The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Breaking: Nationalist Mob Closes Two Islamic Schools in Rangoon
- Rangoon Regional Minister Reveals Ambassador’s Role in Bus Purchases from China
- Preparing Southeast Asian Snakehead
- Lawyer in U Ko Ni Murder Calls for Naypyidaw Arrest Warrant in Search for Fugitive
- Burma Turns Down Chinese Assistance in Addressing Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh
- Free Clinic for Political Prisoners Closes Temporarily
- Ethnic Party Accuses KIA of Killing Lisu People
- Malaysia PM Warns Uneven Growth Could Fuel Extremism, Instability in SE Asia
- UN Criticizes Plan to Resettle Arakan State Displaced Persons in ‘Camp-like’ Villages
- Left Behind: Karen Refugees at Mae La Camp
Breaking: Nationalist Mob Closes Two Islamic Schools in Rangoon Posted: 28 Apr 2017 08:45 AM PDT RANGOON — Two madrasas near downtown Rangoon were sealed off by an alleged Buddhist nationalist group on Friday evening, making the accusation that the Islamic schools were operating as mosques, without official permission. Residents in the area, which includes Anawmar 11 and 12 streets in Thaketa Township, said the religious buildings were shut down without any official decree. They claimed that police and city officials were also present on-site when the madrasas were locked down by a mob of nearly 50 nationalists. Crowds gathered in the area on late Friday afternoon, leading to a public brawl as the buildings were locked. A videographer working for the Associated Press—Ko Min Kyi Thein—was reportedly attacked by the nationalists while filming the incident. At the time of reporting, the police did not allow representatives of the media within the vicinity of the buildings as they were being sealed off, stating that they intended to prevent further conflict. However, others appeared to be let in. Streets leading to the madrasas were blocked with barricades manned by security forces—more than 100 police were deployed to the scene. Dr. Wai Phyo Aung, the National League for Democracy lawmaker who represents the township, was present at the site of the incident. He appeared reluctant to comment on the situation, only stating that an official announcement would be made soon, but not clarifying when this might occur. The area is home to one large mosque and three madrasas, including the two sealed off on Friday. Muslims in the neighborhood said they were worried that the remaining madrasa and the mosque would also soon be locked down by nationalists. The Irrawaddy reporter on the ground was threatened when he tried to get comments from the nationalists, and was forced to leave the area. Maung Hla Win, a local Muslim, said, "there are Buddhists who stayed on our street. We accepted them, and they accepted us. We did not have a problem." "But the men who came here [today] just did as they liked," he added. Another Muslim, Ko Ye Kyaw, said that the group of nationalists arrived at around 2 p.m. "We did not act violent toward them, because we knew if we did, we would face violence," he explained. The Irrawaddy was told that Muslims in the area were informed beforehand to close the religious schools right after the Thingyan water festival in mid-April, but the claim could not be independently verified. The post Breaking: Nationalist Mob Closes Two Islamic Schools in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Rangoon Regional Minister Reveals Ambassador’s Role in Bus Purchases from China Posted: 28 Apr 2017 08:12 AM PDT RANGOON – In Friday's divisional parliament session, Rangoon's regional minister of planning and finance U Myint Thaung told the legislature that the Yangon Public Bus Company had purchased 1,000 new buses from China at a total cost of US$56 million. The purchase was made with the help of the Chinese ambassador, from Chinese automotive companies Yutong and Ankai, he said, providing the information in response to a question posed by lawmaker Daw Sandar Min about the new vehicles. The divisional government has requested 70 billion kyats in the 2016-2017 fiscal year's re-budgeting process, mentioning to the regional parliament a large sum to be spent on public transportation services in the commercial capital. Lawmakers have complained that they lack details of the divisional government's plans to invest the money. Some of the confusion among lawmakers stems from the practice of importing second-hand buses from border areas, and then installing GPS devices on them so that they can be used for city routes. Daw Sandar Min asked minister U Myint Thaung whether the government would replace the old model vehicles that have been operating for decades with new buses. While not mentioning a removal of older buses, U Myint Thaung highlighted how, with the assistance of the Chinese ambassador, the regional government signed off on MOUs with Anhui Province-based Ankai and Yutong automotive companies last month. "The ambassador guarantees the quality of products and the price of vehicles are reasonable," he said. Yangon Region Transport Authority secretary Dr. Maung Aung told The Irrawaddy that they would do away with outdated city buses and reinforce the Yangon Bus System YBS with brand new vehicles, scheduled to arrive in Rangoon from China at the end of May. About 3,700 city buses—most of them outdated—are tasked with carrying 2.5 million commuters in Rangoon daily. Dr. Maung Aung estimates that that city needs at least 4,500 city buses to meet its transportation needs. Some businesspeople criticized the large purchase of buses from China, saying that the amount would have been better spent on vehicles from Japan. Myanmar Motor Vehicle Producers and Distributor Association's chairman Dr. Soe Tun said that is difficult to judge whether the prices quoted to the government were reasonable without knowing the specifications of the buses. The post Rangoon Regional Minister Reveals Ambassador's Role in Bus Purchases from China appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Preparing Southeast Asian Snakehead Posted: 28 Apr 2017 07:08 AM PDT As in other parts of Southeast Asia, snakehead (Nga Yant in Burmese) is a popular freshwater fish known for its sweet and tender meat. It can be eaten in various ways, from curried with seed pods to stir-fried. The dried snakehead slow-roasted in a charcoal stove over a small fire and then pounded and soaked in peanut oil is a traditional food consumed with white rice across the nation. It can be enjoyed with simply a pot of green tea as well. On the beach of Satkalay Village in Kyimyindaing Township across the river from Rangon, the whole process of preparing these snakeheads unfolds. Women slice the fish that come from fish farms and rivers in neighboring Bago and Irrawaddy divisions. They remove the offal (the intestines of Nga Yant is another popular delicacy) and spines before the meat is dried in the sun. Afterwards, slices of meat are roasted, pounded, packed and delivered to supermarkets.
The post Preparing Southeast Asian Snakehead appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Lawyer in U Ko Ni Murder Calls for Naypyidaw Arrest Warrant in Search for Fugitive Posted: 28 Apr 2017 06:57 AM PDT RANGOON — The lawyer representing the family of the National League for Democracy's (NLD) assassinated legal adviser U Ko Ni presented a criminal revision petition to the Rangoon Division High Court on Friday, requesting that the judge issue an arrest warrant in Naypyidaw for fugitive Aung Win Khaing. The man is suspected of involvement in the case but remains at large: Naypyidaw is where he was last seen. Prominent lawyer U Ko Ni was shot by gunman Kyi Lin outside Rangoon International Airport on the afternoon of Jan. 29. Police have put forward four suspects: Kyi Lin, and alleged co-conspirators Zeya Phyo, Aung Win Zaw and Aung Win Tun. Lawyer U Nay La initially requested that the northern district court issue the warrant in Naypyidaw in March, but it ruled against the move. He also claimed that the district court has been handling the case "carelessly" and is "weak" in examining the case surrounding the fugitive in accordance with designated procedures. On Friday's plea at the High Court, U Nay La explained the purpose of his filing: the police order dated Feb. 15 calling for the arrest of Aung Win Khaing was sent to only six of the force's stations—in Dawbon, Tharketa, Bahan, Mingalardon, Gyobinkaut and Meikhtila townships. The first warrant issued by the district court on Mar. 3—before the trial—only covered Aung Win Khaing's home address in Rangoon's Dawbon Township. An arrest warrant that only allows for a fugitive to be apprehended at his permanent address is unfitting for the situation, U Nay La said at the High Court. According to police reports, there is no record that Aung Win Khaing has passed through the country's border gates since the assassination, U Nay La said, and therefore it is assumed that he is still in the country. The lawyer then emphasized the need to issue an arrest warrant in Naypyidaw. In early April, police chief Maj-Gen Zaw Win told reporters at a press conference in Naypyidaw that the police had combed through all eight townships and villages in the administrative capital for the fugitive, promising that they "would go to the ends of the earth to find him." U Nay La told The Irrawaddy on Friday that police announcements describing their search efforts are separate from the court proceedings and "will not be considered" until the police make statements on the matter in court. "The court has to do its job, no matter what the police are doing," he said. He also said he would withdraw his plea for a criminal revision of the case if there is a law restricting the issuance of a second warrant with a new address. U Nay La said it was possible that issuing another warrant could delay the trial, but noted that a delay leading to a thorough examination would be better than rushing the case and glossing over important details. "Examining the case without trying to bring all suspects to the court is not beneficial for anyone," he said, highlighting how U Ko Ni's murder is a high-profile case being closely monitored by the local and international community. The Rangoon Division High Court did not provide a date by which a decision would be made regarding U Nay La's proposal. Shooter Kyi Lin and three alleged co-perpetrators—Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Khaing and Zeya Phyo—are being charged under Article 302 of Burma's Penal Code for murder. Zeya Phyo, a former military intelligence officer, is also charged under Article 67 of the Telecommunications Law for the possession of restricted telecommunications equipment and Article 468 of the Penal Code for the forgery of national identity cards. Two of the suspects—gunman Kyi Lin and alleged co-conspirator Aung Win Zaw—are being charged under Article 19(d) and (f) of the country's 1878 Arms Act for illegal arms possession and transportation, in addition to the murder charge. The post Lawyer in U Ko Ni Murder Calls for Naypyidaw Arrest Warrant in Search for Fugitive appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Burma Turns Down Chinese Assistance in Addressing Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh Posted: 28 Apr 2017 04:52 AM PDT NAYPYIDAW – The Burmese government will not accept China's offer to help mediate affairs in restive Arakan State, but "will collaborate" with Bangladesh, according to the President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay. According to Bangladeshi foreign ministry officials, China has offered to help tackle a diplomatic row between the two countries over the plight of tens of thousands of Muslim minority Rohingya who fled violence in Arakan State and sought refuge in Bangladesh since late 2016. U Zaw Htay told reporters during a press conference on the National League for Democracy government's first-year performance on Friday that the NLD administration "understands China's concerns." He noted China's development project in Kyaukphyu, a special economic zone in Arakan State, but said that the government would opt to take a more standard path in obtaining assistance in dealing with conflict in the region. Chinese Special Envoy of Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang was quoted as saying during his four-day trip to Bangladesh this week that they "were ready to help if necessary." China has also been offering its assistance in conflicts in northeastern Burma, where fighting has been ongoing between government troops and ethnic armed groups. The post Burma Turns Down Chinese Assistance in Addressing Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Free Clinic for Political Prisoners Closes Temporarily Posted: 28 Apr 2017 03:46 AM PDT RANGOON — The Hanthawaddy U Win Tin Foundation clinic, which provides free medical services to former political prisoners, has closed temporarily due to financial constraints, said foundation chairman U Kyaw Aung. The Hanthawaddy U Win Tin Foundation is a non-profit organization founded by the late prominent journalist U Win Tin in early 2012 with the aim of supporting current and former political prisoners and their family members with access to healthcare, education and rehabilitation. "We plan to reopen next month but we're short on medicine. This is the only free clinic for political prisoners, and I don't want to see it permanently shutdown," U Kyaw Aung told The Irrawaddy. In its early days, the foundation funded political prisoners and their families to receive healthcare at Green Cross Hospital in Rangoon. But after the death of U Win Tin in April 2014, the number of donors declined and the financial situation forced the foundation to open its own free clinic in October of the same year. Since its establishment, the free clinic has provided care to thousands of political prisoners and their families. It receives some 300 patients monthly, and is open six days a week. "We plan to stay open until September. It will be difficult for us to provide free medicine if there are no donors," said U Kyaw Aung. U Win Tin was imprisoned by the military regime for 19 years from 1989 to 2008 for his writings, which were critical of the junta, and his role in the NLD, which he co-founded after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. On his release, he wore his blue prison shirt and pledged to wear blue shirts everyday until all political prisoners were released. He continued to do so until his death. In 2001, U Win Tin was awarded the UNESCO Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize for his efforts to defend and promote the right to freedom of expression. This article was translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Free Clinic for Political Prisoners Closes Temporarily appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Ethnic Party Accuses KIA of Killing Lisu People Posted: 28 Apr 2017 01:32 AM PDT RANGOON — The Lisu National Development Party (LNDP) has released a statement dated April 21 accusing the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) of killing Lisu people living in Kachin State and demanding the return of their bodies. LNDP chairman U Shwe Min accused the KIA, the armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), of abducting and killing six Lisu people in the townships of Waingmaw and Myitkyina, capital of Kachin State, and burying their bodies in 2016 and 2017. U Shwe Min stated that KIA troops were responsible because they were at the crime scenes and some even confessed, according to him. "The KIA killed local Lisu farmers for no reason and buried them," U Shwe Min told The Irrawaddy. "Six were killed in a year. We want to know why they did that, and we want to get the bodies back." The statement said 36-year-old Zaw Lay of Khaxi village in Waingmaw Township was kidnapped and killed by the KIA on April 12 this year. The LNDP asked the KIA for the body, but KIA soldiers had already buried it, according to the statement, which also accused the KIA of planting landmines to kill Lisu people. Over the past two years, five other Lisu people have been killed and buried by the KIA, said U Shwe Min: one in Kapiketi sub-township last January, three in Sadone sub-township last March, and one in March this year. The Irrawaddy was unable to contact the KIA/KIO for comment. The KIA accidentally shot the Lisu people while trying to prevent them from burning the bush to make space for farming and is not targeting the ethnic groups, surmised Lamai Guang Jia of the Kachin Peace-talk Creation Group (PCG). "We questioned them about the deaths in 2016 and they said they tried to stop them from bush burning," he said. "But they didn't listen, so they made warning shots and accidentally hit them. [The KIA troops] said they were not aware if the victims were Lisu, Kachin or Bamar. "They didn't do it out of racial hatred. In fact, the commander of the outpost [near where the Lisu victims were killed] is also a Lisu man." Lamai Guang Jia was "saddened" that the LNDP statement focused on racial antagonism, and said the allegation that the KIA was planting landmines to kill Lisu people was wrong, adding that they triggered the mines when bush burning. The PCG has urged civil society organizations (CSOs) to intervene and for the LNDP to hold direct talks with the KIA/KIO, he said. "We have asked CSOs to mediate, but the statement that was issued recently includes harsh words," he added. There are about 400,000 Lisu people, the majority of whom live in Kachin State as well as Shan and Karenni states and Mandalay and Sagaing divisions, said U Shwe Min. The post Ethnic Party Accuses KIA of Killing Lisu People appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Malaysia PM Warns Uneven Growth Could Fuel Extremism, Instability in SE Asia Posted: 27 Apr 2017 10:29 PM PDT MANILA, Philippines — Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak on Friday warned that Southeast Asian countries needed to ensure their economic growth was inclusive, or risk marginalized populations turning to violent extremism or even overturning political systems. Speaking at an event for entrepreneurs during the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Manila, Najib said the region was posting strong growth that could see ASEAN become the world's fourth-largest economy, but that growth needed to be equitable. "We do not want our citizens to be marginalized in the age of extremism and radicalization," he said. "We know that those who see no hope in their own societies are more prone to the siren calls of terrorists who can and exploit their vulnerability and fill them with their lies." Islamist extremism is expected to be high on the agenda during this week's meetings, with fears for Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines about piracy and the rising threat of Islamic State. Of particular concern is the ease in which militants can acquire weapons, seek refuge with existing rebel groups and move between the many islands between the three countries. Najib lauded the success of ASEAN, which is celebrating its 50th anniversary this year, in expanding its collective GDP to about US$2.7 trillion now, from $87 billion four decades ago. ASEAN has 10 members: Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines. He warned that economic disparity was dangerous at a political level too, fueling anger and populism that was causing problems in Western Europe. "The neglected underclass of those who felt left behind by economic growth, prosperity and globalization can overturn elections and political systems," he said. Economists frequently point out huge income gaps among the 620 million people of Southeast Asia, a region that has one of the world's largest concentrations of billionaires, according to Forbes Magazine. Najib said awareness of ASEAN needed to be better promoted among its citizens to "make it feel real, relevant and tangible." Trade integration was lagging, he said, with too many trade tariffs still in existence. Their removal, and harmonized customs standards, needed to be "vigorously pursued," he said. Philippines Vice President Leni Robredo echoed Najib's call for leaders to pay more attention to their poor. "For many years, many thought income inequality was alright. But the voiceless and the powerless are now raring to be heard, and with technology and social media, their frustrations are being felt on a global scale," she said in a speech. "They are rejecting globalization, democracy, traditional media." The post Malaysia PM Warns Uneven Growth Could Fuel Extremism, Instability in SE Asia appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
UN Criticizes Plan to Resettle Arakan State Displaced Persons in ‘Camp-like’ Villages Posted: 27 Apr 2017 10:15 PM PDT RANGOON — The United Nations' refugee agency has criticized a Burma government plan to resettle Rohingya Muslims displaced by recent violence in "camp-like" villages, saying it risks stoking tensions, according to a document seen by Reuters. The plan—confirmed by a senior state-level official—has sparked fear among residents that they would end up penned into de facto refugee camps, the document produced by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Burma said. Attacks on border guard posts in northwestern Burma in October last year by a Rohingya insurgent group ignited the biggest crisis of national leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's year in power. Security forces stand accused of mass killings and gang rapes during the counterinsurgency operation that followed. About 75,000 Rohingya fled across the border to Bangladesh to escape the violence, during which at least 1,500 houses across several villages were burned, while thousands more hid in forests and fields. Some of those who fled have now returned and built temporary shelters, but the authorities have barred them from rebuilding their homes permanently citing "security restrictions", according to residents who spoke to Reuters and the UN document. Instead, authorities have devised a plan to relocate some 1,152 households from 13 scattered hamlets into larger, more manageable "model villages." In a three-page "advocacy note" dated April 25 and circulated among humanitarian agencies on Wednesday, the UNHCR warned the plan could "create further tensions" in villages recently scarred by the violence. "Based on the information available on the model villages and concerns brought to our attention by affected villagers, UNHCR stressed the importance to allow displaced communities to return to their place of origin and have access to their previous source of livelihoods," UNHCR Burma spokesman Andrew Dusek said by email when reached for comment on the document. More than 1 million Rohingya live in apartheid-like conditions in Burma's Arakan State, where many in the Buddhist majority consider them interlopers from Bangladesh. While Dusek said the UNHCR understood the plan was still at draft stage and may not have been finalised, Arakan State government secretary Tin Maung Swe said the local administration had already started implementing it. Tin Maung Swe said relocation was in the residents' interests as the "model villages" would be closer to government services. Rohingya villages in rural northern Arakan were arranged "randomly" at present, he said. "If these villages are not systematic, they will not develop and it will be hard to build hospitals, schools and police stations," said Tin Maung Swe. "Also we will have difficulties to take care of security in the region." "Model Villages" According to the UNHCR document and residents, the government has begun clearing land for the "model villages", in which households would each get a 220-square-metre (2,400 sq ft) plot and about $150 to build a home. Residents told UN staff they feared losing access to their farmland and fishing grounds, and becoming stuck in what would become "like IDP camps," the UNHCR document said. "A forced relocation to the 'model villages' would not progress stabilization in these areas," the UNHCR document said. About 120,000 Rohingya have lived in "internally displaced persons" camps in Arakan State, dependent of international aid, since communal violence in 2012. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has pledged to begin closing the camps, following recommendations from a commission led by former UN chief Kofi Annan. Five people whose homes were destroyed in November told Reuters by telephone about the living conditions since the violence subsided, expressing their worries about the government's plans. "The village here has completely changed because all of the houses were burned down," said a 32-year-old in Yae Khat Chaung Gwa Son village, who spoke on condition of anonymity. Reuters has previously interviewed dozens of refugees, residents and Burma security officials about the military operation in Arakan State. Witnesses said troops raped Rohingya women, killed civilians, and burned homes in a sweep through several villages in November. Satellite imagery analyzed by New York-based Human Rights Watch showed massive fires that destroyed hundreds of homes. Officials have denied most of the allegations and blamed insurgents and villagers themselves for the fires. Burma has blocked independent media and observers from the area. Residents said that, while the area is now relatively peaceful, checkpoints and a 9 p.m.-5 a.m. curfew remain in place and soldiers regularly patrol near villages, making it hard for them to reach their fields and shrimp farms or the area's basic health clinics. Villagers also told Reuters they feared the plots in the new settlements would be too small for many households, which often comprise extended family groups of 30 people or more. "The government told us their plan is for all of the villagers to huddle in one place, in one village near the main road," said a school teacher in Dar Gyi Zar village, who also spoke anonymously. "We want to live in our original place as before." The post UN Criticizes Plan to Resettle Arakan State Displaced Persons in 'Camp-like' Villages appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Left Behind: Karen Refugees at Mae La Camp Posted: 27 Apr 2017 07:51 PM PDT MAE LA, Thailand — Eighty-year-old Karen refugee Naw Pe lies near the cooking area in her bamboo hut, surrounded by pans, pots, baskets, and rotting foods. She has a fever, coupled with the stifling midday heat, and her hands shake as she moves out of her mosquito net. "I'm supposed to feed the pigs," she whispers, pausing for breath. "But I can't stand up. I'm too sick." Naw Pe lives alone in Mae La, the largest refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border, home to more than 30,000 people, according to estimates. Her family have stopped visiting her and she refuses to seek help at the camp's clinic. "I don't want to go," she says. "They only give me Paracetamol." Humanitarian assistance including food and health is dwindling at the camp, as international governments and donors cut their funding to reflect gradual movement in Burma's peace process. For Mae Le's refugees, it means a tougher existence. Some have moved to other countries with a UN resettlement program, others find their own way to safer nations. But returning to Burma seems pointless—perhaps dangerous—for many as they no longer have property or relatives in their homeland, and fear for their safety despite ongoing peace talks between the Burma Army and ethnic Karen armed organizations. "I won't go back there, no matter what," says Naw Pe, shaking her head. "I have no reason to return. I left nothing." Military offensives in eastern Burma's Karen State from the 1970s to the 1990s forced Karen civilians and other ethnicities from their home. Many fled into neighboring Thailand and have been living there for decades. Since the launch of Burma's peace programs in 2011, many international donors and NGOs supporting nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border have shifted their focus from humanitarian assistance to repatriating the refugees with the help of the Thai and Burmese governments. Ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) such as the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) have signed ceasefires and the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the Burmese government. "Most of the refugees are moving to third countries," says Saw Honesty, the chairman of Mae La camp. "Some went to visit their hometowns but we do not know how many because they don't all inform us." Some refugees only want to check the situation in Burma, and so don't contact the camps' "volunteer repatriation centers," which help those who want to return home. "I don't know if other people trust the ceasefire and peace process, but I don't," says Pleh Gaw, 30, a slight man sitting in his hut. Several armed groups have split from the KNU since 1994, including the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the Border Guard Force (BGF) and a smaller group called the KNU/KNLA Peace Council. With support from the Burma Army, the DKBA launched an offensive against the KNU that displaced thousands of civilians. Even after the ceasefire, sporadic battles between the Karen armed groups have been reported. "I don't know which group I should trust," frets Pleh Gaw, cradling his son. "We even heard there was fighting recently," added his mother, Mu Kyu Lar, 59, in reference to a clash in KNU-controlled territory between the KNU and Burma Army troops in Tenasserim Division on April 22. "When we fled, Pleh Gaw was seven years old, too young to know anything. I had to carry him all the way," says the mother-of-four, drawing on her hand-rolled cheroot. "It was a very hard time. We had to hide in the jungle and some nights we couldn't sleep." Mu Kyu Lar and her family, who come from KNU's Brigade 7 territory, have been living in Mae La for more than 20 years. "I have no plans to go home," says Pleh Gaw, who is waiting for his resettlement in the United States. "I have no land, house, or relatives there." NGOs estimate that more than 80,000 refugees—mostly ethnic Karen—fled the civil war. The population of the nine refugee camps has been steadily declining—reduced from more than 140,000 in 2011 to about 98,000 now, according to The Border Consortium (TBC), a group comprising nine NGOs that supports refugees who have fled conflict in Burma. TBC is reducing its staff and lowering their salaries because of funding shortages. Its annual staff budget is about US$1.7 million but funding for the coming years has not been secured, says TBC executive director Sally Thompson. "Inevitably there will be difficulties, but this is the reality we have to face as funding support for camps continues to decline," she said. About 10,000 community workers in the nine refugee camps on Thai-Burma border will be affected by the cuts. "We are also feeling the pressure," said Saw Tu Tu, a head of the Karen Refugee Committee (KRC). Refugees in Mae La say local authorities, such as the Thai security guards and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), restrict their movements. Community leaders are asked not to speak to media due to pressure from the authorities. "The population in Mae La has been decreasing yearly—sometimes by several hundred," says Saw Tu Tu. "We have had over 40,000 in the past. Now, there are 38,000 people in our camp," he adds. Home is not the United States or even Burma for some long-term refugees like Naw Pe, the sick, elderly woman. "Mae La is my home," she says. "I will be here until I die." The post Left Behind: Karen Refugees at Mae La Camp appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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