AllSBNews: 10/05/15

Monday, October 5, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Body of Missing Kachin Man Found, Military Under Investigation
World Bank Forecasts Drop in Burma’s Economic Growth
China Seeking Land Lease from KIA in Shan State: Sources
‘We Have No Option But to Defend’
United We Stand, Divided We Sign
Suu Kyi Star Power on Full View in Kachin State
Ceasefire to Be Signed by Some Armed Groups in October, Others Abstain
World Bank Trims 2015, 2016 East Asia Forecasts
School Hazing Gets Stern Penalty in Military-Ruled Thailand
MSF Demands Independent Probe into Afghan Hospital Strike

Body of Missing Kachin Man Found, Military Under Investigation

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 05:32 AM PDT

Ung Sau Tu Ja's wife, children and mother-in-law. (Photo: Mar Khar)

RANGOON — The body of missing Kachin villager Ung Sau Tu Ja has been unearthed in Hpakant Township, four months after his family alleged he was killed in military custody.

Police from Kamaing (Ka Mai) village have confirmed that a body found was that of the 48-year-old Tu Ja, who went missing after being detained by the military's 250th Light Infantry Battalion on June 19. Kamaing police officer Kyaw Nyunt said his remains were buried over two months ago in a local "civil servant compound" and have now been returned to Tu Ja's family.

"His family identified his body, and we have handed it over to hold a burial in their tradition," Kyaw Nyunt told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

Tu Ja was one of four villagers arrested by soldiers on suspicion of ties with the Kachin Independence Army on June 9. The other three men were released from military custody three weeks later. Three months after his disappearance, Tu Ja's family alleged that the military was responsible for his death and demanded the return of his body.

Mar Khar, a lawyer from state capital Myitkyina assisting the family with the case, told The Irrawaddy that Tu Ja's body was exhumed after the military's regional command launched an investigation into the 250th battalion.

"According to the police, Tu Ja's body was unearthed after Ye Kyaw Thu, the commander of [the battalion], was investigated by the Northern Command," he said.

A friend of the family, who requested anonymity, said that relatives were not permitted to be present while the corpse was being exhumed, as Tu Ja had been buried inside the local military compound.

"We were called to identify him after the hospital conducted an autopsy, he said. "All of his body had been damaged and his mother-in-law was only able to identify him by his head."

A murder case has been filed with Kamaing village police. When questioned on alleged military involvement in Tu Ja's death, police officers declined to comment, saying the case remained under investigation.

Tu Ja is survived by his wife and six young children. He will be buried tomorrow morning at 10am.

The post Body of Missing Kachin Man Found, Military Under Investigation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

World Bank Forecasts Drop in Burma’s Economic Growth

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 05:04 AM PDT

A staff member shows US$100 bills at AYA Bank's money changer in Rangoon, July 17, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — A World Bank report released Monday estimated that Burma's economic growth for the 2015-16 fiscal year would slow, due in part to recent flooding and a slowdown in new investment.

According to the Bank's latest "East Asia and Pacific Economic Update," Burma's economy grew at 8.5 percent in real terms for the 2014-15 fiscal year, but this growth is predicted to drop to 6.5 percent over the next fiscal year.

The predicted slowdown was due in part, the Bank said, to recent flooding which inundated whole swathes of the country since July. With more than a million acres of paddy fields destroyed, the government halted rice exports—one of the countries key export commodities.

Although the full financial toll of the floods crisis is not yet clear, Dr Soe Tun, joint secretary of the Myanmar Rice Federation, echoed the World Bank's findings, forecasting that the coming year will likely be a challenging one for Burma's agricultural sector.

"Because the volume of agro-export items will be less this year, the earnings will also be less. Inflation is another major factor that could impact economic growth in Burma," he said.

The report estimated that inflation reached about 10 percent in the year to July and could reach 11.3 percent in the coming fiscal year "due to a combination of supply pressures caused by the floods and currency depreciation."

"Due to inflation, the cost of production is higher than purchasing power, which has especially harmed lower-income people," Dr. Soe Tun told The Irrawaddy.

The depreciation of the Burmese kyat against the US dollar since early this year has also put a strain on Burma's economy.

Economist Aung Ko Ko said the value of Burma's currency had dropped at least 270 kyat against the dollar within six months, and that this didn't bode well for rising inflation.

"A trade deficit, budget deficit, the dropped value of the kyat, and a decline in export earnings have all been major contributors to the country's falling GDP," he said. "When economic growth increased, inflation used to go up, but now, growth has decreased and inflation has still gone up. This isn't a good thing."

The record $8 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI) received in 2014-15 was double that of 2013-14. Yet according to Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) Secretary Aung Naing Oo, less than half—$3 billion—of this investment entered the country, despite the fact that the investment commission approved all $8 billion.

Burma's top foreign investment sectors are currently power (33 percent), manufacturing (22 percent), oil and gas (20 percent), telecommunications (11 percent), and hotels and tourism (5 percent), according to MIC estimates.

The World Bank reports that Burma's economic reforms have supported consumer and investor confidence, even in light of various business and sociopolitical challenges. But it predicted new investment would slow as continued economic reforms would "hit a hiatus over the election period."

The Bank said continued growth was contingent on sustaining progress with broader macro-structural reforms, including strengthening the business environment, modernizing the banking sector, bolstering public debt management, and, crucially, making access to finance a priority for private sector growth.

"Whatever happens, the people will ultimately be the ones to feel the impact. That's why we're looking for better policy in the next government," Aung Ko Ko said.

The post World Bank Forecasts Drop in Burma's Economic Growth appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Seeking Land Lease from KIA in Shan State: Sources

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 04:38 AM PDT

Kachin Independence Army soldiers in 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The Chinese government is attempting to secure a long-term lease of around 200,000 acres of land from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in northern Shan State, according to informed Kachin sources and independent foreign intelligence analysts.

The land is based around the village of Mong Ko, 70 kilometers (43 miles) east of Muse on the Chinese border and the site of a former Communist Party of Burma military base. The area is now the headquarters of the KIA's 4th Brigade, while an ethnic Kokang rebel base belonging to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army sits on the opposite side of the Thanlyin River. Mong Ko is also close to units from the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). All three ethnic armed groups are currently in active conflict with the Burma Armed Forces.

The Irrawaddy has learned that Chinese authorities have been approaching Kachin rebels to lease the land since 2013 without reaching any agreement. Intelligence sources told The Irrawaddy that Chinese authorities are seeking to secure a 90-year lease in order to ensure the stability of the border area, which is close to the main overland trade route between Burma and Yunnan province. They added that the KIA has so far rebuffed the Chinese approach.

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‘We Have No Option But to Defend’

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 03:54 AM PDT

Gen. Gun Maw, deputy chief of staff for the Kachin Independence Army, speaks to The Irrawaddy in Chiang Mai, Thailand, in 2014. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

Nineteen ethnic armed groups attended a summit of ethnic armed organizations held in Thailand late last month, at which seven of them, including the influential Karen National Union (KNU), agreed to sign a long-sought nationwide ceasefire accord with the government. The rest have opted not to sign the agreement at this time, however, pending the inclusion of all ethnic armed groups seeking to be signatories.

Among the groups that have indicated they will not initially sign the agreement are major ethnic armed groups such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP). The holdouts say the continued exclusion of three groups engaged in ongoing conflict with the government—the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army—is the primary reason for their abstention.

With an Oct. 15 date set for the accord's signing, The Irrawaddy recently sat down with Gen. Gun Maw, the KIA's deputy chief of staff, for an exclusive interview.

What is your view on the seven ethnic armed groups that have decided to sign the ceasefire accord with the government?

I think they made the decision with consideration for the situations of their respective organizations.

The KIA is among the groups that will not initially sign and we have been hearing that this does not mean they will not ever sign, but rather that they need more time. Is that right?

In fact, by saying we need time we mean we need to negotiate mainly on the point of all inclusion. We mean we would sign [the NCA] if the government accepts the inclusion of all. So, we mean that [all-inclusivity] needs to be negotiated and that takes time.

The government said it would sign with some groups first and sign with others stage by stage. We heard that the government put forward the plan when the president received some ethnic armed groups on Sept. 9. Will ethnic armed groups follow that plan or will there be changes?

It is the government that says it will go stage by stage and therefore it is responsible for it. If the government puts forward the plan to us and we think it is acceptable, we will implement it. Now, the government only says that it will go 'stage by stage,' but it does not explain how to do that and we don't see its implementation.

Clashes are still going on. If the NCA is signed, will the regions controlled by those groups that are declining to sign be used as training grounds for the military?

They could be. Clashes have become more intense. If the government would fight us because we don't sign the NCA, we have no option but to defend.

Even as ceasefire negotiations have been taking place, there have been reports of Burma Army attacks in Kachin and Shan states. Do you have any comment on that?

There have been more [military] assaults and clashes. We don't want to assume that we are being forced to sign, because we've already told the government time and again at meetings not to ever think that the KIO would sign because of military pressures.

We heard that you would take different approach regarding all inclusion. What is that approach?

I was not talking about all inclusion. I mean there may be two different approaches between the groups that sign and that don't. We have called for all inclusion, but the government said it would handle separately. So far, we haven't seen and don't know if the government is going to do that or not.

You mean the government has not put its words into practice to negotiate ceasefires with groups like the Kokang [MNDAA] and TNLA?

The Kokang group, MNDAA, and AA [Arakan Army] attended the summit and I found neither of them were holding separate talks with the government. So, I think the government has done nothing.

Some say that the deal can't be called a 'nationwide' ceasefire if ethnic groups sign it separately, in stages. What are your thoughts?

We have talked about this two, three times at [ethnic armed organizations'] summits. The NCA is incomplete if only some groups sign it. We have only signed the NCA draft. Only when all ethnic armed groups sign it can it be called an NCA.

We have heard that the Senior Delegation was dissolved at the summit. Why?

The SD took responsibility for negotiations on the parts of the agreement that the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team [NCCT] failed to work out. The SD presented that [their] negotiations [with government peace negotiators] has reached an impasse. However, the NCCT and SD will continue to hold meetings on their future plans. We have said generally that the SD is dissolved. But we have not yet officially released a statement [about it].

So, the SD will continue to exist?

Rather than discussing its existence, I would say SD has done as much as it can. We don't need to disband the SD, which we formed out of necessity.

If that is the case, what will be the future role of the NCCT?

The NCCT was formed according to principles and policies adopted by our [ethnic] conferences and we therefore need to discuss it separately. Representatives of would-be signatories [to the nationwide ceasefire] are still in the NCCT. If the NCCT continues to exist, we doubt if those groups will be able to accept and follow the principles adopted at the Law Khee Lar and Laiza conferences. So, we need another round of talks with would-be signatories to discuss what we are going to do with the NCCT.

What will the remaining groups do if those seven groups sign ceasefire agreement with the government?

Roughly, we plan to hold talks with would-be signatories when it is convenient for them. We will only know what to do then.

Will you, the groups that abstain, deal with the government individually or collectively?

We don't know yet. But those groups that decline to sign are planning to hold talks with the government separately.

When will the groups that decline to sign the deal meet with each other?

We have not decided yet, but I am sure the meeting will be held.

Ethnic armed groups previously held talks with the government collectively. But now, some groups have planned to sign deal with the government. Does this have impact on unity among the ethnic armed groups?

I am afraid it is no longer easy to hold talks collectively as it was in the past. But we, revolutionary groups, share the same goal—introduction of federalism. We agreed at the summit to build peace as much as we can, based on that goal.

The post 'We Have No Option But to Defend' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

United We Stand, Divided We Sign

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 02:31 AM PDT

United We Stand, Divided We Sign

The post United We Stand, Divided We Sign appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi Star Power on Full View in Kachin State

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 02:22 AM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

KACHIN STATE — You can crunch the numbers, listen to the pundits and debate the credibility of the historic Nov. 8 general election all you want, but to join Aung San Suu Kyi on a four-day barnstorming campaign across Kachin State is to experience first-hand the political and social phenomenon that is the woman who leads Burma's largest opposition party.

Flying into the Kachin State capital Myitkyina early on Friday, the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman hit the ground running, with both a morning rally near the city center and an afternoon speech at Waingmaw Township to the southeast, each drawing thousands of NLD members, political acolytes and straight-out admirers.

Early the next day, she began a road trip across a large swathe of the far northern state. Covering hundreds of kilometers over two days, what began as a reasonably modest series of appearances at populated centers snowballed quickly into a rolling cavalcade of vehicles and motorcycles making impromptu stops and visits to towns and villages large and small. Suu Kyi and her entourage returned to Myitkyina on Sunday night in preparation for a flight farther south to Momauk, outside Bhamo, where she is expected to wrap up her whirlwind tour on Monday.

Despite the grueling pace, "The Lady," as she is widely known, showed stamina, grace and patience on what could only be described as an arduous and somewhat unpredictable schedule.

At the more populous locales, such as Namti, Hopin and Mohnyin, thousands lined the streets and filled outdoor venues to hear her deliver the party's political message, while along each route, in villages large and small, at junctions, on bridges and under almost every shady tree, residents of Kachin State waited patiently in the blazing heat for even just a glimpse of the woman so many clearly adore.

At times her security detail was hard pressed to protect her from the gathered roadside crowds, as dozens of hands at any given moment reached out to touch her as she passed. Suu Kyi herself waved to the gathered masses and shook hands where possible, even as at times the crowds pressed against her vehicle, blocking the road and bringing it to frequent unscheduled halts. Cries of "Daw Suu, we love you!" and numerous other endearments were almost constant, while others preferred to communicate their messages via placards. Though people of every generation joined in, it was young people who appeared in the greatest numbers on the streets.

Her message was simple and delivered unrelentingly: If you want true change, vote for the NLD, ignoring personalities, ethnicities and religious differences.

The Irrawaddy traveled on this journey with Khin Maung Myint, better known to locals as U Cho, a small business operator running for office under the NLD banner in Hpakant Township, epicenter of Burma's lucrative jade production in the state.

He described the message delivered by Suu Kyi as straightforward. "The first priority is to amend the Constitution. A vote for NLD is a vote for transparency and the rule of law. Reform of both the Tatmadaw [Burma Army] and the education system to an international standard will then follow."

When asked by a Kachin man in Nan Moma, near the well-known Indawgyi Lake, what she could do to end the conflict that has ravaged the state for years, she replied that voting the NLD into power meant that both change and peace in the restive state would follow soon after.

Few people here, of course, believe it's as simple as that, and the road ahead for the NLD remains clouded with questions and formidable obstacles, but one thing became abundantly clear over the length of this particular journey: If the sheer adulation of so many citizens across the country for this leader can translate into votes, the NLD, and Suu Kyi, may still well find themselves on the road to Naypyidaw.

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Ceasefire to Be Signed by Some Armed Groups in October, Others Abstain

Posted: 05 Oct 2015 12:39 AM PDT

General Secretary of the KNU, Kwe Htoo Win, speaking at the end of peace talks held in Rangoon on Oct. 4, 2015. (Photo: JPaing)

RANGOON — A long-awaited ceasefire agreement between the government and ethnic armed groups will be signed on Oct. 15, negotiators said, though the pact will not be the "inclusive" agreement many ethnic groups had hoped for.

Seven ethnic armed groups have committed to signing the pact while other key stakeholders will abstain, calling into question whether the pact can truly be considered "nationwide." A number of powerful armed groups, including the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), will not accede.

The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) is also likely to sign the accord despite recent apprehension following aerial attacks by the Burma Army , but the group is not among the core that has made a public commitment to the Oct. 15 ceremony in Naypyidaw.

The seven signatories will include the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Chin National Front (CNF), Democratic Karen Benevolent Party (DKBA), Karen National Liberation Party-Peace Council (KNLA-PC), Karen National Union (KNU) and Pa-O National Liberation Party (PNLA).

As outlined in the draft, a political dialogue will commence within 90 days of officiating the accord, regardless of how many groups are signatories. Those that do not sign the agreement will have the right to observe political discussions but will not be allowed to participate, including three that are currently in active conflict with the government.

Hla Maung Shwe, an official from the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), said negotiators will continue to refer to the agreement as a nationwide peace deal, despite the absence of about half of the armed groups involved in the peace process.

Speaking to reporters in Rangoon on Sunday, KNU general secretary Kwe Htoo Win said other armed groups will be able to join the pact when they are ready.

"In order to instill the NCA [nationwide ceasefire agreement], we have agreed to sign it. We are the frontrunners, and other groups will join us later," he said, explaining that while some stakeholders do not yet trust the government, the process must move forward to establish assurances.

"Our political policy is that we believe we need to talk at the table to solve our conflict, we cannot solve this with guns… We believe this NCA could build trust. Based on actions taken by the government, we will trust them."

The government's chief peace negotiator, Union Minister Aung Min said on Sunday that the Burma Army does not intend to take military action against those groups that do not sign the pact, stating the government's commitment to continue working with them toward eventual ascension of the ceasefire.

"Our government does not intend to fight with the undecided groups who do not sign the NCA," Aung Min said. "Based on our bilateral agreement, we will seek peace together. If fighting breaks out, we will find a solution."

Several international observers are expected to attend the signing ceremony, including the Euroean Union and representatives of the governments of regional neighbors. Burma's President Thein Sein and Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing have also been invited to sign the document but have not made a public commitment to do so.

Several ethnic armed groups have explicitly requested that the president and army chief sign the ceasefire to add assurance that fighting on the ground will stop once a deal is struck. MPC officials have said that the accord will only be signed by Aung Min, but that other political figures will be present at the signing.

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World Bank Trims 2015, 2016 East Asia Forecasts

Posted: 04 Oct 2015 10:11 PM PDT

World Bank President Jim Yong Kim speaks during the session "Tackling Climate, Development and Growth" in the Swiss mountain resort of Davos, January 23, 2015. (Photo: Ruben Sprich / Reuters)

SINGAPORE — The World Bank cut its 2015 and 2016 growth forecasts for developing East Asia and Pacific, and said the outlook was clouded by the risk of a sharp slowdown in China and possible spillovers from expected increases in US interest rates.

The Washington-based lender now expects the developing East Asia and Pacific (EAP) region, which includes China, to grow 6.5 percent in 2015 and 6.4 percent in 2016, down from 6.8 percent growth in 2014.

Its previous forecast in April was 6.7 percent in each of 2015 and 2016.

"The baseline scenario for regional growth is subject to a greater-than-usual degree of uncertainty, and risks are weighted to the downside," the World Bank said in its latest East Asia and Pacific Economic Update report on Monday.

"In particular, uncertainty surrounds the trajectory of, and spillovers from, China's economic rebalancing and the expected normalization of US policy interest rates."

The World Bank said the downward revisions to regional growth forecasts mainly reflect a moderate slowdown in China's economy, which it sees growing 6.9 percent in 2015 and 6.7 percent in 2016, down from 7.3 percent in 2014.

The previous forecast was for China to grow 7.1 percent in 2015 and 7.0 percent in 2016.

Growth in developing East Asia excluding China is expected to hold steady in 2015 at 4.6 percent before accelerating to 4.9 percent in 2016, the World Bank said. Those were down from previous forecasts of 5.1 percent growth in 2015 and 5.4 percent in 2016.

The bank said the outlook for household incomes and business profits in Indonesia and Malaysia was clouded by weakness in global commodity markets. It said lower real trade-weighted exchange rates can play a key role for such commodity exporters to adjust to weaker terms of trade.

"The depreciations of the Indonesian rupiah and Malaysian ringgit against the US dollar have reduced the drop in exporter revenues, corporate profits, and household incomes in local currency terms—a valuable shock-absorbing effect," it said.

"More generally, authorities should limit currency market interventions to smoothing volatility, given the importance of maintaining adequate reserve buffers," the World Bank added.

Further declines in Asian currencies against the dollar could cause balance sheet strains in countries with significant dollar-denominated debt, it said.

"Stress may arise whenever individual firms and sectors suffer from a significant concentration of liabilities," the World Bank said, adding that such risks are a special concern in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam.

The post World Bank Trims 2015, 2016 East Asia Forecasts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

School Hazing Gets Stern Penalty in Military-Ruled Thailand

Posted: 04 Oct 2015 08:29 PM PDT

Thai military cadets attend a ceremony in Bangkok monarch. (Photo: Damir Sagolj / Reuters)

BANGKOK — At a military facility outside Bangkok, a drill sergeant barks orders at a group of film students learning the hard way that creative license has its limits in Thailand.

“You are here to learn discipline,” the officer shouted. “Do you understand?”

“Yes, sir!” shouted back the group of 53 aspiring artists—boys with shaggy hair, girls with tattoos and yoga pants.

“Discipline means respecting the rules and regulations,” he told them. “If you misbehave, you must be punished.”

In military-ruled Thailand, this is how university hazing is handled. The offense: a video posted online that showed a half-dozen fully clothed freshman doing an erotic couples dance as upperclassmen cheered. Social media dubbed it a “love-making dance.” The punishment: three days of boot camp for a new type of disciplinary punishment known as “attitude adjustment.”

The military junta that seized power over a year ago pioneered the idea of “attitude adjustment” as a technique to silence critics. The junta summons politicians and others who voice dissent to military bases where they are typically incarcerated several days, interrogated and made to “confess” to their transgressions and sign a contract to not repeat them—a practice that has been widely criticized by human rights groups.

Now there are signs that the mentality of military rule is being applied to civilian issues—like college discipline.

For the students from the film school of Bangkok’s Suan Sunandha Rajabhat University, a three-day boot camp included reprimands, public humiliation and a grueling endurance test.

“We’re not telling our film students don’t make creative films, but in Thailand there are social limits. They need to be creative within the limits,” said Chin Tangtarntana, a lecturer in cinematography and one of several professors who chaperoned the 3-day session last month that included silent meals and group lodging on a barrack floor lined with mattresses. “We have to reset their clocks. That’s why we’re here, to rewind. We’re saying, ‘Go back. Start over. OK, now be creative.'”

After a 2-hour bus drive northeast of the capital to the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, a 33-square-kilometer (20-square-mile) facility surrounded by mountains, the students’ cellphones were confiscated to ensure no outside communication and primarily to prevent more videos, Chin said.

“The activities that will take place here will be good for you, and help you to become civilized people. Do you understand?” the drill sergeant, Sgt. Maj. Kongsak Klaeiklang, asked rhetorically. He led what he called an “ice-breaking” session that bore close resemblance to hazing: An overweight female student was singled out as a “hippopotamus” as others were told to “dance like hippos.” Team games ended with the losers ordered to “walk like elephants,” bent over in a human chain, clutching each other’s hands between legs.

Then they were driven to a steamy, mosquito-infested jungle. Under a steady rainfall, the students were put through a different type of hazing.

Loud bangs exploded in the distance, and the students were ordered to run.

“Faster! Just keep breathing, you won’t die,” shouted Kongsak, after one student nearly fainted and was allowed to sit on the sidelines. He then ordered them to “DROP!” and crawl on their stomachs through muddy puddles and at one point to hurdle a barricade of fire.

“The idea is to break them down. Break down their ego. Humiliate them. And then we build them back up,” Kongsak said, as soldiers led small groups on an arduous 5-kilometer (3-mile) jungle trek that included scaling rope ladders and balancing on swinging logs to cross a river.

The boot camp incident sparked little public uproar in a country where the education system has always had a militaristic streak—public schools have mandatory uniforms, hair must be kept short and some teachers still wield bamboo canes to enforce discipline through secondary school. Problem teens in violent high-school gangs have been sent to boot camps in the past.

But using the military to punish university hazing is a new approach, which commentators say sends a chilling message that the military is needed to solve society’s problems even at institutions of higher learning.

“This order to the students to report to a military base is at least as inappropriate as the hazing incident,” the Bangkok Post said in a recent editorial on the subject. The university “lost a little public respect with the hazing violation. It continues to lose even more respect with its reaction.”

The very same university was also home to last year’s infamous hazing ritual, which involved upperclassmen dripping hot candle wax on incoming freshman and burning the arms of several students. But in that case where bodily harm was actually caused nobody was punished, the editorial noted.

Critics say the hazing case highlights a trend toward militarization of Thai society under the junta, where those in charge don’t believe that “attitude adjustment” will actually brainwash people—but the aim is to intimidate and discourage the outspoken from speaking out.

The former army chief who led the coup, Prayuth Chan-ocha, and is now serving as interim leader has launched a crackdown on dissent and has blocked public discussions about democracy. He regularly lashes out at those who question his authority and warns the public to stop asking for elections, which he says won’t be held until 2017.

Hundreds of politicians, journalists, professors and other critics have been hauled in for “attitude adjustment” in the name of maintaining peace and order.

“People who say bad things and cause harm with their words, should they say those things?” Prayuth said to reporters last month, defending the latest round of political detentions that included a three-day incarceration of a prominent journalist, Pravit Rojanaphruk, and two politicians. “You cannot oppose me. No one will let you to do that.”

Social commentator Sanitsuda Ekachai called it a sign of the times that the rector of a university chose to resort to military-style “attitude adjustment.”

“When someone in his position believes that militarism is the answer…it explains why the military still retains a strong grip on society,” Sanitsuda wrote in a column for The Bangkok Post. In a separate column, she wrote that educators who rely on military discipline are sending a stifling message: “Those who resist will be punished. The country is heading full force toward being a military state.”

Whether or not attitude adjustment works on students appears to depend on the individual.

An exhausted freshman, Natdanai Kedsanga, 20, ended the first day of boot camp with a realization.

“We were having too much fun, that was the problem,” said about the video in which he was one of the dancers. “Now that I think about it, maybe it wasn’t appropriate.”

Pongpat Puchiangdang, a university senior, said the attitude adjustment had taught him a lesson—if you want to do something socially unacceptable just don’t share it on social media.

“Stuff like this happens everywhere at all schools, and sometimes it’s even worse. They just don’t post it online,” said Pongpat, a 22-year-old aspiring cameraman. “I don’t think making that video was wrong. It’s a good memory. We just shouldn’t have publicized it.”

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MSF Demands Independent Probe into Afghan Hospital Strike

Posted: 04 Oct 2015 08:22 PM PDT

Afghan National Army troops keep watch at a checkpoint in Kunduz province. (Photo: Reuters)

KABUL — Medical aid group Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) on Sunday demanded an independent international inquiry into a suspected US air strike that killed 22 people in an Afghan hospital it runs, branding the attack a “war crime”.

US Defense Secretary Ash Carter promised a full investigation into whether the American military was connected to the destruction of the hospital, but cautioned it would take time to gather information.

“We do know that American air assets…were engaged in the Kunduz vicinity, and we do know that the structures that—you see in the news—were destroyed,” Carter told reporters travelling with him shortly before landing in Spain on Sunday. “I just can’t tell you what the connection is at this time.”

The Pentagon chief would not speculate on what occurred but said Washington would hold accountable “anybody responsible for doing something they shouldn’t have done.”

MSF said a US military probe into the incident, which occurred during a push by Afghan security forces to retake the key northern city of Kunduz from Taliban insurgents, was not enough.

“Relying only on an internal investigation by a party to the conflict would be wholly insufficient,” MSF General Director Christopher Stokes said in a statement.

“Under the clear presumption that a war crime has been committed, MSF demands that a full and transparent investigation into the event be conducted by an independent international body,” Stokes said.

Battles were still raging on Sunday around Kunduz, a city of 300,000, as government forces backed by U.S. air power sought to drive out the Taliban militants who seized the city almost a week ago in one of their biggest victories in the 14-year war.

Decomposing bodies littered the streets and trapped residents said food was becoming scarce.

“This city is no longer fit for living,” said the province’s public health director, Sayed Mukhtar.

Any confirmation of US responsibility for the hospital deaths would deal a blow to Afghan President Ashraf Ghani’s policy of forging closer ties with the United States. His predecessor, Hamid Karzai, fell out with his backers in Washington in part over the number of civilians killed by US strikes.

But the Afghan leader will be torn between distancing himself from Washington and the need for American firepower to help his forces drive insurgents out of Kunduz.

The US military said it conducted an air strike “in the vicinity” of the MSF hospital as it targeted Taliban insurgents who were directly firing on US military personnel. It has not acknowledged hitting the hospital.

US officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said a US military AC-130 gunship had been operating in the area, firing at Taliban targets after receiving a request for support from US special operations forces advising Afghan troops.

President Barack Obama offered condolences on Saturday to the victims of what he called “the tragic incident”. The UN human rights chief called the hospital assault “inexcusable” and also said it could amount to a war crime.

The US-led coalition force in Afghanistan said it expected to complete its preliminary multinational investigation within days.

In Kabul, the Ministry of Defence said Taliban fighters had attacked the hospital and were using the building “as a human shield”.

But MSF denied that, saying it was “disgusted by the recent statements coming from some Afghanistan government authorities justifying the attack” on its hospital in Kunduz.

“These statements imply that Afghan and US forces working together decided to raze to the ground a fully functioning hospital—with more than 180 staff and patients inside—because they claim that members of the Taliban were present. This amounts to an admission of a war crime,” Stokes said in a later statement.

In the air strike, witnesses said patients were burned alive in the crowded hospital. Among the dead were three children being treated.

MSF said on Sunday it had pulled most of its staff out of the area because the hospital that was a lifeline for thousands in the city was no longer functioning. Some staff had gone to help treat the wounded at other hospitals outside of Kunduz.

Earlier this year, an Afghan special forces raid in search of a suspected al Qaeda operative prompted the hospital to temporarily close to new patients after the soldiers were accused of behaving violently towards staff.

The struggle to retake Kunduz has raised questions over whether NATO-trained Afghan forces are ready to go it alone now that most foreign combat troops have left.

Afghan security forces conducted house-to-house searches in Kunduz on Sunday as gun battles persisted in parts of the city, said Hamdullah Danishi, acting governor of Kunduz province. He said 480 Taliban fighters and 35 soldiers had been killed.

The army raised the national flag in the central square, an area of the city that has changed hands several times in the fighting during the past week.

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