Sunday, January 31, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Karen Mark 67th Resistance Day in Eastern Burma

Posted: 30 Jan 2016 05:58 PM PST

Click to view slideshow.

HPA-AN DISTRICT, Karen State — Hundreds of ethnic Karen including members of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) gathered at the armed group's Brigade 7 headquarters in Hpa-an District on Sunday to mark the 67th anniversary of Karen Resistance Day.

In the early morning, KNLA soldiers raised the Karen national flag and paid their respects to fallen leaders and soldiers who sacrificed their lives during a civil war that broke out in 1949, one year after Burma gained independence.

Karen troops also led military parades during the ceremony, celebrated annually on Jan. 31, which marks the founding of the KNLA, the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU). The day is celebrated by the KNLA and its supporters throughout the territory it controls in Karen State, eastern Burma.

Karen civilians, young and old and with many in traditional attire, also attended Sunday's event alongside representatives of the KNU and community based organizations. Traditional Karen dances, including the Done dance, and other performances were held.

Founded in 1949, the KNLA has seven brigades and controls between 5,000 to 7,000 soldiers.

The armed group signed a bilateral ceasefire with the quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein in 2012, despite disagreements within the organization's leadership.

In October last year, the KNU was one of eight armed groups that signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement.

The post Karen Mark 67th Resistance Day in Eastern Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Saturday, January 30, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


In KNLA Territory, Karen Prepare to Mark 67th Resistance Day

Posted: 30 Jan 2016 03:30 AM PST

Click to view slideshow.

HPA-AN DISTRICT, Karen State — Local Karen gathered in Hpa-an District on Saturday, near the headquarters of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), in preparation for events to mark the 67th Karen Resistance Day on Sunday.

Karen Resistance Day events are held annually on Jan. 31 to mark the founding of the Karen National Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Karen National Union, which took up arms against Burma's central government in 1949.

The post In KNLA Territory, Karen Prepare to Mark 67th Resistance Day appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Old Burma Meets New in Parliament

Posted: 30 Jan 2016 01:12 AM PST

National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi attends Burma's first session of Parliament after the Nov. 8 general election. (Photo: Reuters)

National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi attends Burma's first session of Parliament after the Nov. 8 general election. (Photo: Reuters)

On the eve of the commencement of the new National League for Democracy (NLD)-dominated Parliament, The Irrawaddy revisits a story from the archives which took the pulse of the national legislature in July 2012, when Aung San Suu Kyi and her party colleagues took up their seats as lawmakers for the first time following an April by-election.

It must be the widest, smoothest road in Burma. Yet there is no traffic and not a single pothole to dodge, just a smattering of SUVs and sedans arriving at a huge gate each morning. From a distance, the vehicles look like ants scurrying across a big white board. Welcome to Burma's Parliament!

Only vehicles belonging to MPs are allowed to drive right up to the Parliament buildings, despite one reporter remarking, "a plane could even land here!"

All cars must be scrutinized by under-vehicle search mirrors at the gate. Peering through tinted windows you can make out parliamentarians wearing khaung paung—the tradition Burmese pink or yellow turbans—cocooned in air conditioned opulence. Of course, not all MPs have their own transport and some instead arrive in communal vans.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Inside the compound, everything is huge with Parliament buildings sprawling in all directions. They are appropriately built in the royal architectural style to compliment the name of the capital—Naypyidaw, the abode of kings.

Yet it is hard to find the spirit of this "royal" city. What is its history and where is its culture?

There are no such things because it was suddenly created in the middle of nowhere in 2005 by the military junta, away from all major cities and 320 kilometers from the former capital Rangoon. Homely is not a word to associate with Naypyidaw. The Parliament building is likewise—enormous and fresh but devoid of a soul.

"This is a royal prison," Win Htein, an MP and senior member of main opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), jokes on the top step of the Lower House building. We were waiting with his fellow parliamentarians and assorted journalists for Aung San Suu Kyi to make her first entrance to the legislature.

Win Htein, a former political prisoner, said MPs had nowhere to go in Naypyidaw. They were supposed to stay in the capital for several months until the current parliamentary session ends.

But despite its obvious flaws, the fact remains that Burma's Parliament is a historic entity. The countries first true legislature for more than half-a-century has proven itself to also be one of the nation's most inclusive, vibrant and relatively democratic institutions.

During Ne Win's rule from 1962 to 1988, the country had a bogus Parliament. From 1988 to early 2011, the country was ruled by the military dictatorship without even the façade of a phoney legislature.

July 9 was a historic day as pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the nation's most famous prisoner-turned-MP, joined the parliamentary session. This significantly changed the country's political landscape by bestowing an element of legitimacy upon the military-dominated administration.

MPs currently hail from Suu Kyi's NLD and many other opposition and ethnic groups, apart from the majority military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the appointed 25 percent of armed forces appointees.

The existence of the military stooges clearly undermines the democratic credentials of the Parliament. Even so, it remains an institution of many colors—contrasting attire here represents different parties.

Most MPs from the NLD and its allies wear traditional Burmese jackets in beige, while USDP representatives instead wear white. Members from ethnic Shan Nationalities Democratic Party, known as White Tiger Party, wear their traditional Shan outfit also in beige, while other ethnic groups wear contrasting costumes.

Of course, and ominously, the most significant color is green—the army uniform. There are four columns of seats for MPs in Parliament with the far right occupied by military personnel. Only by amending the widely-condemned 2008 Constitution will this emerald stripe disappear.

Out of their eight rows, seven contain army officials from brigadier-generals and colonel to captain. The last row is shared by officers of the air force and navy who wear different uniforms.

The MPs themselves seem content to avoid tackling the military's presence at the moment. Before joining Parliament, Suu Kyi repeatedly said one of her aims was to amend undemocratic clauses in the Constitution such as the guaranteed legislative quota for the military.

But she might not feel that the time is right to approach this yet. "We came here to collaborate, not to oppose," Suu Kyi reportedly told party colleagues after her first day.

Htay Oo, general secretary of USDP, told me in a hallway in the People's Parliament, "I don't regard other political parties here as opposition. It's difficult to define the meaning of the opposition. I think we all are here to work together for the sake of our people and country."

Without doubt, all MPs, especially ex-military officers within the USDP, could do with more diplomatic and consensual language when they meet press—even if their words sometimes might not be wholly truthful.

When asked how the institution's dynamic had changed due to the presence of Suu Kyi and her party, Htay Oo said, "Well, more people are here. There are no empty seats."

Pressed on how formal the Parliament appears with the strict dress code, he paused for a moment before answering with a smile, "Oh, I’ve got used to it," pointing to his traditional turban. "It’s our pride. We could even hold this Parliament on a lawn. But holding it here is a matter of pride."

Undoubtedly discussions within parliamentary sessions appear to be essentially free. The MPs can bring up practically any issue from repairing potholes and the release of political prisoners to ethnic conflict and land confiscations.

"This Parliament has more freedom though its formality and style is similar to under the BSPP [Ne Win's Burma Socialist Programme Party]," NLD MP Ohn Kyaing told me during an interval. In his former role as a journalist, Ohn Kyaing witnessed the dictator's legislature where there was no opposition at all.

This new Parliament is certainly different. A scoop of reporters is allowed to do their job as the "fourth estate" watchdog on proceedings. Through the glass of media booths above the chamber, they keep dozens of beady eyes on the MPs.

Lots of pictures are snapped of prominent members such as Suu Kyi, the house speaker and certain billionaire tycoons. And during breaks, members mingle with the media as quotes and soundbites are traded and newsworthy material filtered out of the day's bureaucracy.

When we run into Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann, a former high-ranking general, after the lunch, he greets the press pack in a friendly manner. "I am very pleased that you media people come to support our Parliament," he says before warning, "but don't ask questions now." At least journalists were allowed to take photos.

It appears one of the greatest powers the media possesses in Parliament is to prevent MPs nodding off. "I don't dare doze as TV cameras are shooting all the time," joked Win Htein. "If the voters in my constituency catch me, I will be kicked out!"

Yet the way that MPs make proposals and debate issues suggests that most largely ignore the presence of the media. Nevertheless, pictures of parliamentarians sleeping and using iPads have already spread on Facebook and other social media.

After sitting through the whole day, it seems obvious that many MPs, like their children in school, are desperately longing for the end of the day.

On the steps of the Parliament building before boarding the van, reporters surrounded Col Hla Myint Soe, a military-appointed MP, and ask what proposals will be coming from his green-clad section. Hla Myint Soe reportedly played a key role in the brutal crackdown on the 2007 pro-democracy Saffron Revolution.

The colonel was friendly and the reporters kept throwing questions. But another military official interrupted, grabbed his arm and took him away saying abruptly, "We have things to do." A fitting end to a day of Burma's Parliament.

The post Old Burma Meets New in Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Jan. 30, 2016)

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 06:58 PM PST

 Workers chat near a ship at Rangoon's Asia World port in July 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Workers chat near a ship at Rangoon's Asia World port in July 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Call for Reform of Burma's State-Owned Companies

The Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) has called for the Burmese government to prioritize reforms of state enterprises, in a report that draws attention to the "worrying" lack of oversight on such companies.

In its report, Gilded Gatekeepers, published this week, NRGI focused its attention on the so-called state-owned economic enterprises (SEEs) operating in the oil and gas sector, and especially the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, or MOGE.

MOGE is the entity with which all companies extracting oil or gas in Burma must form a joint venture. That means it receives vast sums of money on behalf of the Burmese state. It collects a massive 16 percent of all government revenues, the report said.

Mysteriously, MOGE also accounts for 10 percent of public expenditure—on what is it unclear. As NRGI noted, "There is not a clear link between the activities that SEEs like MOGE are charged with performing and the large sums they are entrusted with retaining and spending."

Additionally, state-run firms are not obliged to hand over all their profits to the government, but instead can put them in "other accounts." According to data released under the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, MOGE chose to squirrel away US$1.4 billion in this manner in the fiscal year 2013-14 alone.

The report's co-author, Patrick Heller, NRGI's director of legal and economic programs, in an editorial posted on the organization's website and first published by the Myanmar Times, noted that MOGE could have accumulated a much larger sum in its own bank accounts over the years.

"The total sum that has accumulated in MOGE's Other Accounts over many years remains unknown," he wrote, also noting the "weak formal controls" over the management of state companies.

"We don't know what MOGE does with this money. Is it simply leaving the money in an account? Is it using the money to finance other investments?" he added.

Asia World Looks to Clean Up Its Act

Asia World Company, the Burmese conglomerate that remains under US government sanctions for its alleged links to drug trafficking, has undergone a major restructuring that appears at least in part designed to improve the firm's image.

The company said this week that it had offloaded certain parts of its business in order to "streamline" its operations and focus on the three sectors of infrastructure, energy and property development.

The parts of the business from which Asia World is divesting are its most visible and controversial, suggesting an element of rebranding in the move. The notoriously secretive company also overhauled its website recently, adding a lengthy document setting out the firm's human rights policy and even including a previously unpublished email address specifically for media inquiries.

The company is headed by Htun Myint Naing, a.k.a. Steven Law, the son of the late Lo Hsing Han. Lo was an ethnic Kokang militia leader labeled by the US government as a major drug lord in Shan State, although Asia World has insisted that the company's success has not depended on his money.

The company's statement Wednesday said Asia World had exited entirely from its toll road business, was quitting a planned coal-fired power project in Rangoon, and had divested from the gas station brand Green Luck.

Notably, the company also said it was now completely out of the jade sector, which has come under intense scrutiny due to dangerous conditions for local miners, allegations of official corruption and suggestions that the industry is fueling the civil conflict in Kachin State.

The company had been involved in mining jade in Hpakant Township through a company known as Yadanar Taung Tann. The UK-based campaigners Global Witness reported last year that this company had been cutting both the Burma Army and a senior member of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) into part of its operation, in what the group labeled "an unholy trinity."

The statement also offered a quote from Steven Law, Asia World's chairman and managing director, who hinted at the company's wish to be seen as a responsible business living up to international standards.

"AWC was founded with a strong belief in making lasting contributions to the people of Myanmar and the future of the country, and we reiterate our commitment to play a leading role in Myanmar's economic growth and progress," he said.

"We have streamlined our business to focus on infrastructure, energy and property projects, and we are confident this strategy will enable us to deliver more projects that are in compliance with international standards of quality and efficiency."

Seven Foreign Firms Want to Join Fourth Telecoms License

Seven companies from overseas have expressed interest in partnering with a consortium of 11 local firms to operate mobile phone services in Burma, Reuters reports.

A tendering process is ongoing for the 15-year license that would be only the third to be given to a private operator.

Ooredoo from Qatar and Norway's Telenor began operating mobile phone services in 2014. The former monopoly holder Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) and the military-run MecTel also have their own networks.

Reuters cited Chit Wai, deputy permanent secretary of the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, saying that seven foreign firms had submitted formal expressions of interest in the tender.

The newswire pointed out, however, that the 11 local public companies involved in the consortium—who would together hold the majority of the shares in the venture set to operate on the new license—were little known and appeared to lack experience in the telecoms or IT sectors.

"The obscurity of the companies poses a potential problem in Myanmar, where some entities and businessmen are still targeted by US sanctions, connections to the military are not uncommon and reputational risk remains high," Reuters said.

Malaysian Company Breaks Ground on Rangoon Private Hospital

Kuala Lumpur-based private healthcare company IHH Healthcare Berhad announced this week that it had broken ground on a $70 million hospital in Rangoon.

The 250-bed hospital will be known as the Parkway Yangon. The project is being led by Parkway Healthcare Indo-China, a subsidiary of IHH Healthcare, according to a statement.

The project also involves Singapore-incorporated Macondray Holdings and two Burmese companies—AMMK Medicare Company Limited and Global Star Company Limited—as minority shareholders.

It said the hospital project represented a "significant commitment to invest in the local community," although the hospital will be run on a private basis and appears to be aimed primarily at the wealthy.

"The new hospital will be a boost to ongoing efforts in uplifting medical services to world-class standards," the statement said. "This will provide an alternative for the many citizens who currently travel out of the country each year for healthcare."

Analysts at BMI Research said the news was positive for the wider healthcare business in Burma.

"The influx of private healthcare providers into Myanmar will continue, creating positive spillover effects for both medical device and pharmaceutical firms," said BMI Research's Peter Hoflich in a note.

"This attraction is due to the confluence of a large unmet demand for medical services in the country, as well as the development of healthcare financing such as the introduction of private medical insurance. Due to the geographic proximity, Thailand-based healthcare providers are expected to be the most active in expanding into this frontier market."

Thai Healthcare Provider Expanding in Burma

In another development for the private healthcare sector, Thailand's Samitivej Hospital is planning to increase its presence in Burma, the company's managing director told a Bangkok-based newspaper.

The Nation reported comments from Samitivej Plc managing director and CEO Dr. Chairat Panthuraamporn, who said the group wanted to build on its existing joint venture, through which it operates a clinic in Rangoon, as part of efforts to grow its business as Southeast Asia integrates under the Asean Economic Community initiative.

"We forged a joint venture with Parami Hospital in Myanmar, setting up Samitivej International Clinic at its medical complex in Yangon two years ago," Chairat was quoted saying.

"We will also open our stand-alone medical clinic in Myanmar in April this year at a cost of Bt50 million [$1.4 million] to serve both expatriates and local people. About 80 percent of the clinic will be owned by Samitivej, while another 10 percent will be owned by Parami, and 10 percent by local investors in Myanmar. The clinic will be able to serve about 100 patients a day."

Samitivej Plc is part of the Bangkok Dusit Medical Services network and operates five hospitals in Thailand.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Jan. 30, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘Whether Suu Kyi Can Become President No Longer Depends on the People’

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 06:48 PM PST

This week, the panel discusses the prospect of power sharing in the government between the military, the NLD and ethnic parties.

This week, the panel discusses the prospect of power sharing in the government between the military, the NLD and ethnic parties.

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. Leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing held talks this Monday. The talks reportedly focused on a peaceful transition in the post-election period, matters related to the parliament, and permanent peace. But beyond these, it will be interesting to see what agreements the military and the incoming NLD government have made and how power will be shared. Ko Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society and Ko Thalun Zaung Htet, editor of The Irrawaddy's Burmese edition, will join me to discuss this. I'm Kyaw Zwa Moe, editor of The Irrawaddy's English edition.

Ko Aung Zaw Moe, according to the photos, the talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing seem pleasing, and it seems that people in general are also pleased with them. We can say that the topics they discussed are key issues. But upon taking a closer look, it seems that the military and the NLD are even discussing sharing power within the next government: in other words, forming of a government of national reconciliation. Can we conclude that they are discussing power sharing?

Aung Moe Zaw: Personally, I think the discussion focused on forming the next government. They might have also discussed other issues, but I mainly [think it was] about the next government. The constitution provides three ministerial posts for the military in the government, plus the vice-presidency. I think the NLD might appoint those recommended by the military and some from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) into its cabinet. The NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi might offer ministerial posts to those persons for the stable functioning of administrative mechanisms. It is more likely that they could share power through negotiations, rather than forming a government of national reconciliation.

KZM: The question remains among Myanmar people and the international community whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can be the president. There is speculation that Article 59(f), which bars her from the presidency, will be suspended. But, gauging the attitude of military leaders, I'm afraid this will not happen for the time being. What do you think?

AMZ: For the time being, the military might be hesitant to accept Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the president. But for the country, I think it is very important that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi becomes the president. It would be best for the country if she became the president, I think.

KZM: It is the best-case scenario. If the military paved the way for her to take the presidency, perhaps she might have to give back something in return, like formal positions for military leaders and military lawmakers in the cabinet. Here Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's decision will be a determining factor. Ko Thalun, what have you heard about the cards they are keeping close to their chests?

Thalun Zaung Htet: Prior to the talks, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing appointed former Snr-Gen Than Shwe's son-in-law, Brig-Gen Thein Naing from Mingaladon Air Base, to Rangoon Division's parliament. It is an interesting point. Moreover, generals-turned-candidates such as former lieutenant generals Hla Htay Win, Myint Soe, Khin Zaw Oo, Thura Thet Swe and Thet Naing Win are still involved in peace talks through the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC). These former generals are still engaged with military offices. I think they might certainly be the part of the NLD government.

KZM: It is not as though former Snr-Gen Than Shwe's son-in-law Brig-Gen Thein Naing is appointed to the division parliament for no reason. There will be similar cases in other division and state parliaments. It seems that the military has carefully planned for its future. Does the military intend to appoint Brig-Gen Thein Naing as the chief minister of Rangoon Division? If they have such an intention, they might talk with the NLD. The military has made thorough preparations, putting its men into the governments and parliaments at both central and division or state levels. Have you noticed whether the NLD has prepared that much?

AMZ: Previously, there was no such preparation. There may be such preparation at present, but there is no information about it, so it is difficult to predict. Generally, both the governments and parliaments at central and division or state level will include NLD members, plus some ethnic leaders and service personnel recommended by the military, and some USDP members like Thura U Aung Ko, who the NLD likes. It is fair to assume that those recommended by the military will be included in both central and division or state governments, in addition to the quota of positions for the military.

KZM: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was given the mandate by the people and I'm afraid people will be displeased with the next government if there is only a small proportion of NLD members in it.

AMZ: I think she might take a risk. She has great confidence. I think she has decided to do so because she believes she can. One thing I am sure of is that she is soliciting cooperation from the military right now.

KZM: Yes, I think the military is the key. If the military does not cooperate, her cabinet may face lots of hurdles. But what about the participation of ethnic persons, Ko Thalun? Recently, there have been unconfirmed reports about ethnic nominees for deputy speaker posts in the parliaments. What have you heard about them?

TZH: A couple of days ago, I happened to talk with the chairman of an ethnic party. He said that the NLD had received the mandate thanks to the votes, and had consequently held negotiations with the military to exercise that mandate. As the NLD holds one negotiation after another with the government, they are now on the side of the military, he thinks. He said that the two get closer through frequent negotiations and that the NLD now barely meets ethnic stakeholders. As the NLD is only engaging continuously with the military, he said the ethnic parties are concerned that the NLD will not consider them [for the posts]. There might be agreements between the NLD leader and the military chief. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi held discussions on Monday on permanent peace, the nationwide ceasefire accord (NCA) and federalism. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has always upheld federalism. But the ethnic groups have started to become concerned that the federal system which will be adopted will be the one favored by the military, not the one they want.

Regarding power sharing, there is a prediction that a member of the Arakan National Party will be given the position of Upper House speaker and an ethnic Karen will be given the position of deputy Lower House speaker. But I think the nomination process needs to be transparent. Mainly, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi needs to talk to the ethnic groups. At present, she should hold negotiations with the ethnic groups.

KZM: Yes, it is the right move for reconciliation with the ethnic groups. As far as I understand, the military and people's leaders are key players in national reconciliation. But it might arouse the suspicion of both ethnic leaders and ethnic people if the NLD gets too close with the military. But there were lots of suspicions because of the civil war, which spanned some 60 years.

AMZ: Ethnic people have made their suspicions clear. While NLD is cooperating with the military, it should also hold close talks with ethnic parties, ethnic forces and allies. The Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) had allies, like the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA). If the two sides become distant over time, there might be strains [in their relationship] in the long run.

KZM: Another question is what percentage of important positions NLD will give [ethnic representatives] either in the government or in the parliament. It is quite a delicate political situation. Regarding the transparency of nominations, most people will understand that the present time is too sensitive for the NLD to reveal information. I think former Snr-Gen Than Shwe plays a very important role. At the meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, he said that he would use all of his effort to assist her with the national development of the country. Those words count for a lot. How much influence does the former Snr-Gen have over current military leader Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and other military leaders: 100 percent, 90 percent or 50 percent?

AMZ: It is important to note that the son-in-law of former Snr-Gen Than Shwe is on the list of nominees to the Rangoon Division Parliament. One thing I am sure of is that former Snr-Gen Than Shwe still has a certain influence over the military and gives advice. Even if the military leaders do not totally take the advice, I think they must have to take it into account.

KZM: I don't think the military will have 100 percent trust in the government formed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. If Article 59(f) is not changed and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can't assume the presidency, I think she could take the position of Foreign Minister, if she does not take on another position. But as she has said, she would be above the president. And she will be lady-in-charge as the foreign minister. There is speculation that she would not be able to take the presidency for the next two years.

AMZ: Perhaps I am biased, but I not only want her to become the president for our country, for the military, for the people and for the peace process and constitutional reform process, but especially for national development. It would be best if she were the official in charge of the development of the country and livelihoods of the people.

KZM: But will the military allow that much? Whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can become president no longer depends on the people. The people have already voted for her. For Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to become the president, the military needs to annul or suspend Article 59(f). Therefore, it is perhaps fair to say that the military is the key to pave the way for her. Ko Aung Moe Zaw, Ko Thalun, thank you for your contributions. We have to wait and see how the next government will be formed in March.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'Whether Suu Kyi Can Become President No Longer Depends on the People' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, January 29, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Departing Speaker Shwe Mann Signs Off in Capital

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 05:51 AM PST

Shwe Mann, Speaker of the Union Parliament, talks to reporters during his news conference after the last day of the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 29, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Shwe Mann, Speaker of the Union Parliament, talks to reporters during his news conference after the last day of the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 29, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

NAYPYIDAW — Outgoing Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann gave a final press conference in Naypyidaw on Friday, signing off by offering few hints about what the future might hold for him, but making clear that he is open to taking a role in the incoming government, if asked.

"For the time being, I am not supposed to say which position I want to take or which position I have been assigned," he told reporters after a closing joint session of Parliament convened for the final time on Friday. "As I have lost [the election], if I ask for a position, it would be unprincipled. Therefore, I would not ask and would not say what I want to do."

Shwe Mann was more forthcoming on questions regarding his role behind the scenes in the post-election period, telling reporters that he helped broker the unexpected meeting between ex-dictator Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi in early December.

"Although he is no longer in power, U Than Shwe is still influential to some extent. So I arranged a meeting for them for the good of the country and the people," Shwe Mann said.

During his speakership, Shwe Mann developed cordial ties with Suu Kyi, voicing support for the National League for Democracy chairwoman's efforts to amend Article 59(f) of the Constitution which effectively bars her from the presidency.

On Friday, the outgoing speaker also expressed approval of the NLD's nomination of ethnic Kachin T Khun Myat, a sitting USDP lawmaker, for the post of Lower House deputy speaker.

"Taking a look at his personal history, he is dutiful and has accomplished [many] assignments," Shwe Mann said, recounting the lawmaker's efforts at promoting ethnic rights and his time served as an officer in the Attorney-General's Office.

The NLD's selection of T Khun Myat has however raised eyebrows among many observers, with the USDP member accused in a series of investigative reports of involvement in the narcotics trade and ties to a government-allied militia in his Kutkai constituency in northern Shan State.

During Shwe Mann's five-year term in the Parliament, a total of 13 sessions were held, with 229 laws passed, including a controversial package known as the Race and Religion Protection Laws.

On Friday, the speaker hinted that his willingness to serve, in some capacity, was undiminished.

"Please make good use of me," he told the media pack in Naypyidaw. "I'll try my best for the country and the people."

The post Departing Speaker Shwe Mann Signs Off in Capital appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Labyrinthine Legacy of President Thein Sein

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 04:39 AM PST

  President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — President Thein Sein will leave office in late March with a complicated legacy. He steered the country through a transition that peaked with its first free election in decades, though he will leave behind a host of problems for the next administration. Retired General Thein Sein took office in 2011 following an election the year prior that was boycotted by the opposition, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), and panned as fraudulent.

At the helm of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), he has ushered in a number of notable reforms. Since taking office, more than 1,000 political prisoners have been freed, censorship has been abolished and preliminary steps toward peace have been made. Most Western sanctions have been lifted, and Burma's economy is growing. Mobile phone penetration, which floated at less than 5 percent under junta rule, has soared to more than 50 percent of the population.

Public opinion was also bolstered by Thein Sein's suspension of the China-backed Myitsone hydropower project in Kachin State, northern Burma. A by-election held successfully in 2012 landed dozens of opposition members in Parliament, including Suu Kyi, lending further credibility to the Thein Sein government. The 2015 general election, which was closely watched by domestic and foreign observers, was conducted freely and peacefully, and the outgoing government has committed to a smooth transfer of power. This was not always considered a given; decades of military rule and the annulment of a 1990 election made for more than a few skeptics.

The outgoing government has also come under criticism—some would say not enough—for a number of policies and practices viewed as a continuation of junta-era repression. Hundreds of activists, students, journalists and online satirists have been jailed under unfair and outdated laws. Religious tension was allowed to fester, sometimes boiling over into deadly violence and leaving entire communities segregated. Corruption and a failure to implement fair, transparent business practices have stymied development. Imperative issues such as ensuring land rights remain unresolved.

As Suu Kyi's party prepares to take power after its landslide win against the USDP in the Nov. 8 general election, The Irrawaddy takes a look back at some of the key issues and events over the outgoing administration's term, and the missteps that would best be avoided by the incoming government.

The Peace Process and Failed Attempts at Unity

Thein Sein's administration made unprecedented efforts toward peace, but at the end of the day many stakeholders were excluded from the process and conflict continues. Peace talks began in 2011 between the government, the Burma Army and many of the country's more than 20 non-state armed groups, in an ambitious effort to end the civil war that has fractured the Union and stunted development for more than six decades.

The volatile negotiations culminated with a peace accord signed by eight ethnic armed groups on Oct. 15 of last year, but the pact—which the government has dubbed a "nationwide peace agreement"—was not universally hailed as a success and marked only one step in what is sure to be a long and difficult peace process. Some ethnic armed groups, such as the Karen National Union (KNU), surprised observers by acceding to the agreement, while others abstained on the grounds that it excluded several of their allies. Many who abstained have also voiced their disapproval of conflict in Shan, Kachin and Arakan states, which has continued even as the government claimed it sought peace.

Despite being touted as progress, the negotiations ultimately left Burma's main ethnic alliance split into two camps. The divisive process has also led to splinters within certain ethnic groups, leading to disputes among ethnic leadership and further complicating problems felt on the ground by conflict-affected communities. The NLD, which has publicly committed to prioritizing peace, will inherit the daunting task of unifying these diverse, disparate and war-weary factions.

The Arakan Crisis and the Rise of Buddhist Nationalism

The outgoing government had a very poor track record on handling religious unrest, failing to contain anti-Muslim sentiment and prevent tragedy in Arakan State.

In 2012, a rash of riots between Buddhists and Muslims left more than 100 dead and about 140,000 displaced in the coastal state. Most of those affected were Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority that the government and much of the population view as immigrants from Bangladesh.

Anti-Muslim rhetoric soon spread to other parts of the country, and deadly ethno-religious violence later erupted in several major towns. Tensions were exacerbated by a few public figures, most notably the Buddhist monk Wirathu, preaching nationalistic and often outright anti-Muslim views. A Buddhist nationalist movement known as 969 was allowed to fester without interference, calling for boycotts of Muslim businesses and the prohibition of interfaith unions.

The movement receded following international scrutiny, but was later replaced by another nationalist group called Ma Ba Tha, an acronym for the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion. With the support of some USDP officials, including Thein Sein, Ma Ba Tha successfully lobbied for passage of a controversial legislative package restricting interfaith marriage, religious conversion, polygamy and birth rates. The group also enjoyed leniency in the lead-up to the November election, when it was permitted to hold massive public rallies that were viewed as politically infused and detrimental to the NLD's campaign.

The current government's failure to take quick and decisive action against perpetrators of religious violence and incitement, as well as its failure to quell tensions and provide for the displaced in Arakan State, has prompted accusations of state complicity in the unrest and has left the NLD to deal with the coastal quandary.

Letpadaung, Land Rights and Political Powerlessness

One of the defining moments of Thein Sein's term occurred on Nov. 29, 2012. More than 100 people were injured, mostly Buddhist monks, when police stormed an encampment of protesters opposing the Letpadaung Copper Mining Project, a China-backed development in Sagaing Division. Witnesses said they saw "fire bombs" raining down on them in the early hours of the morning.

A subsequent investigation determined that the crowd had been showered with smoke bombs containing white phosphorus, an incendiary chemical that can cause severe burns. The investigation commission was appointed directly by Thein Sein, and chaired by Suu Kyi. Her supporters were shocked when she delivered the findings, which, while providing a damning assessment of authorities involved in the crackdown, recommended that mining operations be allowed to continue.

Grievances surrounding the mega-project were many, including damage to sacred Buddhist sites. At the heart of the issue, however, was the loss of land rights. Organized opposition to the project roused the sympathy of almost the entire nation; the site became emblematic of other land disputes, and the resolve of the Letpadaung protesters a source of strength and solidarity. Obliterating the opposition with such force delivered a sobering warning that reverberated throughout the country.

Against all odds, the movement proved resilient though markedly weaker. Smaller demonstrations continued, flaring up each time contractors attempted to edge the project onto more farmlands. Authorities reiterated the limits of their tolerance in December 2014, when police fired into a crowd of demonstrators. A 56-year-old villager was killed in the exchange.

Land rights reform was one issue on which Thein Sein's government fell significantly short. New land laws enacted in 2012 were deemed arguably worse than the junta-era policies they replaced. Critics claimed the new laws and a draft of a government "land use policy" favored investors over agricultural workers, who make up the majority of Burma's workforce. A parliamentary land investigation commission was formed to field complaints, though about 41 percent of more than 17,000 claims remain unresolved as per the latest government figures released in November of last year.

The story of the Letpadaung dispute still resonates among farmers, activists and others who have observed the changes in Burma since 2011. It is the story of a major foreign-backed development approved by the military regime and allowed to continue under the new quasi-civilian government despite opposition from communities that felt they could finally express themselves. The dispute drew enormous attention to Burma's weak land rights laws, feeble attempts to reform them and the government's readiness—as in the old days—to punish protesters with violence or prison terms.

Repression Redux at Letpadan

That readiness extended to other forms of dissent, as well, perhaps best exemplified by the government's handling of a student protest movement that was all but extinguished last year.

In November 2014, student unions began organizing in opposition to a new National Education Law that they viewed as undemocratic. Protests swelled in major cities, were calmed with compromise, and then resumed after the government postponed scheduled stakeholder meetings. In early 2015, students and a growing band of supporters set off from several cities by foot, planning to converge in Rangoon. The largest group, which began its trek in Mandalay, found itself sequestered at a monastery compound in Letpadan, Pegu Division, after authorities refused to allow them passage.

On March 10, scores were injured during a chaotic raid on the encampment, as skirmishes between demonstrators and police escalated into a scene of indiscriminate violence. Students, monks, journalists and medical workers were seen being beaten by baton-wielding officers. More than 100 people were arrested that day, and almost a year later scores of them are still in jail awaiting trial.

Charges against the detainees were sourced from a range of laws viewed by rights defenders and legal professionals as outdated, against international norms, or both. Many were charged under the controversial Peaceful Assembly Law, which has been used against hundreds of activists during the tenure of Thein Sein. Other charges of choice were vague parts of the colonial-era Penal Code loosely defining rioting and causing unrest. The panoply of charges provides a picture of the legislative tool-kit that has been used by the current government to suppress activism across the board.

Despite Thein Sein's pardon of most political detainees, most recently last week's amnesty of 52, a total of 78 prisoners of conscience remain behind bars, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The group also says that more than 400 others are currently awaiting trial for charges viewed as politically motivated.

Persistence of the Military Mindset

Thein Sein never fully shed his image as a military man; he was a former general, and his presidency punctuated by incidents harking back to the days of dictatorship. His party's resistance to constitutional reform, lenience toward the armed forces and readiness to resort to force all suggest that old habits die hard.

It didn't help the party's image when, one August evening, state security forces surrounded the Naypyidaw home of Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann while his colleagues made midnight maneuvers to remove him as USDP-chairman, along with several of his sympathizers.

The surprise ouster of Shwe Mann, who is considered an ally of Suu Kyi, struck some as a reminder that military bonds run deep within the USDP, its civilianized successor. The move was perceived as a show of force; the military revealed for a fleeting moment that it could pull strings if necessary.

Throughout the current government's term, the degree to which the armed forces controlled the party has remained a subject of great speculation. Deepening doubts about Thein Sein's independence was his administration's chronic failure to pursue claims of human rights abuses committed by the Burma Army. Two cases, in particular, illustrate the outgoing government's suspicious and selective clemency.

The first concerns the death of a journalist while in military custody in late 2014. The Burma Army announced roughly three weeks after his disappearance and death that Par Gyi had been arrested and fatally shot while trying to escape. Two soldiers initially implicated in his death were acquitted by a military tribunal, and an investigation by the National Human Rights Commission failed to satisfy his widow and other observers who maintain that he was tortured.

Before the outrage over Par Gyi's death had subsided, another army-related tragedy ensued. On the morning of Jan.20, 2015, the badly beaten bodies of two Kachin schoolteachers were found dead in Shan State, prompting an investigation which determined that the young women had been raped and murdered. Suspicions fell on a deployment of Burma Army soldiers stationed nearby, leading the military at one point to threaten legal action against anyone implicating its personnel in the killings. To date, no suspects have stood trial.

The Very Picture of Success

The blemishes on Thein Sein's legacy are at times obscured by his narrative of political and economic reform. In his final speech to Parliament on Thursday, the president touted his achievements and vowed that the USDP would help its successor toward the "broader and higher objective" of prosperity and democratization.

Economic growth, the proliferation of mobile technology and promoting inclusive politics are a staple of Thein Sein's public speeches, though his actual record casts doubt on his effectiveness as a reformer. In terms of economic progress, experts have suggested that Burma's old economic policies were so bad that that they couldn't possibly have changed for the worse. A look at Thein Sein's reforms reveals a somewhat scattered approach of trial and error.

Burma's car import policy has been changed about a dozen times since 2011. Prospective investors grew impatient over stagnant legislation related to companies and financial institutions. Hasty attempts to address poor infrastructure led to a slew of new problems in the cities, and more remote areas have seen little development.

While the economy has grown, the World Bank predicts that growth is about to slow down, falling from 8.5 percent growth over the last fiscal year to 6.5 percent during the current one. Getting bigger by the day, however, is Burma's trade deficit—now more than US$3 billion—as the local currency falls further against the dollar.

Further complicating the NLD's inheritance is the country's long-held tradition of corruption, which Thein Sein's administration did little to address. An anti-graft law was enacted, and with it an enforcement commission, though there has thus far been no sign of its effectiveness. A global corruption index just this week ranked Burma among the most corrupt nations in the world.

Thein Sein oversaw the start of what could turn out to be an economic renaissance, and he helped to write the history of the new Burma, one which aspires to be led by its citizens. The country's collective memory will nonetheless forever weigh his achievements against his shortcomings, and the mare's nest he is leaving behind.

Additional research contributed by Lawi Weng and Kyaw Hsu Mon.

The post The Labyrinthine Legacy of President Thein Sein appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Spotlight on LGBT Issues as &Proud Film Festival Returns to Rangoon

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 04:18 AM PST

The &Proud Film Festival is on from Jan. 28-31 at the French Institute in Rangoon. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

The &Proud Film Festival is on from Jan. 28-31 at the French Institute in Rangoon. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's first-ever LGBT film festival kicked off Thursday evening at Rangoon's French Institute on Pyay Road, showcasing lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender-themed international films for a second year running.

The &Proud LGBT Film Festival will be screening shorts, feature-length fiction and documentaries from several Western and Asian nations, including Burma, from Jan. 28-31. Admission to the festival is free.

The event is being organized by multiple organizations, including the local LGBT advocacy group Colors Rainbow and YG Events, the latter known for organizing a monthly "FAB" LGBT-friendly club night. The festival will feature about 30 international films, including at least five local films.

A 45-minute documentary about local human rights advocate Aung Myo Min, "This Kind of Love," directed by American filmmaker Jeanne Hallacy, was screened at the festival on its opening night.

The film's subject Aung Myo Min told The Irrawaddy on Friday that he felt "prouder this time" than at previous international screenings of "This Kind of Love," since his personal struggles and courage to embrace social challenges could be told to a home audience.

"The film was screened as an opening film for a film festival in my own country, especially for &Proud, which celebrates LGBT pride."

Other Asian feature films, including "How to Win at Checkers (Every Time)" and "Margarita, With a Straw," will also be screened at the festival.

The Thai film "How to Win at Checkers (Every Time)," directed by Korean-American director Josh Kim and premiering at the 2015 Berlin International Film Festival, was praised by international critics as "one of the year's best Thai movies." The filmmaker Kim will be at &Proud's screening on Friday evening for a Q&A session with the audience.

"Margarita, With a Straw," a story about an Indian bi-sexual girl with cerebral palsy, was directed by Indian filmmaker Shonali Bose and made its world premiere at the 2014 Toronto International Film Festival. "Margarita" will be screened for the Rangoon audience on Jan. 31.

Hla Myat Tun of Colors Rainbow told The Irrawaddy when the team was busy organizing the festival in December that the film showcase would put greater emphasis on Asian LGBT communities this year, as organizers wanted to highlight the idea that LGBT identities were not confined to Western culture.

While homosexuality remains illegal in Burma, with the colonial-era Penal Code mandating prison sentences of up to 10 years for same-sex activity, the country's LGBT community is working to raise public awareness over gender and sexuality issues. But members of the LGBT community still face legal threats and social discrimination, Hla Myat Tun explained.

According to organizers, the film festival will be accompanied by other performances and art shows. Detailed schedules for screenings and programs can be found on the festival's Facebook page.

The post Spotlight on LGBT Issues as &Proud Film Festival Returns to Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Archive: Than Shwe-Suu Kyi Meet Intensifies Intrigue During Testing Transition

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 04:00 AM PST

Then Senior General Than Shwe (left) seen before a meeting with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon in Naypyidaw, May 23, 2008. (Reuters)

Then Senior General Than Shwe (left) seen before a meeting with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon in Naypyidaw, May 23, 2008. (Reuters)

Burma's outgoing Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann told the media on Friday that he arranged the post-election meeting between ex-dictator Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi in December. "Although he is no longer in power, U Than Shwe is still influential to some extent. So I arranged a meeting for them for the good of the country and the people," Shwe Mann told reporters in Naypyidaw. Here, The Irrawaddy revisits a commentary on the meeting, first published the following morning, Dec. 5.  

RANGOON — Rumors swirled in Burma's capital late on Friday after reports of a meeting between ex-junta head Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi.

The pair met at the military's headquarters in Naypyidaw on Friday afternoon, according to a report carried by the BBC's Burmese service and other sources close to the matter. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) has not confirmed or denied the dialogue.

The meeting would seem to indicate that the former strongman still wields some influence as political elites navigate a testing transition period.

Suu Kyi met Than Shwe as early as 1994 when the latter was then chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Subsequent meetings took place on at least two more occasions, in 2000 and 2002, the details of which have remained ambiguous.

Last month, in the wake of the NLD's emphatic victory at the polls on Nov. 8, Suu Kyi met with Than Shwe's grandson Nay Shwe Thway Aung in the capital—news that the NLD chairwoman confirmed last week, without elaborating.

This dialogue was interesting for the fact that Than Shwe had apparently sent his beloved grandson as an envoy of sorts, to congratulate Suu Kyi on her party's success, rather than any figure from the military or ruling party.

The meeting went well and Suu Kyi reportedly conveyed her regards to the ex-dictator, who lives in a lavish residence near Water Fountain Park in Burma's custom built capital.

Shwe Mann is said to have played a key role in brokering the dialogue. After last month's election, the Union Parliament Speaker met with Than Shwe, who was rumored to have had some involvement in Shwe Mann's sudden ouster as ruling party chairman in August.

Aside from the parliamentary speaker, other influential business tycoons who have strong ties with the former regime also played a role behind the scenes.

Than Shwe is mentally fit, informed sources say, and followed the election closely, which saw the military-backed party he helped form suffer a major defeat. After the result, sources said the ex-dictator and architect of Burma's "roadmap to disciplined democracy," played a role in directing the incumbent president and army chief to meet with Suu Kyi and ensure an ordered transition.

Some speculated that the NLD chairwoman's confab with Nay Shwe Thway Aung may have prompted President Thein Sein and Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to meet The Lady sooner than expected. The latter pair had been accused in some quarters of unnecessarily stalling.

It is true that Suu Kyi's twin meetings with the country's two most influential figures on Wednesday was a hopeful sign in a political transition that has many observers on edge. All parties pledged to collaborate toward ensuring a smooth transfer of power.

Interestingly, the army chief warmly welcomed Suu Kyi at the reception hall to the Armed Forces' headquarters in Naypyidaw, posing for smiles and handshakes for the cameras before leading the opposition leader inside. This gesture alone was important, many said.

Unsurprisingly, Friday's dialogue raises more questions than answers.

Than Shwe is known to be constantly worried about his family's future. He led a ruthless and corrupt regime that garnered worldwide condemnation for its human rights violations, political repression and plundering of the nation's resources. Many infamous former generals and politicians were voted out in the recent election.

With the NLD claiming a decisive victory at the polls and an unequivocal mandate, Than Shwe may feel it is time to ensure his exit strategy goes according to plan. Some suspect the ex-dictator may have sought assurances from Suu Kyi that the party would uphold its vow not to seek retribution.

Whether he foresaw the extent of the NLD's election success is unclear.

Than Shwe lost two of his trusted lieutenants in recent times. Former vice president and Than Shwe confidante Tin Aung Myint Oo abruptly stood down in 2012 after reports of personal conflict. Another acolyte, ruling party member Aung Thaung, widely perceived as a political hardliner who was involved in the Depayin massacre in 2003, passed away earlier this year.

Sources close to the high-ranking former generals suggest Shwe Mann has stepped in to ask Than Shwe to lend his influence toward ensuring a smooth handover of power. Interestingly, before meeting Than Shwe, the speaker first met Defense Minister Gen Sein Win who is close to the Than Shwe family. Well-informed sources said that Shwe Mann relayed his respects and offered a reconciliatory message.

The former dictator was ready to play a role, sources said, but some warned that any meeting with Suu Kyi should not be seen as direct intervention in the country's political affairs.

Friday's meeting may indicate army top brass are still listening to Than Shwe. Until recently, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing was seen as close to President Thein Sein. But that relationship may be tested now an NLD-led government will take the reins and Thein Sein heads for the exit.

It is too early to definitively predict how the political transition will unfold. One hopes Than Shwe's meeting with Suu Kyi is a sign the old guard is ready to cooperate.

With alliances likely to shift under a new government next year, more than a few ruling party figures will be pondering their next move.

The post From the Archive: Than Shwe-Suu Kyi Meet Intensifies Intrigue During Testing Transition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Purged From USDP Leadership, Outgoing MP Cuts Party Ties

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 03:47 AM PST

Thura Aung Ko is the outgoing chairman of Parliament's Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee. (Photo: Facebook / Thura U Aung Ko)

Thura Aung Ko is the outgoing chairman of Parliament's Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee. (Photo: Facebook / Thura U Aung Ko)

NAYPYIDAW — At the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on Friday, one former senior leader of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), Thura Aung Ko, said he was cutting ties in the first high-profile defection from a party on the ropes after its November election defeat.

"I have no plan to take in part in politics as a member of the USDP. No more plans," he told media on the sidelines of a largely ceremonial last day of Parliament before most USDP lawmakers make way for incoming parliamentarians from the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Asked by The Irrawaddy if he would be ready to serve NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, the lawmaker appeared to leave open the possibility.

"I will serve for my country's citizens as an individual, in coordination with any party-organization," said the outgoing chairman of Parliament's Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee.

"Sister [Suu Kyi] hasn't spoken yet. But very often she has said: 'If it's necessary to assist the country, just help.' That's all I can say for now," he added.

Along with Union Parliament speaker and USDP chairman Shwe Mann, Thura Aung Ko was among several USDP central committee members who were replaced in August in a party leadership reshuffle ordered by President Thein Sein.

The shakeup at the top of the ruling party was reportedly prompted by a rivalry between Thein Sein and Shwe Mann, the latter being viewed as too close to Suu Kyi and the NLD.

Thura Aung Ko said Friday that the reason for his planned departure from the party was that, following his ouster from the central committee, he no longer had any duties to perform.

Under Burma's former military regime, Thura Aung Ko served as deputy minister for the ministries of Science and Technology, and Religion, from 1997-2010.

He represents Chin State's Kanpetlet Township in the Lower House, a seat he lost to San Khin of the NLD on Nov. 8.

The new, NLD-dominated Parliament will convene on Monday of next week.

The post Purged From USDP Leadership, Outgoing MP Cuts Party Ties appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

On Eve of New Parliament, Incoming Lawmakers Eager to Get to Work

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 03:37 AM PST

Members of parliament eat lunch during a farewell ceremony for them after attending the last day of the Union Parliament session in Naypyitaw, January 29, 2016. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

Members of Parliament eat lunch during a farewell ceremony for them after attending the last day of the Union Parliament session in Naypyidaw, January 29, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Newly elected lawmakers toured Naypyidaw's Union Parliament on Wednesday, where they will work for the next five years to enact laws and represent their constituencies.

Burma's second Parliament is scheduled to convene on February 1. Unlike the country's first Parliament—assembled in 2011 and dominated by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—the incoming government will be largely shaped by Burma's main opposition party: out of 491 elected MPs in the Upper and Lower houses, 390 are from the National League for Democracy (NLD). The remaining 101 members represent various political entities including ethnic nationality parties and the USDP. In addition, there are 166 seats across both houses reserved for military members.

'Women's Development in All Sectors'

Newly elected Shwe Shwe Sein Latt won her Upper House seat Pegu No. 3 representing the NLD. She has visited the Parliament and studied the proceedings. "I already have a lot of questions I'd like to ask even now," she told The Irrawaddy, adding that she has also "prepared personally" for the role.

Her interests are wide-ranging, but one of the most important and urgent issues she hopes to tackle is the poor water quality in her township, Daik-U, which she reported has been contaminated with lead, arsenic and iron.

"My interest is in women and health, women and the environment and women and energy," she said.

As the founder and director of Phan Tee Ein, a grassroots organization that works to rehabilitate women who have suffered from sexual violence, Shwe Shwe Sein Latt plans to put forward women's issues in the Parliament and contribute to "women's development in all sectors."

To this end, she said she would partner with other female MPs and encourage men to take an active role in the process, which she hopes will lead to gender-sensitive budgeting to help women and children in the health sector.

If such a position is assigned, Shwe Shwe Sein Latt said she is ready to serve in parliamentary committees and is keen to draft bills and contribute to constitutional amendments.

"I am also interested in women's involvement in the peace process," she added.

Describing herself as a family breadwinner rooted in her community, Shwe Shwe Sein Latt said one of the challenges of her new role will be working in Naypyidaw, away from her home.

"We don't want to [attend Parliament full-time]," she said. "We want to get in touch with our voters." Yet she remains confident that she will be able to manage and adapt to the circumstances.

'We Have Responsibilities to Fulfill Our Voters' Needs'

For re-elected ethnic Shan MP Sai Thiha Kyaw representing the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), his main priorities in Parliament center strongly on the "amendment of the Constitution, federal and ethnic rights, and equality."

The Lower House MP-elect said the first session of Parliament—which runs for several weeks—will proceed with the selection of speakers, the president and cabinets. Then, he said, their focus will shift. "As we have responsibilities to fulfill our voters' needs, we will be submitting proposals and questions related to our constituencies," he explained. "There will be discussion on either countrywide issues or ethnics affairs issues."

"As for our party," he said of the SNLD, "we will continue to work for our constituencies." He looks forward to taking part in discussions on issues of federalism. "Our main reason to be in the parliament is to amend the constitution and [to promote] the ethnic groups' right to equality."

Since the NLD won most seats—nearly 80 percent—Sai Thiha Kyaw pointed out that the party will have the power to shape the Parliament according to their interests, and smaller parties like the SNLD will face challenges in gaining influence.

"For our ethnic parties, even if we want to amend the constitution, we can't initiate and submit proposals since we are not even 20 percent of the Parliament," he explained, adding that ethnic parties' MPs will have to engage in these opportunities as they are introduced by the NLD.

In the upcoming Parliament, he expects that MPs like himself will realistically only be able to focus on general ethnic affairs, rather than large legislative changes.

While Burma's previous Parliament was guided by the policies of the USDP, the upcoming legislature will be heavily influenced by the NLD, which has promised to work toward the development of the country. It has left ethnic party representatives like Sai Thiha Kyaw unsure of their role in this changing political landscape.

"For our ethnic people, we need to wait and see whether we have to be the opposition or an alliance," he said.

'People Throw Trash Into Rivers. We Rely on Using This Water'

Zaw Thein, a newly elected NLD Lower House MP, won his seat in his native Wakema Township in Irrawaddy Division. He said his preparation to enter Parliament includes participation in a capacity building training and study of the Constitution, party policy, budgeting and international affairs.

After his first visit to Parliament, Zaw Thein said he was impressed with and surprised by the efficiency of the legislative body. "It's interesting to see that the parliament discussions are systematic," he said, pointing out that time is not wasted in the way that many people assume.

For Zaw Thein, the most urgent issue is environmental. "In Irrawaddy Division, in some cities, people throw trash into rivers and streams. That water gets polluted. For us, we rely on using this water." He hopes to consult with academics and legal experts to explore how to prohibit littering and to conserve waterways.

As someone who was educated abroad, his main personal interest is in improving schooling for youth, and he hopes the NLD will assign him to a committee where he can work on educational issues. He envisions enacting legislation around public libraries and to first establish a library in his hometown, then throughout Irrawaddy Division, and later nationwide.

Budgeting is an area Zaw Thein expects will be challenging for new MPs like himself. But he plans to submit questions and proposals to the parliament based on the needs of his constituency—one such request has been for facilities and opportunities that would allow for high school students to take their matriculation exams locally, rather than in nearby towns designated for that purpose.

'Our Ultimate Goal: Federalism'

Htoo May, an Upper House MP from the Arakan National Party (ANP) was also among those who visited the Parliament on Wednesday. She said she already knows which parliamentary committee she would like to be part of: the drafting committee. Her desire to write bills comes from her interest in rule of law, not unrelated to her "top priority" of amending the 2008 Constitution.

"Everyone, not only NLD MPs, needs to work to amend the Constitution to make it in line with democratic norms within five years," she said, adding that she hopes this will "bring about change in our country."

"Since whatever we do depends on the constitution, we need to work toward decentralization to share power to reach our ultimate goal: federalism," she explained.

The young Arakan MP described her next priority as revenue sharing from natural resources, so she can improve living conditions in "the least developed and poor states like Chin and Arakan." In her opinion, her home state's most basic developmental need is access to better transportation infrastructure.

Citing her own inability to access high quality public education in Arakan State, Htoo May said she would also like to develop this sector so people from her area do not need to migrate to Rangoon to go to school.

People's high expectations remain the main challenge for incoming MPs, Htoo May thinks. "We will try for change," she promised, but said that an open mind will be required of her fellow parliamentary colleagues. "When an MP from the majority submits a new bill or proposes to change the current constitution, I'd like other MPs, including the military MPs, to vote not by looking at the party but by favoring the benefit of the people."

The post On Eve of New Parliament, Incoming Lawmakers Eager to Get to Work appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Military Readies for Burma’s New Politics

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 03:00 AM PST

Military representatives arrive at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Military representatives arrive at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

The tenor of President Thein Sein's farewell speech to the nation did not come as a big surprise.

As expected, the outgoing head of state took credit for setting the country's democratic transition in motion, for building peace with ethnic armed groups and, of course, for the violence-free and credible general election last November.

The speech appeared to be well-received by the public. Indeed, to many, the sight of the country's president signing off was a relief; further proof that the transfer of power to an elected National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government remained on track.

The former general who is in his early 70s continues to lead the defeated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), but he won't stay long. By all reports, he is looking forward to spending more time with his family.

But the political system he leaves behind is no democratic utopia, liberated from the sway of a military that has commanded political and economic heft for decades.

The army, which has long-planned for the day its formal political vehicle is superseded, will remain a key institution in politics.

This is where Aung San Suu Kyi and her election winning party will have to learn to work collaboratively and negotiate.

The military retains a quarter of parliamentary seats and controls three key ministries—defense, border and home affairs. An eleventh-hour bid led by the president that would have brought immigration matters under military control was voted down by outgoing lawmakers on Thursday.

Burma's commander-in-chief still holds the keys to power. Hence thus far, Suu Kyi has sought to build a constructive relationship with him.

In Burma's new political era, it is not the USDP but the military who will call the shots. However, the overwhelming mandate in favor of the NLD in last year's poll may give the general's pause. After all, it was elected, democratically-minded officials, not the old military-backed establishment, in which the Burmese people so definitively invested their faith.

Ahead of the first day of the new Parliament on Feb. 1, Suu Kyi has appointed the speakers and deputy speakers of the legislature, including an ethnic Karen, a Kachin and an Arakanese.

The Lady herself would harbor hopes of the military consenting to amendment of Article 59(f) of the Constitution, which currently bars her from the presidency, in the not-too distance future. For now, as Suu Kyi prepares to lead the next government—at least "from above"—the powerful army chief is not sitting idly.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing recently selected a qualified batch of army officers to sit in the incoming NLD-dominated parliament, including major-generals, brigadier-generals and colonels. In total, 386 non-elected military personnel were appointed or reappointed to the country's three levels of Parliament.

It is these military MPs, constituting the largest opposition bloc to the NLD in Parliament, who are preparing to take on Suu Kyi's party. In contrast, after its stunning electoral defeat in November, the USDP is essentially a spent political force.

Min Aung Hlaing and his cohorts are now preparing for a new battle; not in the conflict-prone hills of the north, but in the nation's Parliament.

The sending of more experienced and educated khaki-clad officers to the Parliament is a strong indication the military is preparing to engage in policy and legislative debates with the NLD, in the absence of a more robust opposition force.

According to defense analyst Maung Aung Myoe, the Burmese author of "Building the Tatmadaw"—who also taught at the National Defense College—of 26 senior military officers newly appointed to the Lower and Upper houses of Parliament, 22 have master's degrees from the National Defense College.

Writing in the Nikkei Asian Review, the author stressed that military lawmakers' graduate education had equipped them with an understanding of "not only national security and international affairs but also public administration and economic development, giving them a broad overview and understanding of public policy issues."

In 2009, then ruling Snr-Gen Than Shwe said in an armed forces day speech that democracy in Burma was in a "fledgling stage and still requires patient care and attention."

He continued: "As a Myanmar proverb puts it, a recently dug well cannot be expected to produce clear water immediately."

Seven years on, the well has still not produced clear water yet. Not yet.

The post The Military Readies for Burma's New Politics appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

At Least 30 Trafficking Victims Rescued In Phuket

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 02:53 AM PST

 Rescued trafficking victims with members of MAT on January 28, 2016. (Photo: Myanmar Association in Thailand)

Rescued trafficking victims with members of MAT on January 28, 2016. (Photo: Myanmar Association in Thailand)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — More than 30 Burmese human trafficking victims were rescued from confinement in a fishing port in Thailand's Phuket Province on Thursday with the assistance of the Anti-Human Trafficking Division of Thailand, the Myanmar Association in Thailand (MAT) has confirmed.

The Burmese fishermen were discovered locked inside a small room allegedly by a trafficking gang led by Burmese nationals, MAT director Kyaw Thaung told The Irrawaddy. MAT cooperates with Thai authorities to identify and rescue victims of trafficking.

"More than 30 victims were locked inside a small, hot, choking room. They had to eat and relieve themselves in the same place. It was like hell," said Kyaw Thaung. "I was shocked to see them."

The trafficking gang is allegedly headed by a Burmese national known as Ko Pett, who escaped arrest, but his wife was detained by authorities.

Most of the victims are in their 20s and 30s and some have been in Thailand for six months. All of the victims held official work permits, according to MAT.

Victims also reported human rights violations and abuse aboard the fishing boats. After returning to land following a fishing trip, some reported being locked inside the small room described by Kyaw Thaung.

Inhumane conditions for Burmese laborers in Southeast Asia's seafood and fishing industries have garnered international attention throughout 2015, as recent investigations have exposed abuse in the supply chains of retailers worldwide.

In July, The Irrawaddy reported on a raid of a Bangkok shrimp peeling factory which freed more than 60 Burmese nationals being held captive by another Burmese employment broker who had trafficked them.

More than 500 Burmese men were rescued from Indonesia earlier this year after being trafficked and enslaved on fishing boats.

Translation by Thet Ko Ko.

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Student Sentenced to Six Months’ Prison for Mid-2015 Graffiti Protest

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 01:33 AM PST

Ye Yint Paing Mu outside Mandalay Division's Amarapura Township court on Friday. (Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy)

Ye Yint Paing Mu outside Mandalay Division's Amarapura Township court on Friday. (Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — A court in Mandalay Division's Amarapura Township sentenced a student activist to six months in prison on Friday for his role in a graffiti protest on the grounds of Yadanabon University in mid-2015.

Ye Yint Paing Mu was arrested in December for spray-painting messages that called on the government to resign and demanded the release of students and their supporters detained during the nationwide demonstrations against the National Education Law.

He was charged for incitement under Burma's Penal Code and under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law.

"I will not submit an appeal because we were just urging the government to amend the education bill and I've done nothing wrong. I never trust this judicial system which is under the control of the government," said Ye Yint Paing Mu on Friday at the Amarapura court before being taken to Obo Prison where he will serve his prison term.

The student still faces a charge of unlawful assembly to be heard in Mandalay's Chan Aye Tharzan Township court.

"We wonder why the government is still afraid of the students but freeing criminals under the amnesty. If the government could negotiate with the armed ethnic forces, why can't they talk with the students who are not armed?" said Thein Than Oo, Ye Yint Paing Mu's lawyer.

"If [the government] is sincere about real change in the country, they should think about these detained students before they hand over power to the new government."

Three other students detained in July last year and sentenced for taking part in the same graffiti protest at Yadanabon University were released in December.

The post Student Sentenced to Six Months' Prison for Mid-2015 Graffiti Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Public Bus Company to Launch BRT on Feb. 12

Posted: 29 Jan 2016 01:28 AM PST

A woman looks out from inside a bus in Rangoon on June 26, 2011. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

A woman looks out from inside a bus in Rangoon on June 26, 2011. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — A pioneering public bus company in Rangoon will launch its initial line on Feb. 12, along a route being touted as the start of Burma's first Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, according to an official, who added that shares in the venture will remain on sale until the end of next month.

Maung Aung, an adviser to the Ministry of Commerce who leads a committee responsible for forming the public company, said the first bus line will run a loop from 8 Mile junction south down Pyay Road, then east along Bogyoke Aung San Road before returning north via Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, with 18 new buses due to ply the route.

"We will start with the first route, and then we will expand the routes with the arrival of more buses," Maung Aung said.

The bus fare will be a flat rate 300 kyats, he said.

The BRT is aimed at reducing traffic congestion in the commercial capital. The rollout is being divided into phases, and the first phase of the project is projected to require a total of 25 billion kyats (US$19.2 million) in capital. Through a public-private partnership, the government will provide 10 billion kyats, a 40 percent stake, with the remaining 15 billion kyats available to shareholders.

Maung Aung said that so far 670 people had bought shares valued at 1.4 billion kyats, with shares priced at 100,000 kyats each on sale beginning Nov. 3. The share sale was initially due to conclude at the end of this month.

Five private firms, described by Maung Aung as "founders" of the new bus company, have put down a total of at least 2.5 billion kyats so far, and will ultimately each hold 2 billion kyats in shares.

The streets of Rangoon are currently plied by thousands of buses owned by hundreds of small, private companies. Some 2.2 million people make use of 365 bus lines across the city of 5.4 million, according to Hla Aung, chairman of the Rangoon Region Supervisory Committee for Motor Vehicles.

The post Rangoon Public Bus Company to Launch BRT on Feb. 12 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Premier Reform-Era Parliament Draws to a Close

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 10:57 PM PST

Members of Parliament from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) attend the last day of the Union Parliament session in Naypyidaw on Jan. 29, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

Members of Parliament from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) attend the last day of the Union Parliament session in Naypyidaw on Jan. 29, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Friday marked the term's end for Burma's first Parliament since the start of a democratic transition in 2011.

The assembly first convened on Jan. 31, 2011, and over the course of five years it has held a total of 13 sessions and passed 229 laws, including a controversial package known as the Race and Religion Protection Laws.

House assemblies ended on Thursday, and a closing joint session of the Union Parliament convenes for the last time on Friday.

In his final speech as Speaker of the Lower House, Shwe Mann said the Parliament had worked diligently throughout its five-year tenure for the interests of the state and the people.

"We have discussed and passed proposals and laws that could help to promote the rule of law, internal peace and national unity without being impeded by party affiliation, political beliefs, race or religion," he said.

Parliament's new session starts on Feb. 1, when the National League for Democracy will take a majority of seats in both houses after its sweeping victory in the Nov. 8 general election.

The post Premier Reform-Era Parliament Draws to a Close appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

MPT Targets Over 90% 3G Coverage by End February

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 09:45 PM PST

  The headquarters of Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

The headquarters of Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — State-owned Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) has plans to expand its 3G mobile network to cover 90 percent of Burma's population by the end of next month, increasing the number of subscribers with access to the service by roughly 50 percent.

In an announcement Thursday, the telecoms operator said it hoped the expansion would be completed by the end of February, with an additional 5 percent coverage area added in March. According to the MPT statement, only 60 percent of the population has 3G access currently.

"Expanding networks here is our top priority," said Koichi Kawase, chief commercial officer of MPT-KSGM, adding that MPT currently runs the largest 3G network in Burma.

Myo Gyi, a user of multiple telecoms providers in Burma, said extending mobile reach to rural areas by constructing cell towers had been particularly beneficial to the service provided by MPT, which faces increasing competition from rival foreign firms.

"Because it's been building more towers in rural areas, MPT's network line is good compared with other service providers," he said.

MPT lays claim to the most subscribers nationwide, though two foreign firms, Ooredoo of Qatar and Norway's Telenor, have made inroads since they launched mobile services in 2014. The state enterprise had previously enjoyed a monopoly on cellphone service provision in Burma.

After foreign telecoms operators began operating in Burma, MPT sought to strengthen its hold on a majority market share by working with Japanese-owned KDDI, one of the largest telecoms companies in Japan. In July 2014, KDDI and Sumitomo, a trading house, signed a deal to invest some US$2 billion over the next decade to expand MPT services.

The post MPT Targets Over 90% 3G Coverage by End February appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ANP to Lose State Seat After MP-Elect Conviction

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 09:40 PM PST

  The Arakan National Party head office in Sittwe, Arakan State, Sept. 3, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)  

The Arakan National Party head office in Sittwe, Arakan State, Sept. 3, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — A newly elected lawmaker for the Arakan State legislature will be forced to forfeit his seat after being convicted of trespassing and harassment and sentenced to one year in prison on Thursday.

Hla Aung Nyunt, a member of the Arakan National Party (ANP) won a seat in the state parliament in the Nov. 8 general election, defeating San Shwe Maung of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in Minbya Township (2).

ANP member Aung Mra Kyaw told The Irrawaddy that Hla Aung Nyunt was found guilty of harassing a woman carrying out flood relief works organized by his USDP rival. The woman testified that he had entered her house without permission and threatened her.

The charges against him were not related to election violations, but "he was sued with many articles," Aung Mra Kyaw said.

San Shwe Maung, who will assume the seat in his stead, was unavailable for comment as of Friday morning.

The post ANP to Lose State Seat After MP-Elect Conviction appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pantin Practitioners Continue a Traditional Trade

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 09:35 PM PST

Click to view slideshow.

The centuries-old traditional art of Pantin, where items are cast from bronze, brass or copper, is still popular in Burma today, especially in the service of decorating Buddhist monasteries and pagodas.

In days gone by, wood carvings with intricate patterns were widely used to embellish the monasteries' tiered roofs and the stairways of pagodas.

But the more weather resistant properties of carvings made from brass, bronze or copper have ensured the longevity of this traditional enterprise. Pantin artisans traditionally craft the umbrella-shaped ornament, known in Burmese as hti, that tops most pagodas.

Pantin workshops can be found across the country. In Rangoon, the workshops are collectively situated in Kyimyindaing Township, where there are nearly 20 brass casting businesses that have been passed down through generations.

The post Pantin Practitioners Continue a Traditional Trade appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma to Embark On New Chapter As Parliament Convenes

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 09:30 PM PST

National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi arrives at the parliament building in Naypyidaw Jan. 28, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi arrives at the parliament building in Naypyidaw Jan. 28, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — On Monday Burma will convene its first popularly-elected Parliament in more than half a century, a historic moment unthinkable just five years ago in a country locked under decades of military rule.

Burma's powerful army overthrew the last democratically-elected Parliament in 1962. The rule of the junta was characterized by economic mismanagement and the oppression of the country's citizens.

Elections in 2010, widely criticized as neither free nor fair, ushered in a semi-civilian government backed by the military. President Thein Sein embarked on a series of economic and political reforms, culminating in last year's free elections, which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won by a landslide.

The opposition's resounding victory has been accepted by the ruling party and the military establishment, which optimists hope will pave the way for a new and peaceful chapter in Burma's often bloody history of war, revolution and crackdowns.

The NLD won 255 seats out of 440 in the Lower House and 135 out of 224 in the Upper House, handing the party the majority it needed to form a government. In contrast, the outgoing ruling party, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), only secured 30 seats in the Lower House and 11 seats in the Upper House.

The NLD's domination could lead to a more active Parliament with new policies quickly driven through, but a lack of political pluralism is a concern, said Khin Zaw Win, director at Tampadipa Institute and a Burma political analyst.

The lack of a strong opposition can weaken the checks and balances that allow a healthy democracy to thrive, he said.

"On the one hand, this could strengthen democracy, but on the other, we have a weaker multi-party system. There is a danger when a single party dominates the politics in a democratic system. It could lead to either good or bad results," he told Myanmar Now in an interview.

Speculation Over President's Role

There is much speculation about who will be installed as president by the NLD-led government.

The 2008 Constitution bans Suu Kyi from the presidency as her two sons are British nationals, but the popular leader has publicly said she would be "above the president" and is expected to nominate a loyal aide to the post.  Some analysts have also suggested that Article 59 (F) of the Constitution, which blocks her presidency, could be suspended, leading her to take the helm.

If that is to happen, the party would need the cooperation of the military members of the Parliament, which, according to the charter, hold a fixed bloc of 25 percent of seats in both houses of the national Parliament as well as in state and region assemblies.

Any amendment of the Constitution would require the approval of more than 75 percent of MPs, making the military representatives the kingmakers.

In addition, the key ministries of defense, home affairs and border affairs remain under the control of the military. This week, outgoing president Thein Sein has sought to widen these powers by tabling a last-minute proposal to bring the ministry of immigration under the wing of the home affairs ministry.

The continued dominant role of the military in the political landscape means the NLD government will need to make compromises with military leaders. As such, it is in a strong position to make an immediate impact on issues such as healthcare and education, but has less sway over security matters, according to Myat Thu, head of the Yangon School of Political Science.

"According to the Constitution, the military holds absolute power regarding the security of the country," he told Myanmar Now.

The military also holds six out of 11 seats on the powerful National Defense and Security Council.

Too Much Power?

On Monday's opening session of the Parliament, the mostly newly-elected MPs will choose a chairman, who will then handle procedures to elect speakers of the two houses of the Parliament.

The speakers play a powerful role as, under the Constitution, they can develop strong policy-making autonomy from the executive branch.

On Jan. 28, Suu Kyi confirmed in a meeting with NLD MPs that her party will choose Win Myint, an NLD MP and former High Court advocate, as Speaker of the Lower House and Mahn Win Khaing Than, an ethnic Karen and NLD MP, as Upper House Speaker.

The latter is a grandson of Mann Ba Khaing, a national hero who was assassinated together with Aung San, founding father of modern Burma and the father of Aung San Suu Kyi.

The two deputy speakers nominated for the Upper House and Lower House would be Aye Thar Aung, a senior leader of the Arakan National Party and a longtime political comrade of Suu Kyi, and T. Khun Myat, a USDP MP and leader of a people's militia group in northern Shan State, respectively.

Shwe Mann, a powerful former general, USDP lawmaker and former speaker, was credited with breathing life into the last Parliament and ensuring the position served as a counter-balance to executive power.

With such a strong mandate, the NLD can do much—and swiftly—to introduce reforms that help ordinary citizens long mired in poverty, said Tampadipa's Khin Zaw Win. He remains concerned however about the emergence of a new authoritarianism.

"My personal concerns are about a single person controlling the Parliament and the government. Would the MPs who have to obey this person dare say anything that would go against this person's wishes?" he said.

"In that case, it's the public and the media who have to intervene. I want to see positive changes."

For some people, however, it would be difficult for the NLD to make immediate changes, as it first needs to undo decades of mismanagement and to curb the control of military.

"Our people are expecting significant changes. From peace to education and job opportunities," said Zay Yar Linn, a university graduate.

"The NLD cannot fulfill our hopes immediately as it has many challenges. If they can do 30 percent more reforms than the previous government, it would mean the NLD has been successful."

The post Burma to Embark On New Chapter As Parliament Convenes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Senate Panel Approves Burma Ambassador Nominee

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 09:20 PM PST

US Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Scot Marciel smiles during a meeting with Ouch Borith (not pictured), secretary of state at the Foreign Affairs Ministry, in Phnom Penh, November 4, 2013. (Photo: Samrang Pring / Reuters)

US Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Scot Marciel smiles during a meeting with Ouch Borith (not pictured), secretary of state at the Foreign Affairs Ministry, in Phnom Penh, November 4, 2013. (Photo: Samrang Pring / Reuters)

WASHINGTON — A US Senate committee approved President Barack Obama's nominee to be ambassador to Burma on Thursday, after the administration assured panel members it would not quickly change sanctions policy as the country moves from decades of military rule.

Republican Senator Cory Gardner said he had been concerned that the Obama administration would move too quickly to ease sanctions on Burma before it had made the transition to democratic government.

But Gardner said during Thursday's Senate Foreign Relations Committee meeting he had been assured that the sanctions policy had not changed, and that Congress would be "fully consulted" about any shift.

The Obama administration has continued deep concerns about human rights and other issues in Burma, also known as Myanmar. US officials have said they would watch for the democratic process to move forward before lifting more sanctions, which target more than 100 individuals and businesses and limit US investment in the country.

The 19-member panel approved the nomination of Scot Marciel unanimously by voice vote. He must still be confirmed by the full Senate before taking up his position as ambassador.

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Canadian in China Charged With Stealing Secrets 

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 08:56 PM PST

 Peter Garratt, one of the sons of Canadian couple Kevin and Julia Dawn Garratt, stands outside his parents' coffee shop in Dandong, Liaoning province, August 6, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Peter Garratt, one of the sons of Canadian couple Kevin and Julia Dawn Garratt, stands outside his parents' coffee shop in Dandong, Liaoning province, August 6, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

TORONTO — A Canadian arrested in China two years ago on suspicion of stealing state secrets has been charged.

The Canadian government confirmed Thursday Kevin Garratt has been indicted. China's official Xinhua News Agency Xinhua said Garratt has been charged in Dandong city, Liaoning Province, which neighbors North Korea. The agency reported Chinese authorities found evidence which implicates Garratt in accepting tasks from Canadian espionage agencies to gather intelligence in China.

Garratt and his wife, Julie, were arrested in August 2014 by the state security bureau.

Francois Lasalle, a spokeman for Canada's Global Affairs department, said Canada finds the indictment of Garratt concerning.

"The Government of Canada has raised this case with the Chinese Government at high levels," Lasalle said.

He said Canadian consular officials are providing assistance to Kevin and Julia Garratt and they remain in contact with Chinese authorities and the family. He declined further comment.

Simeon Garret has said his parents ran a coffee shop and did Christian aid work for North Koreans and said there must have been a mistake. The couple had worked with North Star Aid, whose website said the British Columbia-registered charity seeks to help North Koreans primarily through providing humanitarian aid. Simeon Garratt has said his parents made no secret of their faith but did not flaunt it in China, where proselytizing is against the law. He has said they worked on getting school supplies, cooking oil and food into North Korea.

The coffee shop, Peter's Coffee House, is located within sight of the Friendship Bridge linking China to North Korea. It was known for its North American cuisine and attracted a mix of tourists, students and locals.

The accusations against the couple came about a week after Canada accused a China-sponsored hacker of infiltrating Canada's National Research Council, the country's top research and development organization. China's Foreign Ministry had expressed strong displeasure over the allegation, urging Canada to withdraw the "groundless" accusation.

The post Canadian in China Charged With Stealing Secrets  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Cities Get Funds to Tackle Woes from Sewage to Traffic

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 08:51 PM PST

Laborers work at the construction site of a residential complex on the outskirts of Kolkata, India, January 23, 2016. (Photo: Rupak De Chowdhuri / Reuters)

Laborers work at the construction site of a residential complex on the outskirts of Kolkata, India, January 23, 2016. (Photo: Rupak De Chowdhuri / Reuters)

NEW DELHI — India took a step toward modernizing its cities on Thursday by awarding 20 with funds to solve problems from shoddy sewage treatment to snarled traffic.

The government eventually plans to spend $15 billion to remake 100 cities over five years, Urban Development Minister Venkaiah Naidu said. The first 20 to receive financing include the capital of New Delhi, the western cities of Pune, Jaipur and Ahmadabad, and the southern cities of Chennai and Kochi.

Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi first touted his vision for creating so-called smart cities across India, there has been little clarity over what "smart" actually means beyond a better life for the country's 400 million city dwellers.

While India has rapidly urbanized in recent decades, most towns and cities still lack basic infrastructure like running water or stable electricity. Many feature huge slums housing millions of poor.

The cities were selected based on their proposals after more than 15 million Indian citizens weighed in on which problems should be solved first, marking "a paradigm shift" in having India's development guided by the public, Naidu said.

Some sent ideas to city officials via social media. Others entered local contests for designing logos or writing essays. Bhubaneswar, the capital of the eastern state of Orissa, unfurled a 10-kilometer-long (6-mile-long) canvas banner across the city and invited residents to scroll down their suggestions.

"We are big believers in the power of competition to spur bottom-up creativity, citizen engagement, and stronger proposals," said James Anderson of Bloomberg Philanthropies, which advised the government on the program.

Some of the proposals mentioned a need for better transportation, sewage treatment, security or trash management. Many envisioned funding through public-private partnerships.

The Rajasthani heritage city of Jaipur wants to improve waste management, while New Delhi plans to install underground fiber-optic cables for more Internet connectivity. The traffic-clogged city of Chennai has plans for improving public transportation as well as dealing with disasters like last year's devastating floods.

The post India Cities Get Funds to Tackle Woes from Sewage to Traffic appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Taiwan President Says Visit to Disputed Island was to Promote Peace

Posted: 28 Jan 2016 08:42 PM PST

Taiwan president Ma Ying-jeou answers a question during a news conference after his trip to the disputed Itu Aba or Taiping island in the South China Sea, in Taipei, Taiwan, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Pichi Chuang / Reuters)

Taiwan president Ma Ying-jeou answers a question during a news conference after his trip to the disputed Itu Aba or Taiping island in the South China Sea, in Taipei, Taiwan, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Pichi Chuang / Reuters)

TAIPEI — Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou, ignoring US criticism, flew to a disputed island in the South China Sea on Thursday to reaffirm Taipei's sovereignty and said the trip was aimed at promoting peace.

Ma's one-day visit to Itu Aba came amid growing international concern over tension in the South China Sea, especially in the wake of Beijing's rapid creation of seven man-made islands in the Spratly archipelago.

The United States, Taiwan's biggest ally, on Wednesday called Ma's trip "extremely unhelpful," adding it would not do anything to resolve disputes over the waterway.

But Ma, who steps down in May, said he had told the United States about his trip a few days beforehand.

"The US and we [Taiwan], when it comes to the big direction for the South China Sea, are the same," Ma told reporters on his return. "We all hope for peace, hope there is no conflict or war."

Beijing on Thursday reiterated that China and Taiwan had a common duty to protect Chinese sovereignty in the South China Sea. Beijing, recognized by most of the world as the head of "one China," the People's Republic of China, deems Taiwan a wayward province to be taken by force if necessary.

Taiwan, which goes by the official name of Republic of China, is recognized by only a handful of countries.

Ma also said his trip was aimed at bringing attention to Taiwan's stand. Both China and Taiwan claim most of the South China Sea. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei have competing claims.

The Philippines has launched an arbitration case against China in The Hague which Ma said could result in a ruling affecting Taiwan. The visit was now or never because of the pending ruling that might rule on land formations that could determine economic zone rights for claimants.

"Our diplomatic situation is difficult. On the topic of the South China Sea, we want to talk but have nowhere to file our complaint," Ma said. "This was the time to go. If I didn't go now, it would have been too late."

Vietnam's top official in Taiwan said Hanoi "resolutely opposed" Ma's visit. The Philippine Foreign Ministry said all parties had a shared responsibility to refrain from actions that could increase tensions.

Taiwan has just finished a $100 million port upgrade and built a new lighthouse on Itu Aba, known as Taiping in Taiwan. The island, which lies in the Spratlys, also has an airstrip, a hospital and fresh water.

Given the tensions over the South China Sea, few senior political officials from any of the claimants have visited the contested region in recent years.

Ma's visit follows elections won by the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which declined a request by Ma to send a representative along. The DPP said Taiwan had a responsibility to maintain peace and stability in the area.

The claims of both China and Taiwan are based on maps from the late 1940s belonging to the Nationalists, when they ruled all of China. The Nationalists fled to Taiwan in 1949 after losing the Chinese civil war to Mao Zedong's Communists.

China has appeared unfazed by Taiwan's upgrading work on Itu Aba. Military strategists say that is because Itu Aba could fall into China's hands should it ever take over Taiwan.

The 46-hectare (114-acre) island supports around 180 people, about 150 of them coastguard personnel.

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