Monday, May 22, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Oway Ride’s Ko Nay Aung: Rangoon Taxis Need Reform

Posted: 22 May 2017 08:51 AM PDT

RANGOON —  Rangoon has around 70,000 taxis plying the city's streets, many owned and run by individuals. There are two local pioneering app-based cab service providers—Hello Cabs and Oway Ride—cultivating a culture in which apps are used to hail taxis in the city since 2016. The two are now set to compete with foreign brands: Singapore-based firm Grab launched its beta trial service in March and US-based Uber expanded into Burma in May.

The Irrawaddy spoke with Oway Ride, which operates under Oway Group, whose primary businesses are online travel booking and on-demand ride hailing services, about the challenges faced by local brands as foreign companies enter the market. Ko Nay Aung, chief executive officer (CEO) and founder of Oway Ride, explained how service providers should prepare for healthy competition while providing customers with more choice. Oway Ride currently has a fleet of 4,000 cars and 150,000 app subscribers, more than a year since its operation launch, he told The Irrawaddy.

What were the challenges you faced in the initial phase of operation?

There were some people who started similar services before us but with different concepts, since an app-based service was still difficult at that time. When I started Oway Ride, adopting it was still difficult from both the driver's side and the consumer's side. We recruited drivers and trained them how to use the app and how the meter rates worked, and we also had to explain to consumers how things worked.

When Uber and Grab came in recently, a lot of their customers had already been using our service and many drivers were also fairly well trained. They won't need to train them from the start anymore.

How did you prepare to compete with them when you knew they were coming in?

We had to think about both the short term and long term. What is important are the customers. At the end of the day, it's all about the customers' choice. So, we needed to think about how we could be the customers' first choice. It's not just about the booking experience anymore. We also need to think about the experience of customers inside our taxis, how we can train our drivers better, how we can establish a better payment system, what kind of cars we use, how we can develop other partnerships, and what kind of new products we can offer.

There are many short-term challenges for us, since competition is very sudden and plentiful. But we plan to focus carefully on the long term.

What kind of challenges have you been facing since international services came in?

There will be more competition concerning driver retention. We have around 4,000 drivers and have thoroughly trained them. Competitors provide them with twice the incentive that we do. I don't know how long such competition is going to last. We have to do new recruiting, arrange new trainings, and innovate new products in order to re-create an ecosystem. We are offering our customers more incentivized advantages.

The incentive rate for drivers has now become very high in the market. But if we look at any country, we can say such a move is not good for market sustainability, and they know that too. You burn a lot of cash by doing so.

A car in Rangoon is pictured with the Oway Ride logo. (Photo: Chan Son / The Irrawaddy)

Should locals' love of international brands be taken into account?

It is very true for consumers in Myanmar. I didn't think of that before. Something I discovered over the years after I came back is that Myanmar consumers are really crazy about international brands.

Do you need government support to compete with international brands?

We haven't received any government support yet. Currently, the government has adopted an open market policy and we are doing business according to its policy. I have been here for five years and I have never requested any help from the government. Since the government has its own priorities, for us to be able to succeed, I think we have to stand up on our own. We have to make a market strategy, re-stabilize our operation, and invest in the company to become financially strong, by ourselves. Our own business future depends on ourselves, on customers' choices, and on our partnering drivers.

If the government wants local champions, and if the local companies will also benefit the government strategically, and if there will be more job creation, they have to look at it for sure. But it depends on the government. They have their own plan [designating] which industries are strategic and which ones are not. For example, licenses for airlines and banks are only granted to local companies. It depends on individual sectors. Currently, the ground transportation industry is not under the government. One exception is bus lines: they are 100 percent under government control. But when it comes to taxis, there is no consistency. I don't think the government has considered the taxi industry much yet.

If you ask local businesspeople if we need government support in competing with foreign investors, we would definitely say that we like that [idea]. But how and when the government is going to do that is up to their decisions on strategy. At the moment, we don't expect anything from the government.

What is needed for a healthy market?

For the taxi industry to be improved, we need three things. First, vehicles have to be better. Second, drivers have to be more qualified, and third, we need more regulation of taxi meter fares. Right now, we are all only competing to make the booking process more efficient.

Fundamental reforms—model restrictions for cars, qualifications of taxi drivers, fares and the quantity of taxis—should be carried out first. These are major reforms essential for the industry.

The more we deeply reform the industry, the more that industry will succeed in the long term. To go deep, you need smart policies.

Is the industry at risk of becoming chaotic with foreign firms entering before these reforms?

I think that could happen. Right now there are already market forces. Service providers will look at their interests when the government wants to make reforms. But what are the real interests for the country? They are the three things I mentioned earlier: cars improve, drivers become more qualified, and prices become stable. That's exactly what we need. What happens now is a lot of simulation. Normally, a simulation period is three to six months. It's the government's job to carry out these reforms.

What would be the most suitable model for Rangoon's taxi service?

Many people think hailing taxis on streets is more convenient than using ride-hailing applications, but it's not. You can't get a taxi immediately in deserted places. Booking apps improve the productivity of drivers because they don't need to go around the city to get passengers. For consumers, there is fairer pricing and better security. If they forget any [personal] property or if anything happens in the cars, they can track the cars easily. Such applications are really good. There is a benefit to society.

Do you agree with Rangoon chief minister U Phyo Min Thein's claim that Rangoon has a lot of taxis?

Let's take Singapore as an example. The population of Singapore and is pretty much the same. Singapore has 28,000 taxis and we have 70,000 here in Rangoon. But we also have to remember that Singapore has a metro and we don't. However, we have more people using the bus than in Singapore. Singapore has strict regulations on car ownership. What I want to say is that Rangoon has a lot [of taxis] if we just look at the ratio of the city's population and its taxi quantity. But contextually, Rangoon doesn't have a reliable alternative transport system.

This interview was edited for clarity and brevity.

The post Oway Ride's Ko Nay Aung: Rangoon Taxis Need Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fifth Suspect in Nationalist Confrontation Turns Himself in to Rangoon Police

Posted: 22 May 2017 07:48 AM PDT

RANGOON — Another Buddhist nationalist—the fifth of seven people wanted by authorities for involvement in a violent confrontation between Muslims and Buddhists in Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township on May 10—was arrested on Monday, while two monks remain at large.

Township police chief Lt-Col Zaw Win Naing told The Irrawaddy that the latest suspect to be arrested—Myat Phone Moh—had turned himself in to police. He appeared at Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township court for a brief hearing on Monday, along with three other men and a woman who had been previously taken in to custody.

Ko Latt, also known as Tin Htut Zaw, and his wife Ma Aung Aung Myint were arrested the day after the Mingalar Taung Nyunt incident, while two more individuals, Tin Line Htike and Tin Htay Aung, also turned themselves in to the township's police station on May 15.

Police chief Lt-Col Zaw Win Naing said that despite the arrest of five individuals, the two Buddhist monks—U Pyinnya Wuntha and U Thuseitta of the Patriotic Monks Union—also have warrants out for their arrest—and are still at large.

"We are still looking for them," he added.

All seven are charged with incitement to commit violence under Article 505(c) of Burma's Penal Code, which is punishable with a maximum of two years imprisonment and/or a fine.

Today, at the Kamayut Township Court, the four hardline nationalists—Ko Win, Ko Latt, Ko Naung Taw Lay, Ko Thet Myo Oo and Ko Nay Lin Aung, who were arrested on Friday—also appeared.

They were charged along with three Buddhist monks in August last year under Section 505(b) of Burma's Penal Code and Section 19 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law for staging a protest in front of the US Embassy for the embassy's usage of the term "Rohingya" to refer to members of the Muslim community in Arakan State.

Township court revoked bail for those detained on Friday including three Buddhist monks, U Parmaukkha, U Thuseitha and U Nyana Dhamma. Police did not disclose how they would take action against the three monks.

Violations of Section 505(b) are also punishable with a maximum of two years in prison, a fine, or both, while Article 19 carries a sentence of three months' imprisonment at most.

Nationalist protesters on Saturday called for charges to be dropped against a number of nationalists, and that those who have been convicted be released from prison.

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Rangoon Drafting Master Plan for Controversial Projects in Mya Kyun Tha

Posted: 22 May 2017 07:38 AM PDT

RANGOON — City officials are now drafting a master plan for multiple suspended construction projects on the site of a public garden occupying a peninsula in Rangoon's Inya Lake.

Four companies—Magic Land (which leased 13.864 acres), Nayla Pwint (2.686 acres), Ryu Ji (1.377 acres) and Mandalay Golden Wing (1.83 acres)—had been constructing projects of up to 3.5 stories high that included a shopping mall, an amusement arcade, a health club and a playground.

The projects were located in the 45-acre Mya Kyun Tha garden, protruding into the eastern shores of Rangoon's famous lake, near the Sedona Hotel and the upscale Myanmar Plaza shopping mall along Kabar Aye Pagoda Road.

These initiatives were halted by the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), Rangoon's municipal authority, in October of last year. An investigation was ordered after the projects attracted criticism from the public, the media and urban planners following accusations that they were a misuse of public space intended for general recreation.

A total of eight companies received approval for such projects under the previous government in 2013; the other four—Edin, Good Shan Brothers, Myanmar Golden Star and Max Myanmar—have not yet started their projects in the garden.

Construction project for amusement arcades by private companies is pictured underway at Mya Kyun Tha garden in 2016. (Photo: Myo Min Soe)

Rangoon's Mayor U Maung Maung Soe said on Monday at the divisional parliament that the YCDC had been preparing the master plan for the area according to the Rangoon divisional government's meeting on the issue in January this year.

"We need to make it right. Every construction has to be at least 30 feet away from the retaining wall [of the lake]. Some have already breached it. So they have to demolish [what they have built]. We will review the buildings' heights as well," he said.

"For the companies that haven't started construction, they will have to follow the master plan. If they can't, they will have to give up [their lease on] the land," the mayor added.

According to a contract between one of the companies and the YCDC, viewed by The Irrawaddy, the land was leased to the company in question for 45 years—with the option of three subsequent five-year extensions—with a monthly rent of 1,000,000 kyats (US$800) per acre. This is well below standard commercial rents for the area, where half an acre of land can fetch up to 5,000,000 kyats (US$4,000) a month in rent, according to real estate agents.

The report from the auditor general's office for Rangoon Division for the 2015-2016 fiscal year shows that the government loses 21.629 billion kyats every year from leasing land to companies at rates well below standard commercial rents.

On Monday, the mayor did not mention whether the current government would raise the rent prices.

"The master plan has to be right, rather than being prepared in haste. What happened there was a mistake. We need to make sure not to repeat it," U Maung Maung Soe said of the Mya Kyun Tha garden.

 

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Govt Invites Non-NCA Signatories to Panglong Peace Conference as ‘Special Guests’

Posted: 22 May 2017 05:13 AM PDT

The government invited nine ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) that have not signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) to the upcoming Union Peace Conference as "special guests," The Irrawaddy has learned.

Tar Hla Pe, a secretary of State Counselor's Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), told the Irrawaddy on Monday the government had used the term "special guests" to attract EAOs which have rejected attending as observers—including the ethnic bloc the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC).

According to the terms of the NCA, only signatories can send delegations to the May 24 conference—also known as the 21st Century Panglong peace conference—and take part in discussions, though other groups may attend as observers.

The letter, seen by The Irrawaddy, lists "special guest" invitees as: the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Arakan National Council (ANC), the Lahu Democratic Union (LHU), the Wa National Organization (WNO), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), and the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

According to Tar Hla Pe, the NDAA confirmed they would send members to attend the conference but the UPDJC had not received notice from another groups as of Monday morning.

He said that the UPDJC had initially agreed to invite the Arakan Army (AA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) as observers—members of the Northern Alliance alongside the KIA—despite Burma Army attempts to deny the groups EAO status and blocking them from attending entirely.

The Northern Alliance previously said it would only attend if all groups in the alliance were invited.

Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw of the TNLA told The Irrawaddy he told the government that it would attend if all members of the UWSA-led Union Political Negotiation Committee—a group that after it was formed denounced the NCA at a summit in Wa capital Panghsang in February—were invited.

"We are still waiting for the government's reply," he told The Irrawaddy on Monday morning.

The ethnic bloc of NCA-non signatories the UNFC—currently comprised of the NMSP, KNPP, KIA, SSPP, WNO, the ANC, and the LDU—met in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand on Monday to discuss the invitation, according to the UNFC.

A separate letter from the National Reconciliation and Peace Center to the Union Parliament dated May 15 and seen by the Irrawaddy revealed the makeup of the 700 representatives invited to Wednesday's conference: 75 government representatives, 75 members of parliament, 150 Burma Army representatives, 150 EAO representatives, 150 political party representatives, 50 ethnic representatives, and 50 other eligible persons.

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Fishermen Protest Against Kyaukphyu Seaport

Posted: 22 May 2017 04:59 AM PDT

RANGOON — Fishermen aboard 120 boats protested along the Thanzit River against the Maday Island deep seaport in Arakan State on Monday, as authorities have banned them from fishing in a stretch of water now reserved for international cargo ships docking at the port.

Last week, nine fishermen from Maday Island in Kyaukphyu Township were granted a permit to demonstrate, under the restrictions of keeping distance from parts of the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC)-owned seaport, including the jetty and crude oil storage area, according to one of the nine organizers, U Maung Myint Soe.

"Authorities prohibited us from using the shipping lane waterways during the protest,' U Maung Myint Soe told The Irrawaddy over the phone. "We will have to use them, though, because it's impossible to use only one fishing lane with 100 boats."

Fishermen set out to protest against the sea port in Maday Island, Arakan State. (Photo: Tun Kyi/ Facebook)

Chinese-owned oil tankers began docking at the seaport in early May to transport the oil through Maday terminal to the China-Burma border. Local fishermen have been restricted from catching fish near the mouth of the river where the ships dock.

About 100 fishermen were charged with trespassing by the Kyaukphyu fisheries department and fined 50,000 kyats recently for being in the restricted territorial waters.

Fisherman Aung Naing Win said nearly 500 residents set out with small boats from Kyaukphyu at 1 p.m. to Maday Island. They stopped near the seaport and then returned to demonstrate near the fence of the CNPC company compound.

Authorities told locals that the oil tankers would dock at the port three times each week, according to Aung Naing Win. But residents of Maday Island said at least six or seven ships arrived within one week, and another five shops are waiting to dock.

"There is no space for our fishing boats as the huge oil carriers come into the river and dock at Maday harbor," he said.

U Tun Kyi, coordinator of the Kyaukpyu Rural Development Association (KRDA), said protesters demanded CNPC, owned by the Chinese government, and Burma's state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) address the needs of local fisherman. In addition to a maximum of three ships docking at the port every week, locals want the firms to build a new jetty, phone tower, embankments, and a ring road for the island.

They also demanded the firms provide electricity to three villages, plus financial and technical assistance for agricultural and livestock businesses.

Fishermen aboard 120 boats protested along the Thanzit River against the Maday Island deep seaport. (Photo: Tun Kyi/ Facebook)

"As villagers are finding it harder to earn a living by fishing, they are seeking to earn money by cutting mangroves. This will damage our environment day by day. The company must solve these problems faced by villagers and take responsibility for damaging the villagers' source of revenue," said U Tun Kyi.

As most of the local fishing boats are wooden, the fishermen often refill the liners of the boats' hulls to counter seawater corrosion. In the process of refilling the liners, the fishermen burn the surface of the boats.

Maung Myint Soe said local authorities and CNPC have interrupted the renovations because they fear the burning may lead to fires. The distance between the boat renovations and company compound is more than 250 meters, he added.

According to the Global New Light of Myanmar, China will annually transport more than 22 million metric tons of crude oil via the seaport's terminal to the Chinese border town of Ruili. Burma would receive US$6.905 million dollars per year and $31.56 for every ton sent through the pipeline.

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New Flower Species Found in Tanintharyi

Posted: 22 May 2017 04:40 AM PDT

RANGOON — Tanintharyi Division has given its name to a delicate, purple and pink-tinted new species of flower, the Impatiens tanintharyiensis.

The plant was found growing at two locations near the Hawang Falls at Thet Kal Kwet village, Dawei.

There are about a thousand species of Impatiens globally in tropical and subtropical Africa and Eurasia.

In Europe, the flower is sometimes called "busy lizzy" or 'touch-me-not'.

Southeast Asia is one of five global hotspots for the plant. The others are tropical Africa, Madagascar, Southern India and the Sino-Himalayan region.

The new species is described by researchers Saroj Ruchisansakun from Thailand, Dr. Saw Lwin of the Myanmar Horticulturists Association and others in a recent issue of the journal Phytotaxa.

But Impatiens tanintharyiensis may be under threat just as it has been found.

Under International Union of Conservation (IUCN) criteria, the flower could be endangered, according to the authors.

"The Hawang Falls locality is under severe pressure from local tourism. Since there are fewer than 100 individuals at each locality, it is assumed that human activities in the region could lead them to rapid extinction," they write.

"If the government or local people would like to protect the plant, they could preserve some part of the waterfall to protect the population, and promote the other parts as an ecotourism destination," Saroj Ruchisansakun told The Irrawaddy.

A group of the delicate plants growing in organic matter.

The Tanintharyi find has brought attention to a species that was last addressed in Burma by taxonomists around a century ago.

Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker, a distinguished British botanist and close friend of Charles Darwin, described various species of Impatiens in Burma in "A Sketch of the Flora of British India," published in 1904. Irish soldier and naturalist SM Toppin found a species in the Kachin hills that was named after him in 1920.

Just 48 species of the plant, including the latest one, have been recorded in Burma. Neighboring countries have many more recorded impatiens species: India has around 200 and China has around 280.

Burma's isolation for more than half a century under military rule means that much of its biodiversity has yet to be identified and described by scientific professionals.

The under-explored Tanintharyi region is widely regarded as a global hotspot for biodiversity with extensive habitats for plants and threatened wildlife species, ranging from the Gurney's Pitta to tigers.

But the region's special forest conditions are under threat from development projects, roads and commercial agriculture, including oil palm and rubber plantations.

The post New Flower Species Found in Tanintharyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lisu People Protest KIA Violence

Posted: 22 May 2017 04:29 AM PDT

Some 2,000 ethnic Lisu protested against the Kachin Independence Army/Kachin Independence Organization (KIA/KIO), urging for a stop to the violence against Lisu people in the region.

Protesters from Myitkyina, Waingmaw, Sadone and Chipwi towns gathered in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina on Monday to press the Kachin ethnic armed organization to apologize for the violence against the minority Lisu people and to commit to stopping future incidents.

U Lar Se, the chairman of Kachin State's Lisu Literature and Culture Association, said: "The protest occurred because our efforts to solve the problem through negotiations were unsuccessful."

He said protestors had requested via the Kachin Peace-talk Creation Group (PCG) that the KIA punish the perpetrators as "the Lisu people had experienced atrocities."

He referred specifically to the case of Lisu man U Zaw Lay from Khaxi village in Waingmaw town, who was allegedly killed by KIA soldiers in April, and whose body was not returned to his family for more than a month afterward.

"We are saddened as this case still has not been resolved," said U Lar Se.

U Shwe Min, chairman of the Lisu National Development Party (LNDP), claims that the KIA has killed at least two Lisu people in 2017 including U Ngwar Lay from Sadone sub-township, which the KIA denies responsibility for.

"We want the KIA to stop the violence and apologize. In addition, the victims should receive support," U Shwe Min said.

Lisu is one of the six Kachin sub-tribes; the others are Lhaovo, Lachid, Kachin, Jinghpaw and Rawan.

The KIA/KIO has been in conflict with the Burma Army for almost six years, after a 17-year ceasefire between the KIO and the former military government broke down. The KIA is still categorized as an "unlawful association," but the government is attempting to negotiate with the armed group to include them in the current peace process.

Some Lisu people are also members of the KIA/KIO, according to local people.

U Lar Se said they are not protesting against one particular tribe of Kachin, but rather, they are "protesting the KIA, as the abuses happen repeatedly."

The Irrawaddy was unable to reach the KIA and the PCG for comment at the time of publication.

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Mon State Govt Funds Mon Literature Exam for First Time

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:33 AM PDT

MOULMEIN, Mon State — The Mon State government has donated 40 million kyats (US$30,000) for examinations and a closing ceremony for summer classes taught on Mon literature and Buddhist culture, said Mi Sandar Nan, a member of the Mon Literature and Buddhist Culture Association.

This is the first time the state government has made cash contributions for Mon literature and Buddhist culture classes, which are organized annually during the summer months for young students, Mi Sandar Nan told The Irrawaddy.

The classes are conducted by Mon Buddhist monks in Mon and Karen states and Tenasserim and Bago divisions. The most outstanding students in each respective level are eligible to sit for the All Mon Region Mon Literature and Buddhist Culture exam.

On May 21, some 1,100 students from 15 townships sat for the examination in Moulmein. There were six levels of exams focusing on Mon dynasties, culture and literature, and Buddhist teachings.

The state government has also promised to incur costs for publishing Mon language textbooks at government schools, said Mi Sandar Nan.

"We estimate that it might cost around 20 million kyats," said Mi Sandar Nan.

The donation followed the committee's request to the state chief minister to provide 70 million kyats for the examination and closing ceremony, she added.

"Article 354 of the 2008 Constitution states that ethnic groups are allowed to promote their language, literature and culture. Article 22 states that the Union government shall assist to develop language, literature, fine arts and culture of national races. The government provided assistance in line with these provisions," said the chairman of Mon State parliament's ethnic affairs committee U Tun Min Aung.

Since 2013, ethnic languages such as Mon, Karen and Pa-O have been taught outside of school hours in primary schools. According to the Mon State Education Office, there were 1,041 teachers who taught ethnic languages during the 2016-17 academic year.

In June 2016, the Mon State parliament approved an 11-point proposal to facilitate ethnic language teaching that included teaching ethnic languages during school hours, increasing the monthly wage from 30,000 kyats for ethnic language teachers, allowing teachers to wear traditional attire in class, and ensuring an appropriate teacher-student ratio.

Despite parliamentary approval, it is still difficult to put those proposals into action, said U Tun Min Aung, who noted that ethnic language classes currently still start after school at 4 p.m. and only last one hour.

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Irrawaddy Division Govt Investigates Alleged Child Abuse at Orphanage

Posted: 22 May 2017 02:22 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — The Irrawaddy Division government is investigating alleged abuse of children at an orphanage run by Buddhist monks in the village of Apyin Yay Sine, Labutta Township, a regional minister told The Irrawaddy.

Three government departments were investigating Yellow Generation Wave (YGW) orphanage, according to social affairs minister U Hla Myat Thway, amid reports in local media of physical and sexual abuse by monks.

"The social welfare department reported that the [beating] allegations were true," U Hla Myat Thwa told The Irrawaddy, adding that the religious affairs department and the district General Administration Department were still investigating and that the authorities would take action after all three reports had been submitted.

The orphanage is run by four Buddhist monks aged around 30 and provides food, shelter and education for around 150 orphans and needy children in the township.

On May 12, local weekly Kumudra Journal reported that children who wanted to go back to their homes were beaten and that a monk sexually abused a girl from nearby Kyauktan Village.

U Eindawvasa, one of the monks in charge of the orphanage, confessed to beating the children, but denied the sexual abuse in a phone conversation with the Irrawaddy on Friday.

"Yes, we did beat nine children who wanted to go back home on the night of May 11, but it was no more than a teacher punishing his students," said the monk.

"It is not true that the girl from Kyauktan Village had her htamein [traditional Burmese skirt] stripped. It was a fabrication designed to attack us. There is no child at our orphanage who comes from Kyauktan," he explained.

U Eindawvasa said monks had apologized in front of authorities to the parents of a child from Kyakan Village, who was shown with a large gash in his head in the news reports, and the case was now settled.

According to the rules of the orphanage, parents sign an agreement for their children to stay between one and three years at the orphanage.

Parents must inform the monastery a week in advance if they want their child to return and a child leaving without advance notice will be hit with a stick five times, according to the rules.

The orphanage is run by philanthropic Buddhist monk organization YGW, which operates orphanages and centers in 17 townships for 5,000 needy children including in Rangoon and Mandalay.

A 2011 report by UNICEF found that some 75 percent of the children living in residential care facilities in Burma have at least one living parent, but that children are often sent to orphanages for economic reasons because the parents are either unable or unwilling to afford the cost of basic care and education.

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India’s ‘new Silk Road’ Snub Highlights Gulf With China

Posted: 21 May 2017 10:55 PM PDT

NEW DELHI, India — China invited Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and six cabinet colleagues to its "new Silk Road" summit this month, even offering to rename a flagship Pakistani project running through disputed territory to persuade them to attend, a top official in Modi's ruling group and diplomats said.

But New Delhi rebuffed Beijing's diplomatic push, incensed that a key project in its massive initiative to open land and sea corridors linking China with the rest of Asia and beyond runs through Pakistani controlled Kashmir.

The failure of China's efforts to bring India on board, details of which have not been previously reported, shows the depths to which relations between the two countries have fallen over territorial disputes and Beijing's support of Pakistan.

India's snub to the "Belt and Road" project was the strongest move yet by Modi to stand up to China.

But it risks leaving India isolated at a time when it may no longer be able to count on the United States to back it as a counterweight to China's growing influence in Asia, Chinese commentators and some Indian experts have said.

Representatives of 60 countries, including the United States and Japan, travelled to Beijing for the May 14-15 summit on President Xi Jinping's signature project.

But Ram Madhav, an influential leader of Modi's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) involved in shaping foreign policy, said India could not sign up so long as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)—a large part of the "Belt and Road" enterprise—ran through parts of Pakistan-administered Kashmir that India considers its own territory.

"China routinely threatens countries when it finds issues even remotely connected to its own sovereignty question being violated," Madhav said. "No country compromises with its sovereignty for the sake of trade and commerce interests."

Economic Potential

India, due to the size and pace of expansion of its economy, could potentially be the biggest recipient of Chinese investment from the plan to spur trade by building infrastructure linking Asia with Europe, the Middle East and Africa, according to a Credit Suisse report released before the summit.

Chinese investments into India could be anything from US$84 billion to $126 billion between 2017 to 2021, far higher than Russia, Indonesia and Pakistan, countries that have signed off on the initiative, it said.

China has not offered any specific projects to India, but many existing schemes, such as a Bangladesh-China-India-Burma Economic Corridor that has been planned for years, have now been wrapped into the Belt and Road enterprise.

China is also conducting feasibility studies for high-speed rail networks linking Delhi with Chennai in southern India that would eventually connect to the modern day "Silk Road" it is seeking to create.

But if India continues to hold back from joining China's regional connectivity plans the commercial viability of those plans will be called into question, analysts say.

China has held talks with Nepal to build an $8 billion railway line from Tibet to Kathmandu, but it ultimately wants the network to reach the Indian border to allow goods to reach the huge Indian market.

Strategic Fears

India has other worries over China's growing presence in the region, fearing strategic encirclement by a "string of pearls" around the India Ocean and on land as China builds ports, railways and power stations in country such as Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.

Ashok Kantha, who was India's ambassador to China until 2016, said India had repeatedly conveyed its concerns to China, especially about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the need to have open discussions about it.

"Where is the economic rational for CPEC?" he said. "There is no major economic driver, the drivers are essentially political and strategic in character."

Just a week before the summit, China's ambassador to India, Luo Zhaohui, offered to change the name of CPEC to placate New Delhi and ensure it didn't boycott the Beijing conference.

Luo did no elaborate on the proposal, made during a speech at an Indian military think-tank, according to people who attended the meeting and local media reports.

A transcript released later by the Chinese embassy did not include a reference to changing the project's name.

But Chinese officials in the past have suggested this could mean adding India to the name to make it the "China-Pakistan-India Economic Corridor."

A Chinese diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity, suggested India could build infrastructure on its side of Kashmir, which could eventually be linked to the roads and power lines China planned to build in Pakistani Kashmir.

Indian experts said another proposal explored in meetings between former diplomats and academics from the two sides was renaming the project the "Indus Corridor" to overcome India's objection that the "China-Pakistan" name endorses Pakistan's claim to Kashmir.

Pakistan and India have fought two of their three wars over Kashmir, which they both claim in full. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying did not comment directly on any offer to change the name of CPEC, but drew attention to President Xi's remarks during the summit that China would follow the principle of peaceful co-existence and that New Delhi need not worry.

"I think the concerns from the India side should be able to be resolved," she said.

Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Gopal Baglay said New Delhi had not received any suggestions through proper channels and that India wanted a meaningful discussion with China on the whole project.

 

The post India's 'new Silk Road' Snub Highlights Gulf With China appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Swedish Human Rights Ambassador Annika Ben David Visits Myanmar

Posted: 21 May 2017 10:25 PM PDT

Protecting and promoting human rights is a cornerstone of Swedish foreign policy. Sweden strives to be a strong voice and a global leader that stands up for and defends human rights, democracy and the principles of rule of law through foreign policy. This is also central to our engagement in Myanmar.

This week, I am very happy to pay my first visit to Myanmar. The purpose of my visit is to gain a better understanding of the progress and the challenges in the country regarding human rights. I will meet with representatives from the government, civil society and international organizations to get a good understanding of the situation. This is important to Sweden, since protection and promotion of human rights in Myanmar is a fundamental part of Sweden's political engagement and development work in Myanmar.

One hundred and fifty years ago, my country was poor. A quarter of the population fled hunger and religious oppression and went on to build new lives in North America. Since then, we have built a strong democracy with transparent institutions and a vibrant civil society, based on human rights and gender equality. This has been right and fair, but also smart – in macroeconomic terms. Our Swedish experience tells us that for development to be sustainable, a human rights perspective needs to be applied.

Many countries have indeed associated development with human rights in building their societies. But despite progress in international poverty alleviation, today we are seeing human rights, democracy and the principles of rule of law beginning to wane across the globe. This is also noted in international forums, in which international human rights commitments are being called into question more frequently than before.

Democracy is pushed back and human rights are questioned and challenged. It becomes more difficult for civil society to organize. Shrinking space for civil society engagement makes groups of people that are already vulnerable twice as vulnerable. Women, for example, face discrimination and attack purely for being women and also for being representatives of civil society. When freedom of expression is restricted despite international commitments to the contrary, and those who defend and promote human rights or openly voice criticism are threatened, harassed and persecuted, society – and states – weaken.

The Internet and new technology are sometimes used in order to constrain rather than promote people's freedoms and rights by illegal means, often through extensive surveillance and restrictions on freedom of expression, freedom of opinion and the right to information. This not only affects organized civil society, but also individual citizens. Therefore, Sweden is increasing its support to human rights defenders globally – offline and online – to curb this trend.

I am therefore particularly happy that a central part of Swedish support to Myanmar aims to promote and develop press freedom and freedom of expression, online as well as offline. Sweden is a long-standing partner to Myanmar in this area.

Gender equality has benefited our society as a whole. But globally it remains a vision rather than a reality. Violence, oppression and systematic subjugation continue to be part of the daily lives of countless women and girls. Gender equality and women's enjoyment of human rights is another cornerstone of Sweden's engagement here in Myanmar, including promoting women's participation in the peace process.

States questioning international norms also has an impact on working life. Employees are prevented from joining unions and fighting for better working conditions. Anti-union discrimination, harassment, violence and threats are common in many places. Many people, sometimes children, work in inhumane conditions.

International development cooperation is an important tool in achieving this. As one of the largest global donors, Sweden has clear added value to offer, not to mention extensive knowledge and experience helping to shape international development cooperation. This is particularly relevant in terms of promoting and embedding the human rights perspective, whereby democracy and human rights are seen as fundamental conditions for development.

The position Sweden enjoys, by virtue of long-term bilateral relations and a tradition of a clear policy to defend human rights, democracy and the principles of rule of law, also facilitates cooperation in sensitive areas. Sweden's lasting and long-term engagement on these issues and its reputation as an inclusive and gender-equal country has seen us inspire considerable trust among many states and actors.

Sweden is and will continue to be a strong voice that stands up for, defends and promotes human rights, democracy and the principles of rule of law – in Myanmar and around the world.

The post Swedish Human Rights Ambassador Annika Ben David Visits Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


YCDC to take action against wayward street vendors

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:32 PM PDT

The Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) is taking action against street vendors who ply their trade in prohibited areas or streets and is mapping out a plan to ensure that trade will be carried out in a systematic manner.

U Bein Bridge in urgent need of repair

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:28 PM PDT

The U Bein Bridge will be undergoing a three-year conservation project but before that urgent repairs need to be carried out.

Training for women ward administrators

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:24 PM PDT

Some 84 elected village and ward women administrators from states and regions are being trained to carry out their duties professionally in a joint program conducted by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the General Administration Department in Nay Pyi Taw.

UEC’s no action decision shocking: USDP

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:20 PM PDT

The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is disappointed over a decision by the Union Election Commission (UEC) that no action will be taken against the State Counsellor and two senior officials of the National League for Democracy (NLD) Party.

Special lanes for ASEAN at Yangon airport

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:17 PM PDT

Yangon International Airport is ready to welcome visitors from ASEAN countries with special lanes dedicated to them. Terminal 1 was opened after extension works which started last year were completed.   

Two countries one destination with Cambodia planned

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:14 PM PDT

The Ministry of Hotels and Tourism is implementing a two countries one destination campaign with Cambodia by planning direct flights between the two ancient cities Bagan and Siem Reap, said Daw Khin Than Win, the ministry's deputy director general.

Doubts over regional and state constitutional drafting

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:11 PM PDT

(Second in the series: 21st Panglong Conference-2nd session)

Classes for aspiring young journalists

Posted: 21 May 2017 02:01 PM PDT

Eleven-year-old Yoon Wathan's, ambition is to become a journalist. The serious looking girl who was wearing thanakha (paste from a tree bark), and looking very adult, said that it was her own idea and not her parents.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


CRUCIAL POINTS TO PONDER: How would the 21st Century Panglong pan out?

Posted: 21 May 2017 08:52 AM PDT

As May 24, the convening of Union Peace Conference - 21st Century Panglong (UPC-21CP) is scheduled to take off, few crucial and essential topics that are related to the understanding of the peace negotiation process need to be bundled together so that we could have a bird's eye view of the whole peace process situation.

In this respect, the BBC's report of May 21, titled "What one should know regarding Panglong convention", has captured almost all the important headings, in this writer's opinion. 

It touches upon the topics of: Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) or Pangkham (peace initiative); 5 Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) that were rumored to sign (the NCA); agreement in principle [of the United Nationalities federal Council (UNFC) 9-point NCA amendment proposal]; Pangkham alliance; and formation of north and south (military) blocs among the EAOs.

The following is an observation based on the topics, which hopefully would shed some critical light to the prevailing political landscape.

Firstly, there is now a new game plan initiated by the Pangkham alliance group involving 7 EAOs that rejects the government's NCA-based game plan. Thus, the government's only game in town for some five years is now being contested by the Pangkham alliance new approach.

The Pangkham-led 7 EAOs military-political alliance includes the United Wa State Party/Army (UWSP/UWSA), United League of Arakan/Arakan Army (ULA/AA), Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA), Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party/Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNTJP/MNDAA), Peace and Solidarity Committee/National Democratic Alliance Army (PSC/NDAA) and Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA).

Pangkham insisted that the NCA-based peace process is not working, as it is unable to stop the war in Kachin and Shan States in the first place, besides being a process aimed at replacing the Panglong Agreement of 1947, which the alliance considers to be their historical-political legacy vested with rights of self-determination, equality and democracy and also the sole legal bond, to form a new political entity called the Union of Burma, between the ethnic nationalities and the Bamar state prior to the independence from the British in 1948.

Other than that it also accused the NCA-based process to be like the 1993 Nyaung Hnapin national convention, which was dominated by the Military or Tatmadaw and stage-managed to formulate and promulgate its self-drawn, 2008 constitution that didn't cater in anyway to the ethnic nationalities' political aspirations.

Thus, the Pangkham alliance consideration is to end the war in the north of the country first, followed by political negotiation and eventual political settlement.

Secondly, the 5 EAOs – New Mon State Party (NMSP), Karenni National Progress Party (KNPP), Wa National Organization (WNO), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) and Arakan National Council (ANC) - that were rumored would sign the NCA and reportedly being constantly wooed by the government doesn't seem to be making headway, as almost all of them insisted upon the government's accommodation of the UNFC's 9-point proposal to amend the NCA, and only after which it would sign the NCA as preferred by the government. But the problem has been the inability of the government to say black or white on the proposal. Leaving it pending for further discussion in the future, and only came up with the in-between solution for UNFC members to sign the Deeds of Commitment (DoC) that they would definitely ink the NCA at a later date, which in turn would qualify them for participation in the UPC-21CP.

Thus, it is highly unlikely that the UNFC would take part in the conference, as most have said that they would attend the conference as a group with full conference participant rights and not merely as observers.

Thirdly, the so-called government's agreement in principle of the UNFC's 9-point proposal to alter the NCA isn't leading to any concrete agreement, as it is not committing to it in any concrete term and just prefers to let the UNFC sign the DoC by all means, pending further discussion of the UNFC's proposal.

While some of the UNFC members might be willing to see this agreement in principle in a positive light, General Gun Maw of the KIO said that the government, in fact, just only agreed to the point number 8, which said: "Developmental projects to be tackled according to Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), in cooperation with the public and the EAOs" and nothing more.

The crucial nationwide ceasefire announcement of the Tatmadaw and agreement of the tripartite negotiation composition of the proposal were not agreed upon, he stressed.

Fourthly, the Pangkham alliance that is made up of 7 EAOs. But the SSPP and KIO are also members of the UNFC and while the latter has tendered the resignation from the UNFC, the former said that it is still with it. Thus, the position of the SSPP is not at all clear at the moment.

Finally, there seems to be a formation of a north and south military blocs among the EAOs, with Pangkham alliance depicted as northern bloc engaging militarily with the government's troops, although for the moment the UWSA and NDAA are still not taking part actively yet in the conflict, the situation could easily change if the military conflict would become widespread. The northern bloc is the most heavily armed and make up of more than three-fourths of the whole EAOs' fighting force, estimated to field some 64,000 troopers, according to the "Deciphering Myanmar's Peace Process: A Reference Guide 2016" report publication of Burma News International, January 2017.

The combined 21 EAOs troops, when added together is 81,700.

The Pangkham alliance members UWSA has some 30,000; the KIA 12,000; SSPP 8000; TNLA 6000; NDAA 3000; MNDAA 2000; and AA 3000; totaling 64,000 or 78% of the whole EAOs' fighting force.

The southern bloc is made up of mainly the Karen National Union (KNU) that has 5000 troops, while some small EAOs barely field a few hundreds.

Outlook

Given such political development, with the participation of the Pangkham alliance highly unlikely as the latest invitation list excluded the MNDAA, TNLA and AA, which are members of the alliance. Reportedly, the government has only invited 9 out of the 13 EAOs that have still not signed the NCA.

The other excluded only EAO is the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Khaplang (NSCN-K).

So this would mean the 78% of the EAOs troopers would be outside the fold of peace process, indicating that in addition to just being a partial ceasefire gathering in Nay Pyi Taw on May 24, achievable peace is still a far away illusion, much less the national reconciliation which is supposed to be the aim of the UPC-21CP.

Topping this disappointment is the heightened Tatmadaw's offensives in northern Shan State, while the peace conference preparation is in high gear.

One could only feel sorry for the lack of positive initiative from the government's part saying that the invitation to the UPC-21CP is the responsibility of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), which is made up of a tripartite group of government (including parliament and military); 8 EAOs; and political parties with 16 members each, according to Zaw Htay, the director general of the State Counselor's Office.

He stressed to the RFA in a recent interview of May 18, that "the government is responsible only for the invitation of some 900 representatives and guests to the opening ceremony and closing dinner and the invitation to attend the UPC-21CP is solely the duty of the UPDJC, where the State Counselor is also the Chairperson."

But questions come to mind, why would the 8 EAOs and political parties would like to exclude the said three EAOs from participating in the conference? The answer naturally would come up as either the 8 EAOs and political parties are compromised or forced to follow the Tatmadaw's line of thinking, which all know that it harbors animosity to the three excluded group from the outset and has been against it participation regardless of the tireless Chinese mediation and insistence of the Pangkham alliance that it would only negotiate as a group, according its repeated statements.


In short, the recent prevailing inconclusive political development doesn't really look promising for the UPC-21CP convention, especially to the disappointment of those longing to see the achievement of peace and reconciliation in our country.