Monday, May 29, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

State Counselor: Peace Conference Agreements ‘A Significant Step’ for Burma

Posted: 29 May 2017 07:10 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The stakeholders' negotiations at the Union Peace Conference (UPC) "mark a significant step" toward future democratic federalism, said the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at the closing ceremony of the second 21st Century Panglong in Naypyidaw.

Despite encountering disagreements over the basic federal principles of equality and self-determination—among the government, the political parties, the Tatmadaw and the ethnic armed organizations—the members of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) who organized the event are optimistic that the conference achieved its aims "to some extent."

Over the weekend, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is also the chairperson of the UPDJC, participated in negotiating the key terms of the federal principles, such as those concerning cessation from the Union and equality between the Tatmadaw and the ethnic armed organizations.

"The agreements that we have been able to sign today mark a significant step on our path toward peace, national reconciliation, and the emergence of a democratic federal Union," said the State Counselor. "Reaching these agreements has not been easy; we have encountered moments of disappointment as well as inspiration along the way."

"Yet I am greatly encouraged that despite our many different views and perspectives, we have been able, through frank discussion and negotiation, to reach common positions," she added, stating that the foundations for democracy and federalism for future generations have been laid through dialogue.

After the negotiations, stakeholder representatives from the government, Parliament, the Burma Army, political parties, and ethnic armed groups who were signatories to the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) agreed to 37 of 41 basic federal principles and signed part 1 of the Union Accord on Monday.

The first part of the accord was signed by Dr. Tin Myo Win, the chairman of the Peace Commission; U Tun Tun Hein, the chairman of Lower House's bill committee; Lt-General Tin Maung Win; Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win, the vice chairman of Karen National Union; and U Thu Wai, the representative of the political parties.

However, key principles regarding equality, self-determination and federalism have not yet been included in the accord, and delegates said further discussion would continue in this regard.

U Yaw Thet, the chairman of the Lahu National Development Party said that the UPC at this point served as a forum to collect perspectives. "It is not yet easy to make any concrete decisions as not every group is participating in the process yet."

The debate about the term "non-cessation from the Union" was not settled and the Tatmadaw wants a commitment from the ethnic armed organizations that they pledge not to separate from the state.

Daw Saw Mra Yar Zar Lin, a UPDJC secretary and member of the Arakan Liberation Party said they had agreed to the signing of the first part of the Union accord, but that each of the armed groups did not need to sign on its own.

She said, "It cannot be said that ALP is pleased about the outcomes, because we are being suppressed, and we could not fully bring our people's desires [to the UPC]," referring to not being able to conduct the ethnic-based national level political dialogue in Arakan and Shan states.

"But we contributed to the discussion over general principles, which reflected the people's desires," she explained, adding that Monday's agreement is just a part of the Union accord, which can be further reviewed and revised.

The eight ethnic armed organizations—the NCA signatories—also discussed during the six-day conference how they will move forward in the peace process, despite holding different opinions than the Tatmadaw.

Lt-Col Sai Ngern of the Restoration Council of Shan State said that they "had compromised with understanding, in order to keep the peace process ongoing."

"We have also begun to learn how we might be able to create unity out of diversity," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said, adding that "we can find similarities despite our differences and we can identify common ground through peaceful negotiation."

She urged the public "to continue actively along the path of peace and to remain focused on the future," to end the decades-long conflict in the country.

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Ma Ba Tha Lay Members Announce Plan to Form Political Party

Posted: 29 May 2017 04:54 AM PDT

RANGOON — Leading laypersons from Burma's biggest Buddhist nationalist group, the Association to Protect Race and Religion—commonly known as Ma Ba Tha—have announced that they will soon form a political party.

Maung Thway Chon, one such Ma Ba Tha member, revealed the plan on Sunday after the association's two-day meeting in Rangoon.

"We will set up a party named '135 United Patriots.' We came to a consensus from all the laymen who attended today," he told the media on Sunday. He is also the president of Dhamma Wunthanu Yakhita, a Ma Ba Tha sub-chapter.

He explained that the party aims to work for national interests, unity and sovereignty. Maung Thway Chon also said that the party would provide Burmese citizens with different faiths equality with Buddhists—yet leading Ma Ba Tha monks, such as U Wirathu, are notorious for engaging in anti-Muslim hate speech.

Due to these practices, the state Sangha committee, Ma Ha Na, recently ordered that Ma Ba Tha cease all activities, including use of its name.

"We have agreed to Ma Ha Na's request, as we respect them," Maung Thway Chon said. "But if there are more accessions, it will have an impact on nationalism. We have to protect religious associations as well as Buddhists," he told The Irrawaddy.

When asked about the meaning of the number 135, he explained: "One stands for Buddha, three for Three Gems [the three cornerstones of Buddhism: Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha], and five represents the five infinite venerable entities [Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha, Parents and Teacher]."

On Sunday after the two-day meeting with members from across the country, the association released an announcement that they would "no longer use [the name] Ma Ba Tha, but would go by the Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation," rebranding themselves as a charity group.

"We urge all Ma Ba Tha groups across the country to keep carrying out the interests of country, race and religion under the Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation name," the statement read.

Maung Thway Chon said Ma Ba Th has a membership of 10 million people in nearly 300 townships across the country.

"It doesn't mean that they all have to be members [of the new political party]. If they want to protect race and religion, they are welcome. Non-members are encouraged to join as well," he said.

On Monday, Ashin Sopaka, a leading monk from Ma Ba Tha, said the political party in the pipeline is a separate movement initiated by patriotic forces and has nothing to do with Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation or Dhamma Wunthanu Yakhita.

 

The post Ma Ba Tha Lay Members Announce Plan to Form Political Party appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School Wins Citizen of Burma Award

Posted: 29 May 2017 04:48 AM PDT

RANGOON—Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School in Mandalay, led by Buddhist monk Sayadaw U Nayaka, has been named this year's recipient of the Citizen of Burma Award.

The award is given annually by Burmese living abroad in honor of those who work for the benefit of Burmese society. It was announced on Sunday in Colorado, US.

The school principal and abbot of Phaung Daw Oo Monastery, Sayadaw U Nayaka, is known for developing a teaching method radically different from what is often encountered in Burma's moribund public education system.

Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School provides free education and health services to some 9,000 students. The center is well known for its child-centered approach.

The US-based Citizen of Burma Award organization also honored three other individual and community-based organizations: social worker Ko Soe Htike, who cofounded the single mother support center Myint Mo Myittar; Save the Library in Myanmar; and Ko Aye Kyaw Kyaw, an electrical engineer based in Rangoon.

The Citizen of Burma Award comes with a US$10,000 prize, while the special award winners receive $1,000 from the award committee.

"Sayadaw [U Nayaka] is happy to receive the award. He said it's a recognition for his work and a strength to continue," Buddhist monk, U Tayzaw, an assistant to Sayadaw U Nayaka, told The Irrawaddy. The monk added that the prize would be spent on their work in Burma's education system.

The first recipient of the award, which was inaugurated in 2010, was Free Funeral Services Society founder Kyaw Thu. Last year, it was given to Dr. Than Min Htut, who provides health care and promotes reproductive health access in rural villages in Shan State.

Thirty-seven people and organizations were nominated for the award. The nominees include assassinated NLD legal advisor U Ko Ni; taxi driver Ko Nay Win, who gave his life trying to apprehend the assassin of U Ko Ni; Burmese journalist Ko Swe Win; U Myat Thu Win, chairman of the Shwe Minn Tha Foundation, which helps people with disabilities; human rights activist U Aung Myo Min and others.

A formal award ceremony will be held on June 4 in Rangoon.

 

The post Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School Wins Citizen of Burma Award appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Army Accused of Torturing, Killing Three Kachin Civilians

Posted: 29 May 2017 04:38 AM PDT

MANDALAY — The bodies of three Kachin men allegedly tortured and killed by Burma Army troops were returned to their families on Monday after undergoing post mortems, according to a village administrator.

Nhkum Gam Awng, 31, Maran Brang Seng, 22, and Labya Naw Hkum, 27, from Maihkawng IDP camp in Mansi Township, Kachin State, were arrested by Battalion 319 on May 25 and their bodies were found on May 28.

Maihkawng village administrator U Naw Bauk said one of the men had a bullet wound in his leg and described extensive head injuries to all three men.

"We also found knife wounds on their bodies," he said. "We believe they were violently tortured."

The men were arrested at Hka Pra Yang village, about three miles from the IDP camp, while they were collecting firewood, according to camp officials.

"A boy who accompanied them came back and told us that they were arrested by the soldiers of Battalion 319," said U Brang Nu, an official of Maihkawng IDP camp.

"As the villagers told us they heard the gun shots later that day, the men's families and friends went searching for them and found their bodies, which were buried about five miles from Hka Pra Yang village," he added.

Police investigating the crime took the bodies to a hospital in Mansi Township on Monday morning for post mortems and returned them on Monday afternoon. Officials did not say when the post mortem results would be available.

Locals said this was the first incident of murder in their area.

"There are no other armed groups moving in this area besides the army. We are now very afraid to live here. We believe the army will take action against the ones who committed this crime," said U Brang Nu.

The Burma Army Light Infantry Battalion 502, based in Mann San village in northern Shan State's Kyaukme Township, were accused of killing three men on April 9, following fighting in the area between the Burma Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

Sources said the causalities—an ethnic Bamar from Shwebo Township in Sagaing Division and two ethnic Shan from Kyaukme—were not members of the TNLA but were in fact local villagers who often worked as drivers in the township.

The post Burma Army Accused of Torturing, Killing Three Kachin Civilians appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Wa’s Zhao Guo An: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Wants to Achieve Peace in Her Lifetime

Posted: 29 May 2017 04:33 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW — Seven ethnic armed groups based close to the China-Burma border area led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) attended the second session of the 21st Century Panglong held in Naypyidaw last week.

Were it not for China, they would have left Naypyidaw immediately after their arrival because of problems over the "status" in which they joined the conference.

In an exclusive interview with Irrawaddy reporter Kyaw Kha, Zhao Guo An, head of UWSA external affairs and secretary general of the Wa-led committee known as the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), talked about difficulties in attending the peace conference, talks with Burma's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), Burma Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's opening speech, and the role of China in Burma's peace process.

What did ethnic leaders discuss with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

The discussion did not focus on serious matters; it was to cultivate a relationship.

Did you present the bloc of northeastern armed groups' policy [adopted at the 4th Panghsang Summit in April] to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

We presented it to her through Dr. Tin Myo Win on May 25. She did not have time to study it, not to mention to respond to our policies. She has to make a goodwill visit to Canada on June 2. We understand she is busy. So, I don't think she has had time to read it all. Her stand is that she wants to achieve peace while she is alive. She said we are old and over 70 now and we don't know how long we are going to live. Therefore, she will work resolutely to build peace while she is still alive.

What has changed since you last came to Naypyidaw for the peace conference?

There was not much difference. Last time, we walked away because of the 'observer' card. This time we got a 'delegation' card, but, in the end, we could not take part in discussions like the last time. Though we got 'delegation' card, there was a problem with the seating plan. The seats they [the government] arranged for us carried labels reading 'special guest.' So, we decided to leave the conference hall. But then, the organizer removed those labels. The organizer said they attached those labels to prevent others from sitting there.

What were the demands of the UWSA-led bloc in order to join the 21st Century Panglong peace conference?

We clarified our demands to China before coming. China said our demand would be fulfilled. We said we would not go [to Naypyidaw] if we were not officially invited and if we were not allowed to talk at the conference, and that we would not sign a deed of commitment (DoC).

Can you explain how China mediated the attendance of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA), and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance (MNDAA)?

We don't know how China handled this. We are subject to frequent lies concerning this. While we were arranging for a visa at the Burmese Consulate in China's Kunming, we said we would not attend unless we were invited as the FPNCC. China promised to try, and said we would be able to attend as fully-fledged delegates, and not observers or guests.

China also promised it would make sure we were able to give an opening address and that we needn't sign the DoC. China negotiated with us on May 21, but the conference was scheduled to start on May 24, and we needed time to make preparations. They [Burma government] usually play that trick—they only made arrangements when the conference was too close. This made it difficult for us to attend. Our assessment is that they wanted to create a situation in which they invited us, but we did not attend.

On the evening of May 22, we went to the Burmese Consulate in Kunming for our visas. An officer at the consulate said the invitations for those three groups (the TNLA, the MNDAA, the AA) had arrived. Those groups were addressed as observers on the invitations. So, they said they would not go. Then we held a meeting, and China said it would make sure we would get official [delegate] cards and speak at the conference, and that Burmese officials would not pose an obstacle.

As we support the One Belt One Road project jointly implemented by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Chinese President Xi Jinping, and appreciate China's mediation, and as a manner of cooperating with the National League for Democracy-led government's peace efforts, we decided to go to Naypyidaw first, anyway, and act according to the circumstances there.

When we arrived in Naypyidaw on May 23, we found that they played the same trick as the first conference [in August last year]. The invitations were similar to those of the first time; we knew that they were still playing us.  So, we told China that we would not attend. China, through its embassy to Burma, negotiated with the Burmese government until 1 a.m. on May 24, and then we got invitation cards as official delegates. In the end, we could come here as a group for the first time, and we view this as a success, and a step forward to future negotiations.

We understand that the peace issue can't be solved within one or two years. Eight groups signed the NCA under U Thein Sein government. But we have our own version of the NCA, which we designed by changing some provisions in the original NCA. If the government would agree to our version of the NCA, we would consider signing it.

The NCA that those eight groups signed does not guarantee peace. Take a look at the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State]—according to [RCSS leader] General Yawd Serk, more than 200 clashes and skirmishes broke out even after signing NCA. Though we didn't sign the NCA, we have been at peace with the government for some 28 years. The NCA is just a paper agreement, but in essence it contradicts its provisions.

Therefore, there is a need for long-term negotiations. There will be continued debate and political struggle. I believe that all the people in Burma want to lead a stable and peaceful life.

Is it true China pressured some leaders to attend the conference against their will?

China didn't pressure us. Only when there is peace and stability in the region, will the One Belt One Road project be implemented and will there be regional development. If everyone understands this, highways and hydropower projects, for example, will bring about mutual benefits. If the One Belt One Road project is implemented successfully, there will be great benefits for not only our country, but also our region.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing implied in his address to Panglong that the only way to peace is through the NCA. What is your view?

It is not a problem. He has his own stand and we have our own stand. If we have the same stands, there won't be conflicts. It is not strange. We will meet frequently and negotiate in the future to find an answer. The negotiations ahead to ensure internal peace and a stable life for people will be more difficult. If both sides are willing to meet the other half way and strike a deal, then we will be able to reconcile.

The post The Wa's Zhao Guo An: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Wants to Achieve Peace in Her Lifetime appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UWSA Steadfast in Stance on NCA Amendments

Posted: 29 May 2017 03:28 AM PDT

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) remains steadfast in its stance that the current nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) needs to be amended regardless of Burma Army statements to the contrary.

The country's most powerful ethnic armed group released a paper to the media at the start of the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference on May 24 about its attempts to negotiate with the Burma Army regarding the NCA.

The UWSA sent a draft NCA to the Burma Army and the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) in March, following an ethnic summit hosted in Panghsang, the Wa administrative capital.

Wa sources say the Burma Army never responded to the draft.

Efforts to expand the current number of NCA signatories have faltered and conflict persists in the north, despite previous bilateral ceasefire agreements with some groups in the region.

The Wa did not participate in the initial drafting of the NCA as it had a longstanding ceasefire with the Burma Army and did not see the efficacy of signing the new agreement.

However, China has placed pressure on the group to accept the NCA and change its political stance, and the Wa sees stability in the region as a path to development.

"If there is no stability in northern Shan, development in the Wa region will be hindered. We call for a stop to fighting between ethnic armed groups and the Burma Army," the statement said.

The Wa was discouraged by the lack of response to their NCA draft and the army's public discourse on the issue.

Burma Army Vice Senior General Soe Win spoke to media in early May and stated, "Not even one word of the current NCA can be changed."

The Wa statement said the army's public statements had shamed them in the media.

"The Wa will not begin fighting easily. We have already expressed our wishes for peace. But if you ignore our wishes, we will have nothing to say about fighting," the statement said.

It continued that the army should have replied privately, as opposed to airing its disagreement publically, showing its disrespect for ethnic groups.

The Burma Army has also expressed its stance that the country only needs one army, which the Wa opposes based on Burma's history.

The Wa paper added that this was a longstanding conflict that will be difficult to solve in a short time.

The post UWSA Steadfast in Stance on NCA Amendments appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The UNFC: From High Hopes to an Uncertain Future

Posted: 29 May 2017 02:37 AM PDT

On its founding in 2011, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) was one of the most formidable blocs of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) Burma had ever seen, with the grand ambition of representing almost all of the country's EAOs during peace talks with the government.

Resignations and suspensions have eroded the alliance's original 13-strong membership to seven since 2014, with further plans for the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Wa National Organization (WNO) to leave.

Arguments over which way to approach Burma's peace making process are rattling the bloc. Five of its members—the New Mon State Party (NMSP); the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP); the WNO; the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU); and the Arakan National Council (ANC)—are in favor of signing the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). But the KIO wants to abandon the NCA.

A trail of criticism followed the Karen National Union (KNU) when it left the bloc in 2014, including accusations of an uneasy proximity to the Burma Army and a lack of solidarity with the UNFC leadership under the KIO.

The KNU argued for a decentralization of power away from the KIO, but the leading member rejected the KNU's proposal, triggering KNU leaders to walk out of the meeting and quit the bloc the next day.

In 2015, the bloc dismissed the Chin National Front (CNF) and the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO) when they signed the NCA.

In the same year, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Arakan Army (AA)—resigned from the bloc because they said the UNFC could not offer them protection or help them negotiate with the government.

Leader of the UNFC, the KIO, has shown interest in leaving the bloc to join the China-backed Northern Alliance, which includes powerful EAOs such as the United Wa State Army, the TNLA, and the MNDAA. The departure of the KIO would significantly diminish the military might of the UNFC.

Members of the bloc rejected an invitation to attend the 21st Century Panglong peace conference in Naypyidaw as "special guests," dismissing the status as that of observers who could not participate in the conference's discussions, in contrast to the Northern Alliance, which attended unexpectedly.

The Burma Army and the government will continue to reap political benefits from the discord with the UNFC, as its members are pressured and pushed aside.

As the NCA signatories negotiate with the government and the Burma Army, and the Northern Alliance attempts to carve an alternative way to peace for itself, the future of the bloc remains uncertain.

The post The UNFC: From High Hopes to an Uncertain Future appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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National News

National News

Action to be taken against traffic violators from June 10

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:19 PM PDT

The Mandalay City Development Committee has announced that action will be taken against those who violate traffic rules in Mandalay effective June 10.

Motion to debate unemployment accepted

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:14 PM PDT

MP U Khin Cho has asked the authorities to address the 34 percent unemployment problem facing the country.

Free farmland for farmers in Sagaing

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:11 PM PDT

The Sagaing regional government is giving out free lands, starting from the second week of May, to farmers that do not possess any farmland.

Ma Ba Tha to continue under new name

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:09 PM PDT

Ma Ba Tha chair Sayadaw Ashin Tilokabhivamsa said it is necessary to note and to be careful that the ban on the Patriotic Association of Myanmar (Ma Ba Tha) was not because of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee.

Coastal areas on orange cyclone alert

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:06 PM PDT

Myanmar has been put on a cyclone orange alert for coastal areas as a depression over the Bay of Bengal moves towards landfall and may cross near the Rakhine State coastal area.

Drought may destroy summer paddy

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:03 PM PDT

Summer paddy crop grown in Pwintphyu and Salin townships in the Magwe Region may be damaged if it does not rain until the end of the month, said farmers last Thursday.

Secession, self-determination haunt second round of Panglong conference

Posted: 28 May 2017 01:00 PM PDT

The government and ethnic armed groups have failed to reach an agreement on the issues of secession and self-determination in the final day of the second round of the 21st-Century Panglong Conference.

MP wants damaged roads repaired

Posted: 28 May 2017 12:55 PM PDT

Heavy vehicles, especially lorries, plying to and fro from cement factories in the Kyaukse township, Mandalay Region, have resulted in damage along some parts of the roads.
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Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News

SECOND 21st CENTURY PANGLONG: Pangkham, secession and one national army issues dominated the political landscape

Posted: 29 May 2017 02:43 AM PDT

The second Union Peace Conference - 21st Century Panglong (UPC-21CP) was held by the National League for Democracy (NLD) government from May 24 until 29, one day more than  according to the schedule. The first one was also convened by the same regime in August-September in 2016.

Actually, the first peace conference that was then officially termed as Union Peace Conference (UPC) was held by the former Thein Sein regime, in January 2016, shortly before he left office, following the NLD's land-slide election victory by the end of 2015 but only came into office in March 2016. Thus, the recent May peace conference is the third of its kind, but taken as the second one under the banner of the UPC – 21CP.

The difference between the first UPC-21CP and the second one is that while the first one could be hardly called a conference, as it was just a political position paper delivering forum where some 72 papers were read, without discussion or assessment, the second one seek to lay down the preliminary general principals on how the formation of a federal union should be achieved.

The first UPC-21CP was attended by most 21 Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), with the exclusion of  Kokang, Ta'ang and Arakan armies, while the second one involved the said three under the banner of the Pangkham alliance. But the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) that was there at the first conference chooses to stay away, due to the assumption that it was being slighted and ignored on its 9-point proposal to amend the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) to be a level playing field by the government, in addition to being pushed either to sign the Deeds of Commitment (DoC) first or the NCA at a later date or immediately.

Oddly enough, while the UNFC stayed away, the Pangkham alliance that most didn't expect to be at the conference was suddenly there. Thanks to the Chinese intervention on leadership level, with promise from its President Xi Jinping to help Myanmar out of the peace deadlock, followed by the shuttle diplomacy of Sun Guoxiang, the special envoy for Asian affairs of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, between the Pangkham alliance, Suu Kyi and Min Aung Hlaing.

However, as expected earlier the Pangkham alliance only attended the opening ceremony and later met the government's PC headed by Tin Myo Win, Suu Kyi's top peace negotiator and later with Suu Kyi, including visiting her at home for more trust-building and further communication, according to the various news reports.

Reportedly, the alliance was said to have distributed its booklet to journalist on "Amendment proposal of the nationwide ceasefire agreement timeline between the Wa State and Myanmar Government" and also delivered its separate position paper to Suu Kyi, on its proposed version of ceasefire agreement, following the visit to her home.

Now let us have a closer look of what this second UPC-21CP has been able to deliver or push us any further to the path of national reconciliation and peace.

Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and Pangkham alliance game plan

A new game plan initiated by the Pangkham alliance group involving 7 EAOs that rejects the government's NCA-based game plan has been in existence for sometimes. But latest development now indicates the alliance might go along if the government accepts alterations to the NCA. Reportedly, it produced a new ceasefire proposal version concerning only military matters, unlike the present NCA which is a mixture of both politics and military issues.

The Pangkham-led 7 EAOs military-political alliance includes the United Wa State Party/Army (UWSP/UWSA), United League of Arakan/Arakan Army (ULA/AA), Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA), Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party/Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNTJP/MNDAA), Peace and Solidarity Committee/National Democratic Alliance Army (PSC/NDAA) and Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA).

Pangkham insisted that the NCA-based peace process is not working, as it is unable to stop the war in Kachin and Shan States in the first place, besides being a process aimed at replacing the Panglong Agreement of 1947, which the alliance considers to be their historical-political legacy vested with rights of self-determination, equality and democracy and also the sole legal bond, to form a new political entity called the Union of Burma, between the ethnic nationalities and the Bamar state prior to the independence from the British in 1948.

Thus, the Pangkham alliance consideration was originally to end the war in the north of the country first, followed by political negotiation and eventual political settlement. But this uncompromising attitude changed to the demand for alteration of the NCA, when on May 25, the UWSA representative delegation made known of its booklet "Amendment proposal of the nationwide ceasefire agreement timeline between the Wa State and Myanmar Government",  dated April 30, 2017, to the media.

The booklet said that due to China's pressure the UWSA has changed its stance to amend the NCA and requested the government and Tatmadaw accordingly.

It wrote China has been pressuring the Wa and Special Region 4 (Mong La) repeatedly to sign the NCA. "In order to respond to the Chinese opinion and demand, including considering the fact to guard and protect peace along China-Myanmar border area, and to overcome the difficult peace process, after careful consideration Wa State has changed its opinion of not wanting to sign (the NCA)," according to report.

The booklet further said that although it has changed its position to amend the NCA and tried to work out a solution with the Tatmadaw and government, it was not successful, as the Tatmadaw finally made public that the NCA could not be amended and would firmly stick to it.

"To find solution to the northern Myanmar armed conflict and tranquility of Myanmar-China border area, Wa State would try its utmost to find answer (solution) and would not easily start armed engagement," according to the booklet.

Commander-in-Chief, State Counselor and Mutu Say Poe opening speeches

In response to the stance of Pangkham alliance now officially named Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing made a remark on May 24 in his opening speech. He said: "Ignoring this (NCA) and pursuing other or the second way will be an attempt to loathe the establishment of a Union based on peace, democracy and federalism. As such, we have to assume that the attempt is tantamount to grabbing power and splitting from the Union through armed struggle line," according to recent report of the Global New Light of Myanmar.

He further stressed: "Studying 72 papers submitted at the previous conference, we came to notice that the discussions, activities and basic concepts of some ethnic groups are far beyond the federal system, which is the right of autonomy. Such acts go against the desires and interest of the people who have high expectations of the democracy cause and peace process. As an institution responsible for protecting the interests of the State and the people, the Tatmadaw has to face any organization committing destructive acts in line with its responsibility."

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi's conciliatory tone, laced with responsible attitude that all should follow, impressed many when she said in her opening speech on May 25: "Almost everyone accepts that the resolution to our country's long-running armed conflicts is a federal system that is acceptable to all. Our goal is therefore the "emergence of a democratic federal union based on democracy and federalism". Whether or not we will achieve this goal rests in all of our hands. It is a responsibility that falls on all of our shoulders. I do not think that any of us would wish to avoid, reject or shrink away from this responsibility."

"We will not resort to exerting pressure through populist politics, or coercing others through political means to achieve our goals. We will instead  strive  to  reach  an agreement that is acceptable to all, based on open, frank and inclusive dialogue," she further stressed with assurance.

The Karen National Union (KNU) leader Mutu Say Poe pointed out the implementation flaws by saying: "[I]t is necessary to create a situation free from any influences so that thorough negotiations can be made. It will be difficult to get long-lasting peace if we do not have sufficient preparation, exchange of news and information and satisfactory discussions among respective organizations. Lastly, it is necessary to hold political discussions depending upon race, place and matters. We think that hastily-made political negotiations cannot help the national reconciliation and it cannot solve any problems."

"I want to stress that there are still other national ethnic armed groups who are stakeholders in building up a future federal nation. We cannot solve the problem covering the whole nation with only those who signed the NCA," he correctly pointed out.

Union Peace Conference - 21stCentury Panglong outcomes
Five major sectors of political, social, land and environment, economy and security were said to be discussed.
It was said that political and security sectors didn't achieve desirable result, although the other three resulted in agreement, according to news reports.

Political sector discussion was said to be marred by the non-secession issue, which the Tatmadaw insisted to include in the preliminary agreement as a prohibition for the ethnic states to exercise secession.

The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) was particularly against it putting out statement saying: "In the pursuit of [the three national causes] reconciliation among ethnic people, non-disintegration of the union and perpetuation of the sovereignty, the sentence 'Any unit of the Union must never secede from the Union' is not appropriate to put as one of the basic principles," said the SNLD statement.

"In building union, instead of having worries, doubts and fear as the basis of the process, the SNLD believe that having mutual understanding, respect and trust would be constructive for the process," said the statement.

An EAO representative was said to have tabled a proposition, to break the deadlock, that as long as rights of self-determination, equality, democracy and federalism are practiced there would be no secession. But this was also shot down, as the government-military group insisted upon the inclusion of the non-secession clause by all means.

Regarding security sector, heated argument was said to have taken place on even how the national defense force should be named, besides the major argument debate over maintaining just one national army. According to Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) representative, Sai Ngyin, negotiation has been going on at this writing, on whether the national army should be named "Tatmadaw", as has always been called by the Military  or "Federal Army", as preferred by the EAOs, reported SHAN on May 26.

Analysis

Summing up the recent gathering in Nay Pyi Taw, it could be said that it still is not within the category of all-inclusiveness, as the 5 UNFC members and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) were not present. Besides, the 7 EAOs from Pangkham alliance were only there for the opening ceremony of the conference and did not participated in the process in the following days agendas.

But the positive development is that the government faction has diversified the process by welcoming and meeting the Pangkham alliance under its PC capacity and open up communication channel for further talks regarding the alliance's wish on NCA amendment, so that it could also sign the agreement.

In a sense, this could be now viewed as an approach somewhat like what the UNFC has been proposing all along. Thus it would now mean that the State Counselor's PC team would negotiate with the Pangkham alliance and also with the UNFC further for NCA alteration, and the groups' count outside the NCA would remain the same as before.

The only remaining concern would be whether the government PC's and Suu Kyi's welcome of the alliance, termed as a social visit, to Nay Pyi Taw could be translated into the Tatmadaw's withdrawal of offensives in Kachin and Shan States, to pave way for further negotiations.

If Min Aung Hlaing's mild threat in his opening speech "to face any organization committing destructive acts in line with its responsibility" would mean to apply to those not signing the NCA immediately, without alteration proposal from the non-signatory EAOs being taken into account, war would likely go on as usual. But if the Tatmadaw would be lenient and broad-minded, it would refrain from doing so like in the recent past and give peace a chance, the war in the country's north might as well quiet down.

As for the ambitious plan of the UPC-21CP, meaningful, preliminary, general guideline for the formation of a federal union, it hasn't been able to be achieved. The main two reasons being, as usual, the inability to be an all-inclusive participation of all EAOs and the other, the incapacity to let all the ethnic states and ethnic nationalities, even for the major dominant ethnic groups like Kachin, Shan, Karenni, Mon and Arakan, according to its own NCA guidelines, to hold political dialogue among their people.

The issue of all-inclusiveness which the government and Tatmadaw wanted to treat as not important is, in fact, a major stumbling block.

According to the "Deciphering Myanmar's Peace Process: A Reference Guide 2016" report publication of Burma News International, January 2017, the combined 21 EAOs troops, when added together is 81,700.

The Pangkham alliance members UWSA has some 30,000; the KIA 12,000; SSPP 8000; TNLA 6000; NDAA 3000; MNDAA 2000; and AA 3000; totaling 64,000 or 78% of the whole EAOs' fighting force.

It is hard to imagine that it could achieve success by going about issuing preliminary policy guidelines to achieve "Union Accord" with only 22% EAOs' participation and the incapacity to conduct national-level (meaning ethnic state-level) political dialogue to gather enough inputs from concerned ethnic nationalities and also sub-national groups, according to its own NCA rule.

All in all, the UPC-21CP is like the cart before the horse and it is all because the crucially important all-inclusiveness norm is not heeded from the beginning and the powers that be have been employing its ill-advised "open door"strategy, to woo the non-signatory EAOs one after another. As all could see since October 2015, not even one from the 13 non-signatory EAOs has joined the fray, even with massive military pressures in Kachin and Shan States.

Regarding the achievement of the second UPC-21CP, the political and security sector discussions have proven to be difficult and no compromised agreement could be found between the representatives attending the conference.

However, on the final day of the conference 37 adopted principles out of 41, proposed by the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) and resulting from state and regional level political dialogue, included 12 with the political sector, 11 with the economic sector, 4 with the social sector and 10 with the land and environment sector.

The 37 agreed principles, in accordance with the NCA, were signed by leaders of participating groups of the government, parliament, military,  8 NCA-signatory EAOs and political parties, which the UPDJC Chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi thanked by saying: "The signing of today's agreements is a massive step in the realization of national reconciliation, peace and democratic federal union."

According to VOA report of May 28, it was said that the political sector's "non-secession" issue; and security sector's "one national army" and "Tatmadaw versus Federal Army" naming issues would be carried on to the next UPC-21CP for further discussion, as no compromise and agreement could be made among the government-military, EAOs and political parties.

In spite of all these, Suu Kyi's move to welcome the Pangkham alliance is the positive approach and the way to go, which would even be better if this could be extended to the UNFC, with necessary accommodation to its amendment proposal of about a year ago.

The eventual amendment of the NCA according to the UNFC's nine-point proposal, which includes genuine nationwide ceasefire announcement by the Tatmadaw, real tripartite dialogue composition – government, parliament, military; EAOs; and political parties; -  in all levels of the peace process and sincere promise to build a real federal union, would definitely pave the way for eventual Pangkham alliance involvement, reconciliation and national harmony that all have been longing for decades.

Namtu villagers live in fear of TNLA, RCSS conflict

Posted: 29 May 2017 01:10 AM PDT

Residents in northern Shan State's Namtu Township are currently living in fear of intensified armed conflict between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA), as hostilities increased during last week's peace talks hosted by the Burmese government in Naypyidaw.

Photo by Tai Tiger- Villagers were fleeing their homes to Namtu town on May 11.
Fighting between the two armies has broken out frequently in the Namtu area. A clash on May 13 compelled more than 200 villagers to flee their homes.

On May 25, clashes also broke out between Burmese government forces and the TNLA in that same area, according to a local Namtu resident who spoke to Shan Herald. He said the fighting caused more than 600 villagers to abandon their homes and seek shelter elsewhere.

Reached for comment, Khuensai Jaijen, the managing director of Pyidaungsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue (PI), said that to put a halt to the fighting between TNLA and RCSS/SSA, both sides must engage in talks.

"What is happening now is that both sides misunderstand each other," he said. "If they sit down and talk, they can resolve their issues. It's not necessary to hold official meetings. They just need to meet with each other on a regular basis to iron out any problems."

However, to date both sides have been unable to agree on a meeting place for such talks.

According to Tar Aik Kyaw, the spokesperson of the TNLA, the Ta'ang group has suggested a meeting either in China; in Panghsang, the headquarters of the United Wa State Army (UWSA); or in Mongla, the headquarters of the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA).

"It should be possible for us to meet either in China, Panghsang or Mongla," he said. "However, they [RCSS/SSA] said they wanted the meeting to be in Chiang Mai. For us, that is difficult because we are not an NCA signatory group. We will only meet if the location is secure."

Reports indicate that the conflict between the TNLA and RCSS/SSA has forced more than 1,400 persons from Namtu to flee their homes since last year.

On September 13, Shan Herald reported thatrepresentatives from the Ta'ang National Party (TNP) and Buddhist monks met with the RCSS/SSA in Chiang Mai. However, TNLA spokesman Tar Aik Kyaw explained that the TNP and the monks did not represent the armed group.

"They [TNP and the monks] went to Chiang Mai because they wanted a school opened. The media understood that they were mediators on our behalf," he said.

Clashes between the RCSS/SS and TNLA first broke out on November 27, 2015, only a month after the RCSS/SSA signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with President Thein Sein's government. Since then more than 100 clashes have erupted between those two militias.

The TNLA was excluded from the first round of peace talks, unofficially dubbed the 21stCentury Panglong Conference, or 21CPC, in 2016. 

However, the group did attend the second round of political dialogue, represented as a member of the newly formed Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee (FPNCC), which was led by the UWSA.

FPNCC comprises: the UWSA; TNLA; NDAA; Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA); Arakan Army (AA); Kachin Independence Army (KIA); and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP).

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

Commentary on Aung San Suu Kyi amends her stand on constitutional reform

Posted: 28 May 2017 08:25 AM PDT

A peace treaty could override a standing constitution, as war-torn countries or deeply divided societies often opted to iron up their difference to accommodate each others' political aspirations and compromised.


Seen in this light, the Union Peace Conference - 21st Century Panglong could become such a gathering, where a peace treaty among all major ethnic nationalities, including all sub-ethnic groups, could be worked out. And based on this treaty outcomes, a new charter or constitution could be drawn. After that elections could follow and a new government installed.

But for the Union Peace Conference - 21st Century Panglong to succeed, government's unilateral nationwide ceasefire must be declared, followed by all ethnic armies to follow suit; all contenting parties accept the tripartite dialogue composition of government (including parliament and military), ethnic armies, and political parties in all political negotiations; and a genuine desire to form an equitable federal system of government.

If the kind of peace treaty could be achieved under the above said guiding principles, we could get out of the present never-ending vicious circle of ethnic and social conflicts, and could do away with military-drafted 2008 constitution without much problem.

If I am not wrong, the NLD's U Nyan Win has also just said that a peace treaty could override a standing constitution.


Link to the story : Aung San Suu Kyi amends her stand on constitutional reform
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