The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Military Chopper Crashes, Kills Three
• NLD Looks to Win Parliamentary Seat in Election Reversal      
• Rangoon Division Parliament Demands Crackdown on Drugs
• Details on Suu Kyi-nomics Forthcoming
• ‘Twilight Over Burma’ To Be Reviewed by Censorship Board
• UNFC Proposes More Negotiations Prior to Suu Kyi Meeting
• Cronies Still Deserve Blame for Burma’s Poverty
• Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week (June 14)
• Jakarta’s Traffic Trials Give Rise to a Tech Success
• Thai Airline Apologizes After Pilot’s Chat About Crashing Plane
• Dalai Lama Urges Suu Kyi to Ease Rohingya Tensions

Military Chopper Crashes, Kills Three Posted: 14 Jun 2016 08:13 AM PDT Police investigate the crash site of a MI-2 in Pegu's Daik-U Township. (Photo: Highway Police) Three Burma Army officers died when an MI-2 military helicopter crashed today in Pegu's Daik-U Township, according to the Office of the Commander-in-Chief. The office's initial report stated that the chopper, having undergone major maintenance at Meiktila air base, took off around 9 a.m. for Tenasserim's Myeik air base. The chopper stopped in Taungoo, also in Pegu, to refuel and then continued toward Hmawbi, in Rangoon Division. Due to bad weather, it crashed before reaching its final destination. The pilot, Maj Yan Naing Htoo, co-pilot Capt Tun Tun Naing and Sgt Tin Tun Lwin were reportedly killed on the spot. There is an open investigation into the cause of the accident. This is the fourth known air force accident in recent months. In February, a Beechcraft airplane crashed near Naypyidaw International Airport, killing all five army officers onboard; in March, there was a runway accident at the same airport due to a mechanical failure; in April another chopper crashed in Mandalay Division. The post Military Chopper Crashes, Kills Three appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Looks to Win Parliamentary Seat in Election Reversal       Posted: 14 Jun 2016 08:04 AM PDT A civil servant casts a ballot at a polling station during the Nov. 8 election. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — An election tribunal on Monday heard statements in an appeal by a Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) lawmaker who is likely to lose his seat to a National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentary hopeful in an election reversal. In December, Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw, who ran as an NLD candidate in the November 2015 general election, objected to Shan State's Yatsauk Constituency No. 1 (Lawksawk Township) being called for the USDP's Aung Kyaw Nyunt, who in the election was said to have bested his opponent by a difference of 1,085 votes. According to Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw, who filed a complaint with the Union Election Commission (UEC), these particular ballot results should be invalidated because votes from ineligible voters were included in the final tally. "Military personnel who were attending a training course at Ba Htoo military camp [in Yat Sauk Township] were included on the voter lists, even though they were ineligible to vote because they were here for only two months," Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw said. Election law states that a temporary resident is someone who has lived in a different constituency for at least six months and does not intend to return to his or her home constituency. To cast a ballot in the new constituency, this person must also register with local election officials. Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw said that the final voter lists were received too late to object earlier to the inclusion of military personnel, who should have cast advance ballots in their home constituencies, or in the constituency in which their battalion is based, prior to training. "The election tribunal decided to cancel these votes [in December] at the polling stations where [military personnel] had voted," he said, adding that this saw the USDP lawmaker trail him by a margin of 3,506 votes. Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw said that during the hearing on Monday, the attorney general argued that Aung Kyaw Nyunt's appeal to the tribunal's decision should be dismissed. Shan State was one of the few electoral bright spots for the USDP in an election that otherwise saw the NLD win by sweeping majorities. The former ruling party won the largest number of seats in Shan State, with the NLD taking third place. If the election tribunal stands by its decision, this will be yet another seat lost by the USDP since the end of the election. In late November, the USDP lost an Upper House seat representing Shan State's Kutkai, Muse and Namkham townships to the ethnic Ta'ang National Party (TNP) after an election sub-commission found that the ballots from six polling stations in Namkham Township had not been counted in the tabulations that led to the erroneous announcement. The election tribunal's final decision will be announced on July 12. The post NLD Looks to Win Parliamentary Seat in Election Reversal       appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Division Parliament Demands Crackdown on Drugs Posted: 14 Jun 2016 07:40 AM PDT National League for Democracy lawmakers stand in the Rangoon Division Parliament. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — On Tuesday, more than a dozen National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers in the Rangoon Division parliament demanded that authorities crack down on big-time drug dealers and smugglers in the city, who keep evading arrest, citing the worsening effect of drugs on Rangoon's youth. The proposal was submitted the previous week by Wai Phyo Han, representing Insein Township (2), and was approved for debate by the parliamentary speaker. Aye Aye Mar, representing Lanmadaw Township (2), presented her constituents' complaints in the Tuesday parliamentary session. These centered on the targeting of university students and other young people by drug dealers. "One of the student's parents bared their souls to me," Aye Aye Mar said. "They told me that first the students consume the drugs but later they became drug distributors." Thit Thit Myint, representing South Okkalapa Township (1), said she had heard of several massive drug seizures in Rangoon but the smugglers behind the shipments were never arrested. Drug distribution is increasing significantly day by day, she said, adding that they can even be bought at betel nut shops and small, unlicensed drinking outlets. Another NLD lawmaker in the divisional legislature, Yan Shin of Mayangone Township (2), said that punishments for dug dealers should be similar to those in China and Indonesia, which include the death penalty. Burma stops short at lifetime imprisonment for the worst drug offenses. Yan Shin thought that appropriately "heavy punishment" would effectively deter drug dealing. However, fellow NLD lawmaker Nay Phone Latt (Thingangyun, 1) said the government should be cautious in terms of whom and what it targets. Yan Shin added that beauty salons, unlicensed massage parlors and karaoke clubs are linked to the narcotics trade. Such businesses are "protected" by low ranking police officers in return for bribes. This collusion makes it harder for counter-narcotics police to get at the big drug traders. Lawmaker Than Naing Oo (Pabedan, 1) seconded these claims about massage parlors and police corruption, and suggested that the government should seek greater professionalization of the massage parlor industry, to bring it all above board. Zin Min Htwe (Dagon, 2) spoke further of police complicity in the drug trade. Last month, the lawmaker said that a police officer had reportedly been arrested with "WY" methamphetamine pills in the Thaketa Township police station; he was allegedly selling them to detainees. Zin Min Htwe added that many young addicts are currently admitted to Rangoon's Mental Health Hospital for treatment. Its 1,200 beds have proved insufficient; three extra buildings, with 100 beds each, are now being used to accommodate the addicts. Lawmaker Thaw Tar Aung (Sanchaung 2) said he had recently witnessed many youths injecting "no.4" heroin on apartment stairwells, and disposing of the hypodermic needles near buildings on Phyapon and Pathein roads. Col Tin Aung Tun, Rangoon Division's security and border affairs minister (a military appointment), told the divisional parliament that 18 large-scale drug traders are currently on the run. He said that counter narcotics police are working with Interpol to arrest them The minister said the drug problem in Rangoon is linked to trade across the border from Bangladesh, Thailand and China. He also cited the involvement of non-state ethnic armed groups in Burma. "It is very hard to solve the drugs problem while non-state armed groups continue to exist [in Burma]," he said. The minister also told the divisional parliament that 717 people had been arrested with drugs within the last six months, a figure he coupled with the detention of 382 sex workers. Lawmaker Thaw Tar Aung responded that "Young women [in massage parlors] are always arrested but the owner is never is." The post Rangoon Division Parliament Demands Crackdown on Drugs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Details on Suu Kyi-nomics Forthcoming Posted: 14 Jun 2016 07:33 AM PDT Kyaw Win, minister for the Ministry of Planning and Finance. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The National League for Democracy (NLD) government pledged to support the private sector to drive Burma's economy growth and lower the barriers for going into business, said Union Minister for Planning and Finance Kyaw Win on Monday in Rangoon. The NLD's economic policies will be made public this month, said the minister at a meeting with the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI). "The economic policy has yet to be approved [by the cabinet]. But it will be announced soon—before the end of the month. The new economic policy will allow all citizens to start their own businesses," he said. Despite their landslide victory in the elections last November, the NLD's economic policy remains shrouded in mystery. "The minister said the economic policies would be announced soon and they would support the private sector, but he didn't give any details about how they would do that," Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the UMFCCI, told The Irrawaddy. "There were different topics raised by various businessmen, but most of them were related to their own self-interest, so I suggested the minister make policies that are good for everyone, not just certain individuals," Maung Maung Lay said. "In the past, previous governments listened to us but in the end no practical support came," he explained. "That's why we hope this government also takes action. For example, the government needs to bolster small- and medium-sized enterprises if they really want to promote the manufacturing industry and exports." It is clear the uncertainty around the NLD's economic policy is causing headaches for many in the business community. Kyaw Thu, secretary of the Myanmar Fruits and Vegetables Producers Association, said: "We were not told what the [economic] policies will encompass. We only know that the policies are being drafted. We need clear economic policies because what we have now is instability." "There must be a robust economic policy and development strategy. Our country is still heavily engaged in the agriculture industry, which does not create a large amount of job opportunities Greater attention should be paid to this," said Dr. Maung Aung, senior economist at the Ministry of Commerce. "The GDP must be increased, but it must be growth that also benefits the lowest income earners." Min Ko Oo, secretary of Myanmar Beans and Pulses Traders Association, said the government should look for long-term strategies to drive economic growth, in contrast with previous governments that focused on short-term policies. "In the past, we never knew what was allowed to be exported because the government always changed the export lists," he said. "The NLD should look out for long-term interests of the country and should cut unnecessary imports and try to concentrate on exports because we have a trade deficit." Burma's trade volume increased annually after transitioning to a quasi-civilian government in 2011. It leveled off in 2016, worrying some observers. The country imported nearly US$16 billion in goods during the 2014-15 fiscal year. Meanwhile, exports totalled more than $11 billion, leaving an estimated deficit of nearly $5 billion. Additional reporting by May Soe San The post Details on Suu Kyi-nomics Forthcoming appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Twilight Over Burma’ To Be Reviewed by Censorship Board Posted: 14 Jun 2016 06:23 AM PDT Film poster for Twilight Over Burma. (Photo: Human Rights Human Dignity Film Festival) RANGOON — "Twilight Over Burma," a film about a Shan leader and his Austrian wife, will be subjected to the scrutiny of the film censorship board before it receives permission to be premiered in Burma at the annual Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival, which starts Tuesday, according to a board member. The film tells the real-life tale of an Austrian woman, Inge Sargent, who became royalty when she married Sao Kya Seng, an ethnic Shan prince—or saopha—from Hsipaw, Shan State. It covers the early days of Burma's independence up to the years immediately following the 1962 military coup, and is based on Sargent's autobiography, "Twilight Over Burma: My Life as a Shan Princess." Sao Kya Seng instituted land reforms and promoted democracy, but was arrested by the Burma Army during Gen Ne Win's coup. He was later killed in prison under mysterious circumstances. Although it was scheduled to be the Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival's first screening on Tuesday at Rangoon's Naypyitaw Cinema, the movie has since been pulled. Phone Maw, a member of the film censorship board and a secretary of the Myanmar Motion Picture Organization (MMPO), told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the final decision of the censorship board will be announced on Thursday after the board has its second viewing of the film. He added that the board had already given initial comments on the film but had decided to hold a second viewing as the board members were not yet ready to give permission for a public screening. "The main reason [for the review] is that [the content] of the film could damage the ethnic unity of the state," Phone Maw said. The film censorship board is made up of 15 representatives from different associations including the MMPO and Myanmar Music Association. Ministries such as Home Affairs and Religious Affairs and Culture are also represented on the board. The post 'Twilight Over Burma' To Be Reviewed by Censorship Board appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UNFC Proposes More Negotiations Prior to Suu Kyi Meeting Posted: 14 Jun 2016 06:10 AM PDT Delegates from the Burma government's peace negotiation team and leaders of the UNFC held a meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand on June 3. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON—The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of nine ethnic armed groups, has told Burma's peace delegation that it would like to hold additional talks with lead negotiator Dr. Tin Myo Win before meeting State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. The UNFC's peace delegation, known as Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN), reached out on Monday to the government's peace conference preparatory sub-committee 2. The committee is led by Tin Myo Win, longstanding personal physician of Suu Kyi and newly appointed government peace negotiator. Tun Zaw, the secretary of the UNFC, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the DPN had agreed to meet the state counselor, but wanted to first hold additional talks with Tin Myo Win's delegation in Chiang Mai, Thailand. "We didn't deny their invitation. But, we want to pre-negotiate before meeting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi so that it will be smooth when we meet her. We haven't yet heard a clear response to what we asked during our meeting on June 3," said Tun Zaw, in reference to the UNFC's inquiry during a previous meeting about whether Burma's current government policy aligned with that of the previous government. The former military-backed administration invited only 15 potential signatories to the so-called Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)—eight of whom opted to sign—and excluded the Arakan Army (AA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). The UNFC leaders also asked the sub-committee if they would need to sign the NCA prior to participating in the upcoming "21st Century Panglong Conference," a question which they also claim has yet to be clearly answered. Hla Maung Shwe, member of sub-committee 2 and former senior advisor to the Myanmar Peace Center, acknowledged the DPN's request and stated that they would likely meet again in the coming days in Chiang Mai. He said the committee has explained the government's policy, but would clarify any discrepancies at the upcoming meeting. Under the previous government led by former President Thein Sein, eight ethnic armed groups including the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) signed the NCA. However, other powerful ethnic armed organizations like the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Mongla Army, did not sign. There are two government sub-committees tasked with preparations for the upcoming peace conference. One is led by Burma Army official Lt-Gen Yar Pyae and is responsible for negotiating with current NCA signatories. The other, led by Tin Myo Win, is in charge of meeting with non-signatories and intends to meet with the UWSA and the Mongla Army in the near future. The post UNFC Proposes More Negotiations Prior to Suu Kyi Meeting appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cronies Still Deserve Blame for Burma’s Poverty Posted: 14 Jun 2016 03:47 AM PDT A forest in Karen State that suffered from extractive logging practices in 2015.(Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Burma was subjected to military rule for nearly five decades between the late dictator Ne Win's coup in 1962 and former Snr-Gen Than Shwe's abdication in 2010. Everyone says the country was destroyed by the authoritarian rulers. Generally speaking, they are right. The military is not supposed to govern the country or manage the people. It is supposed to protect the country against external dangers and provide emergency rescue and relief in case of natural disasters. But in the case of Burma, the country descended into chaos because of the military elite's gross mismanagement in politics, the economy, education, social policy, health care and diplomatic relations. What's worse is former dictator Than Shwe adopted and carried out a policy of producing rich Burmese nationals. Dubbed by many as "cronies," they achieved success during the dark era of the military junta, especially from the 1990s to the early 2000s. They won lucrative no-bid contracts from government ministries and accumulated wealth out of the country's coffers. Some even amassed substantial fortunes and became billionaires. Most cronies, however, did not build up their fortunes through their entrepreneurial flair or years of hard work in a fair business environment. Quite the contrary, they became wealthy by exploiting the country's natural resources and forests. Meanwhile, the country and the people today are still suffering from the consequences of over-exploitation of natural resources. The most prominent example is deforestation in northern Burma caused by the excessive logging carried out by companies close to the military and previous government. As a result, several upcountry regions faced unusually extreme floods last year, and more severe flooding is expected this year. Cronies included generals in their business dealings, further entrenching their monopolies over key government industries. The generals also pulled some of the cronies into politics, like Yuzana's Htay Myint and Zaykabar's Khin Shwe. Both became lawmakers in 2010 on the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) ticket. Htay Myint represented Myeik in Tenasserim Division where his company had been running a massive palm oil plantation. Khin Shwe represented townships like Kawhmu and Kungyangon in southern Rangoon, where his Zaykabar company was building and operating roads under a government concession system. Under Thein Sein's government, which ruled from 2011 to 2015, the situation was not very different from the military regime. The cronies still had their place and some who were close to then-president Thein Sein were granted even more business concessions—from introducing international debit cards to nationwide television and radio broadcasting. As a result of this nefarious collaboration, the country has spiraled downward into abject poverty while the generals and cronies have amassed wealth for themselves and their offspring. Burma, which was once expected to become an Asia tiger in the 1960s because of its great economic potential and quality education system, must not forget the reason behind its position today. While we need to have more clarity on the economic policies of the National League for Democracy (NLD), we also need to recognize that many people have misappropriated the country's funds and resources over the past few decades. It is not wrong to say the cronies are among those who are mainly responsible for Burma's grinding poverty today. The post Cronies Still Deserve Blame for Burma's Poverty appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week (June 14) Posted: 14 Jun 2016 01:43 AM PDT The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week. Human Rights Film Festival The biggest human rights film festival in Asean, organized by the Human Dignity Film Institute, is coming to Myanmar—the first time an international film festival has done so. The festival this year is held in honor of Aung San Suu Kyi, who is considered instrumental in elevating human rights. The festival's awards ceremony will fall on her birthday, June 19. There will be a number of different awards commemorating the students who died in the 1988 student uprising and other human rights champions. Where: Naypyidaw Cinema, Junction Square Cinema and Junction Mawtin Cinema When: Tuesday, June 14 to Sunday, June 19 Yangon Job Fair                                                 A job fair will be held on June 19, organized by the online job website MyJobs.com.mm. Positions are open at top local and foreign employers such as Unilever, CB Bank, MPT, Shwe Taung and Coca Cola. Where: Myanmar Event Park, Shin Saw Pu Street, Sanchaung Tsp. Tel: 09-31349834 When: Sunday, June 19, 9am to 4pm Trivia Night Put your brain to use at Father's Office for their bi-monthly trivia night. With ever-changing categories that include historical places, pop culture, geography and more, there is sure to be a topic that every team member can contribute to. Test your skills against some of Yangon's nerdiest residents as you and your team compete for trivia glory and a 30,000 kyat prize while kicking back two-for-one cocktails during happy hour. Where: Father’s Office, 291 Bo Aung Kyaw Street, Botahtaung Tsp. Tel: 09 45021 8080 When: June 15, Wednesday, 7:30 pm to 9:30 pm Human Rights Tattoos To underline the importance of human rights, the Human Rights Tattoo project will tattoo all 6,773 letters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on 6,773 people around the world. The group will tattoo 120 letters on participants in Burma during the Humans Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival. Partakers do not select the letter, but do choose the font and area for the tattoo. After the tattoo is done, a photo and statement from each person will be published on the group's website. Where: Pansodan Scene at the corner of Pansodan Street and Mahabandoola Street When: Friday, June 17 to Saturday, June 18, 10am to 6pm Bodybuilding Contest Organized by Myanmar Bodybuilding, Physique Sports Federation and NatRay Company Ltd., the Mr. NatRay & Ms. Real bodybuilding contest will be held at the Myanmar Convention Center (MCC). Where: Myanmar Convention Centre (MCC), Min Dhamma Street, Mayangon Tsp. When: Saturday, June 18, 12pm 'Thunder' Art Exhibition An art exhibition entitled 'Thunder' will be showcased at Lokanat Galleries. More than 40 works from 16 artists will be up for grabs, with prices ranging from $100 to $2,000. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Wednesday, June 15 to Saturday, June 18 Watercolor Exhibition More than 75 watercolors from 15 artists will be showcased at an exhibition called '8th to the Sea' at Hninzi Myaing Gallery, with prices between $100 and $2,000. Where: Hninzi Myaing Gallery, Hinzigon Home for the Aged, Bahan Tsp. When: Saturday, June 11 to Wednesday, June 15 Lokanat Galleries Exhibit Artist So Hnin Aung will exhibit his second solo show called 'Untitled' at Lokanat Galleries. A total of 26 paintings will be featured with prices between $100 and $2,000. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Sunday, June 19 to Friday, June 24 Ayerwon Watercolor Show Eight artists will exhibit their work at Ayerwon Art Gallery's watercolor show. There will be more than 80 paintings for sale. Where: Ayerwon Art Gallery at No. 903–904, U Ba Kyi Street, 58 Ward, Dagon Seikkan Tsp. Tel: 09-45005 7167 When: Saturday, June 18 to Wednesday, June 29 Myanmar Traditional Artists and Artisans Show The 'Ottara Laynyin' exhibition of more than 100 works by 31 artists will be showcased at Bogyoke Market, with prices ranging from $100 to $1500. Where: Myanmar Artists and Artisans Association, Bogyoke Market When: Wednesday, June 15 to Sunday, June 19   The post Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week (June 14) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jakarta’s Traffic Trials Give Rise to a Tech Success Posted: 13 Jun 2016 11:06 PM PDT Rush hour traffic is seen next to a construction site for a light railway in Jakarta, Indonesia, February 11, 2016. (Photo: Darren Whiteside / Reuters) JAKARTA — The Indonesian capital's reputation as one of the most congested cities is typically not an advantage with investors. But one company has become the country's most visible technology success with an app that relieves some of the pain of its maddening traffic. The ride-hailing apps that are now part of daily life from New York to New Delhi and London are usually used to summon cars. Jakarta, the world's sixth-largest urban sprawl and by some measures the most car-clogged, needed something different. In hindsight, the Go-Jek mobile app for hailing rides on motorcycles, to dodge and weave through traffic, was a no-brainer. But its sudden success over the past two years took even its founder by surprise. The app's name is a play on "ojek," the Indonesian word for freelance motorcycle taxis, now a rare sight in Jakarta after many drivers joined Go-Jek's green-jacketed, GPS-coordinated ranks. "We really had no idea it would be adopted so widely and so quickly," said Nadiem Makarim, who admits the company and its app struggled to keep pace when tens of thousands began downloading it. Makarim believes Jakarta's carmageddon had arrived at a "pain point" of huge unmet demand for a solution. "Smartphone penetration was at an all-time high in Jakarta, traffic was at an all-time high," he said. "Getting yourself or your things from A to B in the quickest way possible could only be achieved by motorcycles." As by far the biggest economy in Southeast Asia, making up a third of the region's gross domestic product, Indonesia has also attracted Uber and Go-Jek's fiercest competitor, Malaysia's Grab, which is headed by Makarim's Harvard classmate Anthony Tan. Analysts say both Uber and Grab have greater scale and resources than Go-Jek, crucial for sustaining losses in the transport app industry's early stages and for sustaining investments in the behind-the-scenes technology that makes the apps easy for people to use. Go-Jek has built on its strategy of providing rides to introduce a slew of additional Go- services to the app, including delivering food, groceries, cleaners, massage therapists and beauticians to homes. The Go-Send document pickup and delivery service and Go-Food are the company's two biggest businesses after rides, Makarim said. Go-Food, he said, has become the biggest food delivery business in Southeast Asia by number of transactions. "Go-Jek's vision is to escape competition by creating an on-demand platform for anything our consumer wants," he said. "We're not stuck on our identity based on what we think it should be. We let the market decide what they want us to be." Florian Hoppe, a partner at consulting company Bain who specializes in technology, said Go-Jek's approach is "fairly unique" but fits the situation in Jakarta and other Indonesian cities where service businesses are hobbled by transportation problems. "It's hard to predict where this will be going," he said. "In the long-term, specialized services will likely have an edge but Indonesia has enough uniqueness, market protection and scale, that [Go-Jek] could be very successful in the long-term too." Makarim dreamed up Go-Jek for an independent study project while at Harvard Business School and started it as a sideline business when he returned to Indonesia in the summer. For its first three years, it operated like a call center. It became a mobile app after Makarim turned his attention to it full-time from mid-2014. Like elsewhere, ride hailing apps are drawing an angry backlash from taxi drivers as their incomes drop. In March, a protest by thousands of taxi drivers that paralyzed the capital turned violent, with cabbies brawling in the streets with green-jacketed drivers from Go-Jek and Grab. Go-Jek says it has more than 200,000 drivers around Indonesia but the pain for taxis seems most acute in Jakarta, where all the ride hailing services are battling fiercely for customers, pushing fares to rock bottom. Since a Go-Jek trip within the city costs only about 12,000 rupiah ($US.90) outside of peak hours, the company is burning through its investment cash because in Jakarta the fares are lower than what it pays drivers. Yet the apps have proven so useful to people in a city where officials estimate congestion causes losses of $3 billion a year that attempts to ban them on the basis of claims of unfair competition have failed. When the transport minister issued a directive last December banning app-based ojeks, the public outcry was such that President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo quickly overruled the decision. The nationalistic appeal of a home-grown tech success is also a potent advantage for the company. "We want to make Indonesia proud that this is a uniquely Indonesian company that was started here," Makarim said. "We have a huge competitive advantage as the first mover and from a sense of growing nationalism and pride that we are the tech brand of Indonesia right now." The post Jakarta's Traffic Trials Give Rise to a Tech Success appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Airline Apologizes After Pilot’s Chat About Crashing Plane Posted: 13 Jun 2016 11:02 PM PDT Passengers wait to check in at Nok Air counters for their flights at Don Muang International Airport in Bangkok, June 20, 2013. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters) BANGKOK — An airline in Thailand has apologized after friends of a pilot joked in a group chat about crashing the plane he was going to fly with a former prime minister on board. The screenshot of the chat, conducted on their phones Sunday, somehow was leaked on social media, provoking widespread criticism of the airline, Nok Air. In response, Nok Air chief executive Patee Sarasin said in a tweet that "this kind of behavior is intolerable." "I will personally call Yingluck and apologize, Nok Air has no politics, I won't stand this," he said. Yingluck Shinawatra came to power in a landslide election victory in 2011, but her government was ousted in a coup in 2014 after protracted political turmoil. She remains popular in the countryside but many people in cities remain opposed to her family, especially her brother Thaksin Shinawatra, a former prime minister who also was ousted in a military coup in 2006. He now lives abroad in self-imposed exile. On Sunday, Yingluck was walking on the tarmac toward the Nok Air aircraft in the provincial town of Phrae when the first officer on the plane took her picture. He posted it on a group chat with the comment: "There's a prey on board." A friend commented: "Oooh, go for it." A second friend then said: "please do a CFIT" and a third person chimed in by saying: "Very Very Important Person, land safely." CFIT is aviation jargon meaning "controlled flight into terrain," or a controlled crash. It was not known if the first officer's friends were also pilots or in aviation. The acronym CFIT, however, is normally used by those in the business. On her Facebook page Monday, Yingluck said she hoped this incident would be an example of "not bringing in personal attitudes into professional services. Especially when it is about life and safety." Nok Air also posted an apology on the company's Facebook page, which attracted hundreds of comments. The post Thai Airline Apologizes After Pilot's Chat About Crashing Plane appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dalai Lama Urges Suu Kyi to Ease Rohingya Tensions Posted: 13 Jun 2016 10:57 PM PDT The Dalai Lama speaks at the US Institute of Peace in Washington, DC, June 13, 2016. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque / Reuters) WASHINGTON — Aung San Suu Kyi has a moral responsibility to try to ease tensions between majority Buddhists and minority Rohingya Muslims, her fellow Nobel laureate, the Dalai Lama, said on Monday. The Tibetan spiritual leader said he had stressed the issue in meetings with Suu Kyi, who came to power in April in the newly created role of state counselor in Burma's first democratically elected government in five decades. "She already has the Nobel Peace Prize, a Nobel Laureate, so morally she should … make efforts to reduce this tension between the Buddhist community and Muslim community," he told Reuters in an interview in Washington. "I actually told her she should speak more openly." Violence between majority Buddhists and minority Muslims in recent years has cast a cloud over progress with democratic reforms in Burma. Rights groups have sharply criticized Suu Kyi's reluctance to speak out on the Rohingya's plight. The Dalai Lama said Suu Kyi, who won worldwide acclaim and a Nobel Peace Prize as a champion of democratic change in the face of military persecution, had responded to his calls by saying that the situation was "really complicated." "So I don't know," he said. There is widespread hostility toward Rohingya Muslims in the Buddhist-majority country, including among some within Suu Kyi's party and its supporters. More than 100 people were killed in violence in western Arakan State in 2012, and some 125,000 Rohingya Muslims, who are stateless, took refuge in camps where their movements are severely restricted. Thousands have fled persecution and poverty in an exodus by boat to neighboring South and Southeast Asian countries. The Dalai Lama said some Buddhist monks in Burma "seem to have some kind of negative attitude to Muslims" and Buddhists who harbored such thoughts "should remember Buddha's face.” "If Buddha happened, he certainly would protect those Muslim brothers and sisters," he said. The new Burmese government announced late last month that Aung San Suu Kyi would lead a new effort to bring peace and development to Arakan State. The announcement offered no details on how the group would go about addressing the state's multitude of problems. Suu Kyi said during a visit by US Secretary of State John Kerry last month that the country needed "enough space" to deal with the Rohingya issue and cautioned against the use of "emotive terms" that she said were making the situation more difficult. The post Dalai Lama Urges Suu Kyi to Ease Rohingya Tensions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Kawlin residents brace for more disastrous, record-high floods
• For Kachin IDPs, going home is impossible ‘without lasting peace’
• Parents call for improved teaching methods as exam results revealed
• Flood-affected towns in Rakhine urgently need aid
• Turkish foreign minister offers to help with Rakhine issue
• Probe into gems fund leads to calls for chair’s removal
• FDA announces plans to set official medical prices
• China promotes Myitsone dam
• Illegal crab farm shut down, faces lawsuit
• Ministry promotes more water efficient crops

Kawlin residents brace for more disastrous, record-high floods Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Hunkering down in a natural valley set amid deforested mountains, Kawlin township is waiting for the floods to return.

For Kachin IDPs, going home is impossible ‘without lasting peace’ Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Even though internally displaced person (IDP) camps in areas controlled by the Kachin Independence Army have not yet faced ration cuts, there is concern about potential food shortages in the event that local and international donors reduce funding.

Parents call for improved teaching methods as exam results revealed Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Just over one-third of students who sat for their matriculation exams this year in Mandalay Region have passed, the Department of Basic Education announced. The result is higher than the national pass rate of 29.9 percent announced in state media this weekend.

Flood-affected towns in Rakhine urgently need aid Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Flooding in southern Rakhine State has left hundreds of people homeless and without enough to eat as torrential rain battered the area last weekend.

Turkish foreign minister offers to help with Rakhine issue Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said his country wants to cooperate with the Myanmar government in dealing with inter-communal conflict in Rakhine State.

Probe into gems fund leads to calls for chair’s removal Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT The probe into an alleged US$100 million gems fund heist has only become more convoluted with the addition of counter-investigations and infighting within the association that launched the initial complaint.

FDA announces plans to set official medical prices Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT In an ongoing effort to clamp down on the illegal and unregulated pharmaceutical black market, a Food and Drug Administration director announced plans yesterday to institute official retail prices.

China promotes Myitsone dam Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Chinese officials are working hard to sell the Myitsone dam amid continued silence from the government about the suspended mega-project in Kachin State.

Illegal crab farm shut down, faces lawsuit Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT The government has stepped into a dispute in Ayeyarwady Region where local farmers complained that their land was contaminated by seawater because of the operations of a crab farm. The farm has been closed, and the home affairs ministry has threatened to take legal action after a complaint by local paddy farmers.

Ministry promotes more water efficient crops Posted: 13 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Taking precautions against drought, the Ministry of Agriculture is encouraging farmers to stop growing summer paddy in areas where water is scarce, according to deputy minister U Tun Win.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Shan State municipal staff’s disappearance causes concern Posted: 14 Jun 2016 03:56 AM PDT Over 100 people gathered in Shan State's capital Taunggyi on Saturday to demand that senior Shan State municipal officials take responsibility for the disappearance last year of two municipal employees.  The group also called for allegations of unfair treatment of staff to be dealt with. The head of Hsipaw Township's municipal section, U Aung Naing Win and his secretary Ko Naing Lin disappeared last year while they travelled home after receiving their salary in Mong Nong. Ko Naing Lin's brother, who took part at the event, said he sent numerous letters to municipal officials about his brother's disappearance. "They did reply but their letters were different each time they wrote to us," explained Ko Naing Lin's brother, who wished to remain anonymous.  "They said my brother was dead but sometimes they said my brother was arrested by a cow trader or he might have been killed by an armed group," he explained. He added that the municipal officer only blamed others but refused to take any responsibility. He also said that after the disappearances took place he received a letter informing him that his brother and his colleague were laid off from their position. Daw Khin Than Tar Win, the wife of U Aung Naing Win, said she and her family had requested an explanation from the municipal officer about the disappearance of U Aung Naing Win. "My children and I went to Mong Nong municipal office many times to find the information about my husband. We don't know where he is. Until now we don't know whether he is dead or still alive," she said. Allegations of corruption have also been made against some senior municipal officials.  Daw Myint Myint Maw, a municipal staffer from Kalaw Township, said that she requested to the Taunggyi municipal office that she be transferred to Taunggyi. She was told that she would have to give some of her land to a superior for this transfer to be carried out.  After she refused to do this, she was moved to another area and was later laid off.  She added that her husband, U Zaw Myo Win, is currently being sued by U Sai Tun Tun, the Shan State municipal director, under telecommunications law article 66 (d). According to Daw Myint Myint Maw her husband is facing the suit because he knows secret information about U Sai Tun Tun and kept it on his computer.

The Secession Issue Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:33 AM PDT The Secession Issue: To Part or Together By U Htoon Myint of Taunggyi Former Secretary General, Shan State People's Freedom League (SSPFL) (Revised edition) U Htoon Myint Whenever there is discussion about Panglong, one word our Burmese rulers don't want to listen to is 'Secession'. As Htoon Myint makes it abundantly clear here, the only way to stop people saying the word is by sharing and sharing alike — Translator FORWARD TO THE SECOND EDITION Secession is not a crime. It is a right provided by the (1947) Constitution, so that the constituent national groups and smaller races can safeguard their integrity. Although the author is unsure about what is happening in the other states, secession has certainly become a critical issue in the Shan State, one that is poorly masked by threats and belittlement. It is analogous to an abscess which is eating into the innards of human body. The cure prepared by U Nu and Sao Khun Khio is not unlike the application of a drug to an external surface. If it is not cured from the roots, the abscess will become worse and eventually burst. There has also been an atmosphere of fear surrounding the issue deterring people from discussing it openly. Hence the secessionists are afraid. The unionists are also afraid. But what are they afraid of? The secessionists think propagation of the secession cause will amount to a criminal offense. They forget that it is a legitimate right provided by the Constitution itself. The unionists also do not, dare to propagate their cause. They know that without bringing to people's notice the means to do away with the Shan national grievances, and without describing how best to counter the Burmese Greater Nation Chauvinism, it may turn out to be a cause that overlooks basic Shan interests, and as a result, they cannot expect the support of the people. If the sentiments of the people were measured, the answers to the call for secession would far outweigh those for the union. Therefore it should be realized beforehand that the call for secession is not simply by a handful of people It should equally be realized that many of the secessionists are those who wish to secede by whatever means. A large number of them cannot even say what the grievances are. They also have no idea what they will do after secession, to make it better than the union period. They are also far from anticipating the dangers that lie ahead for the post-secession period. Such people are extremists. The secession call however does not arise out of external conspiracies. It originates from real grievances. As the saying goes, "Where there is rot, there are flies". Hence, secession comes first. External threats, if there are any secondary. Although secession is to a certain extent a proper way to settle national affairs, it is not advisable for those who are bent on it whatever happens later. This kind of secession can only serve as fuel for a world war that can destroy peace not only for Shanland, but for Asia and the rest of the world. Secession is not the only alternative that can do away with Shan grievances. The author believes there is another choice for the Shan people --- to join hands with other peoples, including the Burmese who are against Burmese Greater Nation Chauvinism, to counter the AFPFL (Anti Fascist People's Freedom League), the roof of Shan grievances. However, if the AFPFL obstinately refuses to mend its greater nationalist errors, and continues to resist the wishes of the Non-Burmese national groups, they will be forced as a last resort to use the secessionist weapon. And before using it they must be prepared for the dangers that will come in the aftermath. The AFPFL and Greater Nation Chauvinism The AFPFL's aims as stipulated in the League's constitution give no hint of Greater Nation Chauvinism. But, in practice, it has been extremely difficult for them to hide it. The following words spoken by none other than U Nu, currently the AFPFL Chairman and the Union Prime Minister, at the People's Assembly on March 7, 1957, clearly eulogize the AFPFL's Greater Nationalism: "…The proposed establishment of an Arakan State has been rejected, not because we hate the Arakanese. The fact is that we do not think having a state is a good thing. When states have been allowed to be set up, it was not because we thought it was a good idea. A country that is only as big as a plum such as ours should not be divided into several states. But we were being forced to agree to it because we wanted Independence, and because we wanted to settle the problems created by British divide-and-rule policy. We did not entertain the idea that having different states is the best system for the Union. But circumstances obliged us to accept it…." Interference, domination and oppression of national groups and smaller races are acts originating from Greater Nation Chauvinism. A country may be as small not just as a plum, but even as a grain of sesame. But if a multitude of races is living there, rights of autonomy corresponding to their population must be granted. This is not demanded without reason. It is for people to safeguard their race from domination by bigger nations and races. In a free and voluntary union such as ours, autonomy and secession are unquestionable prerequisites. And if the bigger nation or the majority race begrudge these rights, the diagnosis must be that it has been infected with the Greater Nation disease. The right of autonomy is the first line of defense for the smaller nations or races to successfully prevent domination. The secession weapon is put to use only when the first measure fails. In a country where there are minorities and small races, demands for the rights of autonomy and secession are a natural and constant feature, particularly if they are being denied, e.g. in Ireland in the past, and Arakan at present. I think that unless the AFPFL leadership adopts a proper policy that meets the wishes of all constituent national groups, peril on a vast scale is inevitable. I would also venture to suggest that members of the AFPFL make a review of U Nu's recent speech and decide whether or not it is compatible with the AFPFL official line. The AFPFL's policy on the nationalities, according to Chapter 1, paragraph 3, Aims and Objectives, is as follows: As the right to self-determination belongs to each respective people, to unite all the indigenous races, their descendants, and all those who refer to themselves as being Burmese citizens for the achievement of Independence; To establish Burma as a nation with the free consent of all the indigenous nationalities, and to recognize the right of self-determination of every nationality. To reconstruct Burma in accordance with the wishes of the people. As I see it, U Nu's speech plainly opposes the above policy. Since each nationality enjoys the right of self-determination, the stateship issue should logically be decided by the majority of the nationality in question. It is not for the Burmese majority to make decisions for them in this matter, e.g. in the case of the Arakan and Pa-O states issues. The AFPFL policy in action pays little or no attention to the wishes of the indigenous nationalities. It is being implemented by offering favors, by dividing each nationality into two opposing camps and itself acting as balancing power between them. Until recently, there have been two opposing lines in the Shan State: Secession no matter what, and Union no matter what. And I have tried to present a new line: To stay in the Union if it is beneficial to the Shan people as a whole, and To secede if it is not. When this booklet was first published, a sense of apprehension was still the order of the day. It is encouraging now to see some of these fears fading out. This I consider as a major step in the course of democracy. This new thinking has met with the support of the Shan people, both young and old. I have also received messages from Chin, Kachin, Kayah and Arakan expressing their support. My greater satisfaction is that even die-hard secessionists have begun to accept my proposal. They have not requested reprints, but have provided funds as well. This second edition thus is the fruit of the general support. I have asked suggestions from my close friends, but since they have recommended publishing it as it is, I have done this with the exception of  a few corrections: (not translated) It should also be made clear that the ideas presented in this booklet are not mine. Most of them correspond to the now defunct SSPFL's position. The SSPFL's slogan was "Shanland is for the Shan nationalities". Its aims were: For the Shan people to enjoy the Right of Self-Determination; Total Freedom for Shanland in political, economic and social relations; and Unity of the people of Shanland. Today's situation, in my opinion, completely concurs with the SSPFL's slogan and aims. LET US ENDEAVOR TO RAISE THE SSPFL FLAG ONCE MORE. Htoon Myint Taunggyi, April 4, 1957 THE SHAN STATE SECESSION ISSUE: To Part or Together According to Articles 201 and 202 of the Union of Burma Constitution, the constituent states, if they choose to do so, enjoy the right to secede from the Union ten years after ratification of the Constitution. And now on the forthcoming September 24, ten years will have passed. It is therefore natural and the timing is right to bring the debate on whether states should secede or continue their existence in the Union. ---------------------------------------- Today's Union of Burma comprises, apart from Mainland Burma, the following areas of national groups: The Shan State, The Kachin State, The Kayah State, The Karen State, and The Chin Special Division. Among these, Kachin, Karen and Chin do not hold the right to secede. Only two states enjoy the right, namely: Shan and Kayah. In both states, there may be those who wish to remain in the Union. At the same time, there may also be those who wish to secede in order to set up their own separate nations. Among the Pro-Unionists, there may be found two categories: Those who wish to remain because of self-interest, and Those who sincerely believe that it is in the interests of the people of their states to remain in the Union. Similarly, corresponding categories in the opposite camp may be found: Those who wish to secede due to lack or loss of private interests in the Union, and Those who sincerely believe that only through secession, will progress and prosperity be worked out for the Shan people. Accordingly, one cannot at a glance denounce everyone who supports unionism of being opportunists, office seekers, and lacking patriotism. Similarly, one can also not accuse everyone who upholds secession of being traitors and imperialists fifth columnists. Instead, each side should be open-minded, respect the right of freedom of thought and expression of other people, give the other side the benefit of the doubt and examine their arguments carefully. People in general must be encouraged to freely and broadly discuss the issue. The decision of the majority must be taken as final. To me the rise of the secession issue is a most valuable eye-opener for the Shan people. It will also serve as a criterion for Shan democracy. I read in the papers recently that one of the decisions reached at the Mongyai Conference of the Shan State Unity Party on December 28, (1956) was secession from the Union. However, no explanations were available as to how and why they arrived at the decision. It can only be guessed in context with other decisions. These were as follows: Opposition to relinquishment of power by the ruling princes, and support in favor of each of the princes to continue rule over his respective domain; Opposition to Shan State's deprivation of proportionate division of the Union Revenue; Opposition to the ruling princes deprivation of proportionate royalties from business ventures in their respective domains; Grievance due to the decrease in revenue in each principality, which in turn was due to the Profit Tax Act that prevented the princes from imposing the traditional household taxes. Not long after this, there appeared in the papers a press release by the Shan State United Hill People's League headed by Sao Khun Khio. The gist of the release is as follows: "The SSUP's decisions do not concern the SSUHPL. As such, the SSUHPL is not responsible for their decisions, and it will definitely not cooperate with the SSUP on the Secession Issue." However, they did not elaborate on their stand as to the issue itself. Response in opposition to the SSUP by the pro-union All Shan State League soon followed in the papers. It denounced the former as Union destroyers, traitors and Imperialists' fifth columnists. They also demanded dismissal from office of one of the Shan ministers, Po Hmon, whom they held responsible for the affair. This also is not an appropriate response, because there is no law which says a state minister cannot speak in favor of secession. The Shan State Council -- the legislative body of the Shan State – and the Shan State Government enjoy self determination in matters concerning their state. And if any such matter is to be decided, the opening decision must be taken by the Shan State Council and its Government. Moreover, as the Shan Council Chairman as well as Shan ministers are not permanent government servants but politicians, they have the right to decide and support either: Secession or Union. The All Shan State League would do better to objectively explain why Secession is wrong, what disadvantages it will cause, and how it will benefit the Shan people to remain the Union. As a former General Secretary to the SSPFL which was largely responsible for the Shan-Burma Alliance, I will try my best to objectively present the issue, praying that readers will discuss and comment on it open-mindedly. First of all, does the Shan State possess the characteristics needed to set up a separate independent nation? The reader will find that: The Shan nationalities have, since ancient times, lived together; They have a common language used by the majority; They also have a common territory with defined boundaries; Its natural resources are rich and abundant, and the economy strong and sufficient; They have a common culture and common traditions. These characteristics acknowledge the validity of a separate Shan nation. However, this does not necessarily existed as a separate and free nation. From the days of the Nanchao Kingdom to the forced exile of the Burmese King, Thibaw Min, Shanland was a tributary state. From 1885 onwards, the Shans followed the Burmese and came under British colonial rule. From 1921 – with the introduction of Dyarchy, Mainland Burma gradually began to enjoy more autonomy. But the Federated Shan States, as Shan was known in those days, as well as other frontier areas, subject to the Divide-and Rule policy, remained under a colonial-cum-feudalist system. Sixty years under British rule brought no political, economic and cultural advance to the Shans. Politically, social rights considered normal in democratic countries were not introduced to them, let alone a measure of an accountable administrative system. Economically, no economic projects were launched to boost the Shan people's living standards despite the abundance of the natural resources. Cottages were rickety. In terms of poverty, the Shans could even compete with the poorest among paupers. Their daily fare was, apart from rice, just soybean and mustard. Their clothes were invariably made of red and blue cotton. In the field of health, a population of over one and a half million in an area of more than 60,000 square-miles had less than half a dozen senior physicians and less than a dozen junior physicians. People were ridden with malaria from the day they were born, and many died young. The average lifespan was said to be only 24. 400 infants out of every thousand died before they were one year old. In the field of education, only 12 out of every hundred, including those who could read only the alphabet, were literate. There were no colleges, let alone universities. The colonialists has greedily sucked the blood of the Shan people. And they had the nerve to call Shanland a backward country. It was also interesting to note that during the sixty-year British rule, no individual rose up to call for development and freedom. The SSPFL In 1947, the first mass organization -- the  SSPFL -- came into being. Only then, slogans such as "Shanland for the people of Shanland" and Total Independence for the Shan" began to spread across the land. The first problem encountered was whether the Shans, in the struggle for Independence, should go alone or join hands with the Burmese. The SSPFL, then the vanguard of the Shan masses, put forward the slogan, "To overthrow Colonialism, the Shans and Burmese must unite." The Shan princes at once denounced the SSPFL as having sold out to the Burmese. And they began to spread their own anti-Burmese propaganda. The SSPFL then, through its chairman, Tin Aye, expounded its Shan-Burma Alliance theme. The following are the excerpts from his speech contained in the AFPFL Bulletin, February 6, 1947 special issue: "…Independence is all right. But how do we go about achieving it? One thing seems to be clear. We cannot, alone by ourselves, hope to achieve it. So we must look for an ally who has the same aspirations… The Burmese people fell under British Colonialism together with us. Therefore, the Shans and the Burmese share the same boat, the same journey and same aims. Logically, we should put aside other problems, such as future cooperation, for the time being, and work together in the meantime for the achievement of Independence. On this point, we need not hesitate. We should all vigorously call for independence simultaneously with the Burmese, work for it, and organize the people on this policy… As to the question of future cooperation and separation, the AFPFL and other progressive Burmese elements like the Communists have already recognized our Right of Self-Determination as follows: The present cooperation shall not affect future cooperation or separation Despite agreement to join the Union, the Shans shall reserve the right to secede if and when they choose. The Shans can still join the Union even though they shall choose to defer their decision to do so until after the convening of the Constituent Assembly. Full autonomy for internal affairs. No prejudice against the customs and traditions of the Shans. No one could be more broadminded than this. We should sincerely support this stand. "…To be honest, we cannot hope to achieve Independence with a short-term struggle without joining hands with the Burmese. Similarly, without the participation of the Frontier Areas, we do not believe Burma's Independence will be genuine and lasting, Therefore, it is everyone's duty and task to join hands together for the overthrow of colonialism. …To be frank, if the Burmese attempt to replace the departing British colonialists, we can join together with other non-Burmese such as Chins, Kachins, Karens and Arakans to overthrow them. We can, if we choose, also exist as an independent nation. There is no cause for worry on these questions… "…But these problems will arise only after the achievement of Independence from the British. These are future problems. However, the immediate problem is the overthrow of British Colonialism. So let us --Shans, Burmese, Karens, Chins and Kachins -- join together to struggle for independence…" Also in the SSPFL's proclamation No. 4 which was issued on February 5, 1947 under the headline "Let us join Burma to get Independence", the SPFL unequivocally outlined its stand: "Due to the present Burmese political situation, it is imperative that we Shans together with other frontier people decide on our own destiny. …We have become slaves together since 1885, so we wish to be free too once Burma achieves freedom… our policy concerning the Burmese is as follows: We firmly believe that Shanland can exist as a separate sovereign country; We also believe that the Shans' present strength is insufficient to expel colonialism. Therefore as long as Shanland and Burma are not independent, we wish to stay with the Burmese. Only through the unity of the nationalities - - Shans, Burmese, Chins, Karens etc. - - can colonialism be successfully overthrown, and both Shanland and Burma be totally free. In order to strengthen both countries after Independence, we believe that discussions must be conducted among the newly free Burmese, Shan, Chin, Kachin, Karen etc. in the Constituent Assembly to provide for equal fights, firm mutual pledges, Self-Determination for internal affairs and the right of secession. We wish to join with Burma on this basis…" This line came to be accepted by the Shan princes and other national groups. The preamble of the celebrated Panglong Agreement declares "…believe that freedom will be more speedily achieved by the Shans, Kachins and Chins by their immediate cooperation with the interim Burmese Government…" Again on March 23, 1947, the Shan, Chin and Kachin leaders attending the Supreme Council of the United Hill Peoples' meeting took the following resolutions (at the residence of the Prince of Yawnghwe): "2. To take part in the Burmese Constituent Assembly on a population basis, but no decision to be affected in matters regarding a particular area without the two-third majority of votes of the representatives of the Areas concerned. equal rights for all; full internal autonomy for the Hill Areas; right of secession from Burma at the any time after attaining freedom…" To the Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry (FACE) headed by Rees-Williams, the SCOUHP presented a memorandum, in which its views regarding the Shans' future relations with Burma are contained: "3. Association with Burma shall be on a federal basis with: equal rights and status; full internal autonomy for the Shan States; right of secession at any time after the attainment of freedom…" The report of the FACE also concludes that the majority of witnesses who supported cooperation with Burma demanded the right of secession by the State at any time. Therefore, it was clear from the beginning the Shan-Burma alliance did not mean lasting cooperation. In genuine federation, the right of secession is an essential complement. As General Aung San said, "The right of secession must be given, but it is our duty to work and show (our sincerity) so that they don't wish to leave". It is Burma's responsibility to prove their sincerity so the states do not wish to secede. During the drafting of the Constitution, it  was proposed in Chapter 10, Right of Secession, Clause 202: "The right of secession shall not be exercised within ten years from the date on which this Constitution comes into operation". The representatives from SSFPL had strongly protested against it, but only because they regarded its inclusion as detrimental to genuine federation and prejudicial to the rights of minorities. Contrary to propaganda, the SSPFL did not betray the Shan people. Its clearcut stand was: To unite with Burma in order to overcome colonialism, to maintain the alliance if it is in the interest of the Shan people, and to withdraw from it if it is not. Due to the SSPFL's guidance and efforts, the Shan-Burma Alliance is now ten years old. And during these years, the SPFL was destroyed due to feudalist suppression. Also thanks to the SSPFL's guidance, the Shan-Burma Alliance freed both Shans and Burmese alike from the yoke of British colonialism. And the time has come now to make an assessment of the ten-year period. The time has also come to consider whether we should remain in the Union or withdraw from it. Let us first make a comparison with the colonial era. During the colonial days, no responsible administrative power granted. The people enjoyed no democratic rights. What they had was merely a colonial-cum-feudal rule. The Shan people in general were in destitution during the colonial period. They still remain so today. They have not yet progressed from soybean and mustard. On the contrary, they have become more and more poverty-stricken. British colonialism exacted the riches of Shanland for a handful of capitalists. And today the AFPFL Government is doing the same for themselves. The prospects of Shanland sharing the benefits are still hazy. Before the War, the whole of the Shan States had 196 schools. (90% of these were private and missionary schools.) In 1947 only 138 remained. Literacy was 12% . Today the number of schools has certainly increased: 17 high schools, 19 middle schools, and 391 primary schools, according to available information. However, the State Government is yet to release a statement as to how many are literate now. During the colonial days, the whole of Shanland had 33 hospitals and dispensaries, including those operated by missionaries and private sectors. The annual report of the State Council Chairman, however, does not disclose how many of them there are now. Postal and telegraph services, and roads and communications have seen no progress. In fact, they are even worse than during the colonial period. This I believe is the objective assessment of the post-independence period. Those who sincerely want to secede seem to be unhappy owing to this assessment. They more than likely think the Shans could have gone far on their own. On the other hand, those who sincerely support the Union seem to consider the ten year period as a bonus in favor of the Shan people. They seem to think this benefit will increase with the continuation of the union. There are those among the secessionists who wish to be independent just because they have never experienced independence before. They are subjectivists. There are also those who insist Shanland must be for Shans only. They are simple-minded patriots. There are also those who want to secede because they are dissatisfied with the AFPFL. However, the people have yet to learn from the secessionists what form Shanland would take after secession, and what sort of development programs are in store for them. Some of them say they do not dare present it right now. Meanwhile, the unionists also have yet to present to the Shan people how and when this land and its people can expect to realize progress and prosperity through continued union. Some of them try to evade the question by saying, "It is like water and lotus. Shans will prosper in step with the Union, of course." Some of them even try to beat around the bush by muttering, "We don't yet feel comfortable presenting our views." In this situation, how can one expect our people to make the right decision? As for me, I can frankly state that I am not at all happy with the present conditions: the princes still retaining their traditional powers, development projects still unforeseen, establishment of institutions for high learning and vocation still not in the offing, etc. If there is no hope of alleviating the present situation, I would rather leave the Union and consider myself a secessionist. All the same, I cannot support the secessionist lines adopted by the SSUP and the SSUHPL. They are likely to set up an American-dominated Shan where the princes retain life-and-death power over the respective domains. Even as a secessionist, I shall have to oppose this form of secession. My Secessionist Line The following is my own proposal: Shanland possesses the characteristics necessary for founding a separate nation. Owing to both the geographical conditions and its natural resources, Shanland has a high potential to become a developed nation. If there is little or no hope of benefitting from the Union, we would like to secede and set up a republic on the following basis: The secession must be free from external intrigues and interference; It must not come under neo-colonialists and feudal powers; Shanland shall enjoy equal rights with other nations, and in turn be beneficial to world peace. Though basically we are secessionist, we shall keep an open mind to Burmese efforts made in the spirit of Aung San's saying. In other words, they need to show their sincerity so that we won't wish to secede. Also according to the Constitution, the progress and prosperity of the Shan State rest primarily with the Union Government. Looking at the statistics in State Legislature and Revenue, we find that states can do very little to introduce development projects. What little they can do is limited to the agricultural field. The principal revenue comes from land taxes and  forestry taxes. And they have to rely on "Union Subsidies". What they can obtain from their own state is plainly not enough to cover their normal expenditure, let along introduce development projects. 1956-57 Estimates (in Kyats) States         State Revenue            Union Subsidies              Normal Expenditure Shan            4,127,340                     12,500,000                         17,211,000 Kachin         3,904,230                     7, 500,000                           12,069,000 Kayah          506,390                        2,000,000                            2,938,000 Karen          2,008,430                      3,800,000                            6,916,000 Even with the Union Subsidies, it is still not sufficient to compensate for the normal expenditure. Actually, Union Subsidies are not subsidies. They are liabilities, rightful and proportionate shares for the states from revenue taxed directly by the Union Government, such as sea custom duty, beverages, lotteries, etc. Nobody is certain in what proportions they are being divided and shared. But one invariably finds that they are being divided according to the whims of the Union Government. This led to my calling the subsidies "cow-at-the-mercy-of-the-tiger subsidies" in my previous book "Whither Shanland?" If we continue to depend on such subsidies, the world may come to an end, but progress and prosperity can never become a reality. The Union Government is totally answerable for the progress and prosperity of the states. They must bring in modern communications, agricultural techniques, mining, technology, institutes for advanced learning and vocational training at college and university to the states. Industries must also be set up in accordance with the location of natural resources. For instance, iron and zinc ore extracted near Taunggyi should not be transported to Rangoon, where iron smelting plants and steel factories have been built in a nearby town. Also, the proceeds from the industries must be spent mainly for the state concerned. Social impediments such as feudalism must be abolished as well. This I believe is how the Union Government should induce the states not to leave the Union. However, in matters where it want to shirk responsibility, the Union Government tends to say, "It's your internal affair. You should not expect us to meddle. "But in matters in which they wish to interfere, they do so without compunction, e.g. the 1952 Martial Law of the Shan State, and the 1956 Burma-Israel Agreement to "develop" one million acres of the Shan State. The Basics If one were to observe the real basis of the Shan Secession issue objectively, one would be surprised to discover that the main question is not secession itself, but PROGRESS and PROSPERITY in the Shan State. It is for these basic aspirations the secessionists wish to secede. It is also for these aspirations that the unionists wish to remain in the Union. Recitations of the sacred incantations i.e. "National Unity" and "the perpetuation of the Union" will not remove the secession issue. It should not be taken for granted that the Shans dare not secede. Threats accompanied by proverbs like "The tiger bites those cattle that leave the herd" will not have any effect on the issue either. There is only one solution: the implementation of Aung San's immortal saying. Long live a Union where all the indigenous groups enjoy uniform progress and prosperity. Htoon Myint January 23, 1957 IN POLITICS, "IDEAS" ARE NOT TO BE FEARED. "IDEAS" MUST BE COUNTERED WITH "IDEAS", AND THE RIGHT IDEAS WILL PREVAIL IN THE END. (From WHITHER SHANLAND? 1995)

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