. The loan worth $55.874 million is for new fiber-optic cables to provide faster Internet access to some of Burma's more remote cities under the so-called IT Infra-Network Expansion Project, the report said. "The loan will be disbursed by South Korea's Economic Development Cooperation Fund. The funds will pay for expansion of high-speed fiber links between Taunggyi and Mandalay; Mandalay and Myitkyina, Dawei and Kawthoung; and Magwe and [Sittwe]," it said. Export-import banks are government-run institutions that make cash available to countries' companies looking to do business abroad. The export-import banks of China, the United States and India have all announced plans to make credit available in Burma. Nervous Expats: Why Not Get Some 'Intercultural Training'? The events of the past week may have made some foreigners in Burma think twice about how they navigate the local culture. A bar manager from New Zealand and two Burmese associates were sentenced to two-and-a-half years in jail for offending the Buddhist religion after a poster for an event at the Rangoon establishment V Gastro Bar depicted the Buddha wearing headphones. But rather than worrying that their ventures here might earn them a spell in the clink, foreign businesspeople might want to sign up for a new course offering "intercultural training." Rangoon-based consultancy Myanmar Business Answers is holding its second such training day on May 2 in Rangoon, offering tips on the local culture as well as "how to read a business meeting" in Burma and "managing Myanmar people." Klaus Oberbauer, an intercultural and research consultant at the firm, told The Irrawaddy that while the training was not related to any recent court cases, it "aims to support international businesspeople in their transition to the Myanmar market." "Dealing with Myanmar employees and partners who think and act according to traditional country-specific values can be very challenging," he said by email. "Our trainers have been successfully navigating these challenges for over 3 years in their own company and are happy to share their knowledge to support mutual understanding between expats and locals." The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (March 21, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘In the Way They Were Trained to Think Everything Is About Security’ Posted: 20 Mar 2015 05:00 PM PDT  Aung Zaw, editor of The Irrawaddy, with Ko Ko Gyi of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society and Kyi Myint of the Myanmar Lawyers Network. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) In this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, Kyi Myint of the Myanmar Lawyers Network and 88 Generation leader Ko Ko Gyi join The Irrawaddy editor Aung Zaw to continue discussions on the Mar. 5 crackdown on a student protest in downtown Rangoon, Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership role and upcoming elections. Aung Zaw: We'll continue discussing the crackdown in front of Yangon City Hall, which we discussed last week. Advocate U Kyi Myint of the Myanmar Lawyers Network and U Ko Ko Gyi from the 88 Generation Students Group will join me for the discussion. I am Irrawaddy Magazine's editor Aung Zaw. Is there is a lack of communication in the chain of command, or has the government tried to subdue the protest because they are terribly afraid of the students? At the same time, there is another question. There were students in Letpadan who would march to Yangon. Was the crackdown carried out to stop them from joining with students in Yangon? So, there are many questions [surrounding the protests]. Can the crackdown be interpreted as the latest sign that Myanmar's reform process is reversing? U Ko Ko Gyi, would you please discuss it? Ko Ko Gyi: Yangon Region is populous and has an estimated population of around 8 million. Prior to the crackdown in front of Yangon City Hall, there was a workers' pay strike and also a sit-in protest which had been going on for almost a year near City Hall in Yangon. Under such circumstances, Yangon Region Government certainly has more worries than other region/state government. The authorities are concerned. So the problem we are facing is that the same old people, the former generals, are holding power in the civilian administration. So, in the way they were trained to think everything is about security. In their way of thinking, according to the training they received, security is of utmost importance. They are accustomed to procedures of the military administration all their life. We, democratic forces, view things from the point of view of freedom whereas they view things from the military point of view and security. So, instead of handling the issues subtly, they think of using force. So, my view is that there are lots of injustices throughout the transition. So, there will be grievances and protests in other places for other reasons. It is clear that the same old persons have the lead role in handling these issues and that this has proved to be unsuccessful. AZ: Uncle U Kyi Myint, U Ko Ko Gyi has said that it is difficult to settle these issues subtly. In the past two years, the government started to take a violent approach in handling these issues. The Letpadaung [copper mine] case is another example. At the same time, the crackdown by red armband vigilantes took place in front of Yangon City Hall leading to strong criticism both at home and abroad that Myanmar's reforms are reversing. So, what are your views on this, uncle? Kyi Myint: It is crystal clear that the crackdown is not in accordance with the law. I can confirm its illegality with reference to legal books. We were arrested for several times when we had to struggle under General Ne Win's reign for 26 years. But, a movement arose thanks to the students and it caused the government change. U Ko Ko Gyi thinks that the crackdown was against the law. An assembly [of people] at worst can breach of Article 18 [of the Peaceful Assembly], but they portrayed it as a serious riot. I totally agree with the views and assessment of U Ko Ko Gyi. He views it not only from legal but also from political point of view. I totally support his views. The root cause of the stalled reforms in Myanmar is that they do not want to give up power. They believe they will die if they give up power. It is their mindset and their fear. I want to ask them not to be so afraid. We did not suffer as much as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and even she has forgiven. We, the public, can also forgive them. They don't need to take preemptive actions out of fear. I would like to request them to change their mindset, hold consultations, pay heed to people's decision with trust, and let them choose their leader, but not to take reckless measures. AZ: You talked about fear. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has also talked about fear. She is the chairman of the [Lower House] Rule of Law and Tranquility Committee. People have questioned and criticized the role of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the role of the committee and role of Parliament now. But civil society organizations, the 88 Generation Students Group and the media have presented investigative reports of those cases and put the spotlight on this issue [of repressive measures]. So, U Ko Ko Gyi, what is the role Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? Isn't it questionable? KKG: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has decided to make changes through Parliament. She made a tough decision to contest in the by-election [of 2012]. But so far, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has only around 40 seats in Parliament, which has more than 600 seats total. The party cannot gain an upper hand whenever there is something put to vote. So, when we are talking about the current issues, we say that it is important that the mainstream is not lost. The mainstream I mean is the influence of democratic forces, ethnic forces and alliance forces over Parliament. Constitutional reform, ceasefire and peace, and equitable development should be at the top of the agenda and we need to keep track of them. There will be problems continuously, either land confiscation or pay strike, etc. There will be grievances for people who were subjected to many years of repression. It is important that we get the chance and authority to settle those issues. AZ: I would like to ask you about the role of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Uncle U Kyi Myint. KM: She is acknowledged by the entire public as the people's leader since post-1988. We hold her in high esteem. We don't know if she sees herself as political opposition. But, we assume her as main political opposition. We rely on her and we have high expectations of her. But, I am frustrated with her activities and responses regarding the student protests. Her party flag features a peacock, which has been the emblem of student protest. She has more responsibility than other parties and individuals [regarding the protests]. I think she should speak out more about the issue and help the students. AZ: She is widely considered as the people's leader. But then, she keeps silent about the crackdown on student protests, drawing strong criticism politically. I have another question: To what extent are the acts committed by those people—whether they are called people on 'duty', or thugs, or Swan Arshin—having an impact on national reconciliation of our country reforms began? KKG: They [the government] are talking loudly about national reconciliation. But their actions on the ground sometimes have almost affected the national reconciliation process. Here, I think it is important that we need to make sure not to lose direction instead of playing the blame game. Those people with red armbands emblazoned with the word 'duty' are modern versions of Swan Arshin. No matter what they are called, their purpose is the same. If they come to realize that the system has changed and they should no longer commit such actions and be in their old habits, it will be a good thing coming out a bad thing. There are important things we need to focus on. There will be ceasefire talks with ethnic armed groups within a few days. We need to focus on issues that still can't be addressed because of the poor trust between two sides. AZ: In that case, I have a question. Don't you feel like there is a leadership gap? Some, including U Ko Ko Gyi, suggest that since the leaders can't provide strong leadership, students, monks, people, NGOs and media have to fill the gap left by the lack of strong leadership. What do you think? KKG: The political leader mainly focuses on the big picture. He focuses on the forest and as a result there arises an imbalance problem between him and those who measures the circumference of the tree trunks. Personally, I think there must be harmony between political leaders and issue-based activists, should they be either environmentalists or labor rights activists or human rights activists. Political leaders should inform them clearly what they think, what they have decided, what should be done and what should not be done. AZ: We need harmony as well as the message from good leaders. We have discussed that the message has been lost. My final question is what impact will the current violence, the reemergence of Swan Arshin, the sought-after peace with ethnic armed groups, and a lack of trust, have on the forthcoming elections this year. Please provide a short answer, U Ko Ko Gyi and Uncle U Kyi Myint. KM: Since all the parties, as well as the international community, are trying to hold elections as promised, there will be an election. But as regards the question whether that election is an answer [to Myanmar's problems], I do not believe that election alone will decide everything. What I believe is the election is just a factor in a movement. AZ: You mean the election is a milestone, uncle? KKG: In mature democracies, the loser in the election congratulates the winner and step off the stage and that is normal. AZ: What about the countries that have never held elections? KKG: In countries like ours which go through a transition, elections are not the only solution. It is important that we get an understanding between important forces and leaders before the election. * This episode was recorded on the morning of Tuesday, Mar. 11. Shortly after production finished, police began a crackdown in Letpadan, Pegu Division, which resulted in the violent dispersal of a student assembly at the local monastery. The post 'In the Way They Were Trained to Think Everything Is About Security' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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