Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Burma and Japan to boost development ties
• Business Weekly
• DVB Debate: Is Burma ready for total press freedom?
• Burma’s draft association law: a smokescreen for further repression?
• Farmers warned against ‘fragmentary’ new law
• The Rohingya – a forgotten people?

Burma and Japan to boost development ties Posted: 06 Sep 2013 04:09 AM PDT Burma and Japan have agreed to step up cooperation on development projects, with a special focus on tackling HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria in the poverty-stricken country, state media reported on Friday. A delegation of Japanese MPs met on Thursday with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, where they hashed out plans to boost development assistance for Burma's woefully neglected health care system. Tuberculosis cases are estimated to be three times above the global average, while Burma has the third highest HIV infection rate in Asia. The two countries also discussed strategies for Japan to support Burma during the 2013 Southeast Asian Games in December, and develop the joint Thilawa Special Economic Zone in Rangoon. Japan has been one of the first developed countries to fully endorse Burma's democratic reform programme, including writing off nearly US$2 billion in debt in May. The move coincided with a historic visit by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to Burma – the first made by a Japanese leader in 36 years – when fresh aid was also earmarked for the Thilawa project. Last year Tokyo cancelled an additional US$3.4 billion of Burma’s debt. The Thilawa zone, which is located 25 kilometres south of Rangoon, will be jointly developed by Burma and Japan. Analysts say Japan has been keen to rekindle its economic relationship with Burma, which is slowly emerging from decades of military rule and diplomatic isolation. Although it never imposed sanctions on Burma, the East Asian powerhouse has significantly stepped up its engagement over the past two years, which some have attributed to an easing of western pressure and a more stable investment climate. Burma is the poorest country in Southeast Asia and spends less that 4 percent of its annual budget on health care. The Ministry of Health has pledged to scale up assistance for vulnerable patients, including those affected by drug resistant TB and malaria, but limited resources and poor infrastructure has hampered progress.

Business Weekly Posted: 06 Sep 2013 03:49 AM PDT Kyat settles After rising slightly against other currencies in August, the Burmese kyat remained stable over the past week. The current buying rate is 965 kyat to the US dollar, while the selling rate is still 973. China-ASEAN trade could double by 2020, says Chinese PM Burma’s President Thein Sein (L) shakes hands with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang on the sidelines of the China-ASEAN summit in Nanning. (Reuters) China's trade with Southeast Asia could more than double to US$1 trillion by 2020, Li Keqiang told regional leaders at a China-ASEAN summit in Nanning this week. While downplaying simmering territorial disputes at the summit, the Chinese premier stressed a "common destiny" and called for an upgraded version of the free trade deal between the two sides. Stock Exchange deadline looks risky Burma is running behind schedule for starting a stock exchange by 2015 after delays in getting the legal framework in place, according to a report this week by Bloomberg which quoted a Japanese executive who is assisting with the project. "We're pressed for time," Koichiro Miyahara, a senior executive officer at Japan Exchange, reportedly said, and noted that the late approval of a capital markets bill had delayed the project. New Rangoon airport shuttle A 24-hour shuttle bus service to and from the Rangoon international airport was launched on 1 September. The eight commissioned mini-vans will each carry a maximum of 15 passengers, and the fare has been fixed at 5,000 kyat for foreigners and 3,500 kyat for locals. Banks association wants to stand alone The Myanmar Banks Association announced at a meeting on 30 August that it has decided to become independent of the Central Bank of Myanmar. Than Lwin, former deputy director of the Central Bank of Myanmar and now deputy-director of the private-owned Kambawza Bank, stressed that the association did not seek to break away from the Central Bank, but just wanted to become "conventional" as bank associations in other countries. Finger on the pulse Burma has earned over US$840 million from the export of beans and pulses this quarter, according to the Ministry of Commerce. The country exported a total of more than 1.39 million tonnes of agricultural products worth over $845.3 million from 1 April to 23 August during this 2013-14 fiscal year. Van Heusen sets the trend Top US menswear brand Van Heusen has launched its first outlet in Burma at the Parkson Departmental Store, FMI Centre, in downtown Rangoon. The firm says it also plans to open branches in Mandalay, Naypyidaw and other major cities. "We have come here to encourage Myanmar people's dreams to come true," said a VH spokesperson. Established in 1881, Van Heusen is a subsidiary of PVH Corporation which owns other clothing brands including Tommy Hilfiger and Calvin Klein. Calls are cheap, but SIM cards can cost a pretty penny in Burma. (Reuters) SIM pickings Mobile phone SIM cards, originally sold for 1,500 kyat (US$1.50) each through a lottery system, are now trading for between 90,000 and 120,000 kyat on the black market in Burma. Fuji Electric opens Rangoon branch Tokyo-based Fuji Electric Holdings Co Ltd announced on 2 September that it had opened a branch office on Shwegondaing Road in Bahan Township in Rangoon. The Japanese firm said it aims to collect and analyse market trends for electric appliances while building ties with local and Japanese corporations based in Burma. Nokking at the door Thailand's Nok Air last week launched daily flights between the Thai border town of Mae Sot and Moulmein in Burma's Mon state. The flight takes just 25 minutes, a far cry from the bumpy six-hour journey it would normally take overland. The economy airline says it will also introduce Mae Sot – Rangoon flights from 1 October. Myanmar Brewery corners a huge part of Burma's domestic beer market with manufacturing plants for Tiger Beer, Myanmar Beer, ABC Stout and Anchor Beer. (Reuters) Beer war in Burma Singaporean food and beverage conglomerate Fraser & Neave (F&N) has claimed that its Burmese partner is trying to oust it from a joint- venture agreement in Myanmar Brewery, according to various news sources. F&N owns 55 percent of Myanmar Brewery, which corners a huge part of Burma's domestic beer market with manufacturing plants for Tiger Beer, Myanmar Beer, ABC Stout and Anchor Beer. The remaining 45 percent is held by state-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd, a conglomerate run by Burma's Ministry of Defence.

DVB Debate: Is Burma ready for total press freedom? Posted: 06 Sep 2013 03:22 AM PDT This week's talk show, DVB Debate, asks the question: Is Burma ready for total press freedom? At a time when Burma is navigating its way through a democratic transition, is it appropriate to give the press free reign or should the media be regulated until the country is more stable? Panelists this week are: Pe Myint, editor for People's Age Magazine; Nwan Ja Thine, an author; and Tu Tu Tha, the editor of the Burma section at Irrawaddy Magazine. Several studio guests suggest that, despite the fragility of the transition period, freedom of the press is an essential right. Others disagree and believe that the media, like all institutions, must be subject to regulations. Related Stories DVB Debate: Can we forgive 1988 for the sake of national reconciliation? Local films look to return to the silver screen Burma publishing bill to reintroduce censorship: activists Pe Myint claims that the existing laws that regulate the press are still suitable today. "What we are saying is that a code of conduct and laws for journalists already exists. We don't need to come up with any new laws," he said. "There are mature and immature journalists, and not everyone is ready yet. Therefore its better if we just continue with the way things are now," said author Nwan Ja Thine. Studio guest and author Kyaw Htet Aung stepped in to disagree with Nwan Ja Thine's statement. "We have to give complete media freedom," he said. "And complete media freedom means not controlling media by any laws or regulation." Several voices in this studio debate believe that freedom of the press is a basic right and should be implemented immediately. Others urge patience, pointing to Burma's current period of transition and reform. And some are of the opinion that while the media and the public are hungry for press freedom, the government doesn't share their appetite. Next week on DVB Debate: Has social media taken over our daily lives? You can join the debate and watch the full programme at: www.dvbdebate.com

Burma’s draft association law: a smokescreen for further repression? Posted: 06 Sep 2013 03:14 AM PDT One of the main hopes for Burma's recent political reforms has been for a vibrant, open and flourishing civil society – a vital component of any healthy democracy and an enabling environment for sustainable development. For Burma's people to feel invested in its country's political, economic and social development, they must be allowed to participate and they must be empowered. Yet participation and empowerment cannot happen if there are onerous or arbitrary restrictions on the right to freedom of association. It was therefore disheartening to see the draft Association Law, published by the Public Affairs Management Committee on 27 July in a state-run newspaper. The draft law violated constitutional and international standards of free association, with international law permitting only limited and narrowly defined exceptions. It also flouted accepted international standards for laws on associations or not-for-profit organisations. The draft law made registration compulsory rather than voluntary, with unregistered associations prohibited from operating and facing disproportionate and draconian penalties of up to three years in prison as well as hefty fines for establishing or even participating in an unregistered association. In fact, the law would have needed to have been almost entirely redrafted to comply with international standards. As it is, the lower house issued a further draft on 19 August, before the close of parliament for the September recess. However, this draft makes largely cosmetic changes, which do not significantly alter the threat that the legislation poses to civil society. Despite the fact that the law is now called the "Association Registration Law", it avoids any explicit requirement for organisations to seek permission to form, and removes the draconian penalties mentioned above. But in reality many will be faced with no other legal option under the law. First, under Chapter VI, all organisations are required to register anyway, unless they fall under an exemption, which many, including advocacy and human rights organisations, do not. Second, all organisations are required to register to avail themselves of "benefits" to which any legal person is entitled, such as initiating judicial proceedings, seeking funding, opening a bank account, or even having a logo. The draft law will mean that no organisation will be able to function viably unless they register. As before, registration involves seeking government approval, albeit with responsibility now shared between various different levels of the executive – perhaps in an effort to disguise the essence of this requirement. What this draft does is raise a smokescreen: it gives the impression of taking civil society recommendations into account by pretending to remove compulsory registration, but in reality serves the same purpose as before, namely to perpetuate government control over civil society in Burma. If such a law must be enacted, registration must be genuinely voluntary, thereby allowing civil society individuals and organisations the space and the right to freely associate. It must protect the basic rights of citizens and must be in line with constitutional and international legal and human rights standards, including the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Furthermore, any legislation must be drafted following full and transparent consultation with civil society and the public, and take account of any recommendations. While the 27 July draft was accompanied by a notice soliciting recommendations, a deadline of just two weeks was imposed, rendering the process almost meaningless. However, civil society reacted quickly by publishing a statement endorsed by 87 organisations that rejected the draft and called for any discussion in parliament to be suspended in order to allow sufficient time for broad and meaningful consultation. While in the right environment, an associations law can be beneficial to civil society and the public in general, in a fragile political context such as Burma's nascent democracy – barely two years old and still with a lot to prove – such a law is fraught with danger and can easily be abused to curtail citizens' rights to freedom of association and expression rather than protect them. The government's recent cosmetic changes to the law add weight to this argument and fan the flames of suspicion. In fact, there is no need for such a law, and it would be better to do without for the time being. If, in time, Burma is ready for an associations law that might for example allow for such benefits as tax allowances for organisations, then such legislation can be re-considered when the political climate is more stable, transparent and mature. Until that point, any discussion and approval of the current draft legislation should be suspended. The right to freedom of association – so long denied to the people of Burma – must be preserved and protected at all costs. Otherwise, not only will human rights, democracy, rule of law and accountability be compromised, but essential services such as welfare, education and health may also suffer. The people of Burma deserve better than that.   Khin Ohmar is the Coordinator of Burma Partnership, a regional network of NGOs working to promote human rights and democracy in Burma. She is a former student activist and member of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), who played a leading role in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising.

Farmers warned against ‘fragmentary’ new law Posted: 06 Sep 2013 02:00 AM PDT The Myanmar Farmers Network met with local farmers in Kachin state's Namtee township on 5 September as part of a nationwide tour where they have been spreading warnings to rural townsfolk about the Law to Protect Farmers' Interests, which was recently approved by the union parliament, and which the Network deems "fragmentary". The group says it has been touring the country to raise awareness among local farmers about the law and address questions. Network leader Tin Ko Linn told DVB that about 100 local farmers attended the Namtee meeting. He said although farmers were mostly unaware of the ruling, they showed interest in hearing about its pros and cons. "We explained the nature of the law and pointed out several irregularities, such as a lack of provisions for farming in mountainous areas," he said. "These issues are crucial to highland farmers who need to be aware of the need to protect their rights. The law is rather vague when defining the difference between barren land and pasture." Thursday marked the group's first meeting in Kachin state. Previously, they held similar public forums with farmers in Arakan state and Mandalay division. Tin Ko Linn said the group is looking to draft an alternate farmers' law with input from farmers across the country as well as legal experts. Related Stories Ministry tells agro firms to pay back loans or face charges Farmers call on leaders to return land as officials target 'plough protestors' Farmers in Rangoon incensed after authorities seize disputed land Attorney Ko Ni of the Myanmar Lawyers Network said the current law is flawed, and that it was drafted and approved in a "hurried manner" by the parliament. "There are a lot of complications at this juncture because the country is going through a transition period and the parliament has enacted quite a few new pieces of legislation relating to farmers' rights and land ownership," he said. "First they passed the Farmland Law, then the Vacant Lands, Fallow Lands and Virgin Lands Management Law, and now this so-called Law to Protect Farmers' Interests. "Instead of proceeding this way, it would be more practical and astute for parliament to commission legal experts to study the situation and draft a law based on their recommendations," said Ko Ni. "I think farmers are becoming despondent because these laws are being rushed through parliament with such little input from experts," he added. For example, the 2012 Farmland Law allows the government to arbitrarily confiscate land from villagers if it is deemed to be in “the national interest”. Critics say this will fuel a land-grabbing "epidemic" as Burma continues to emerge from decades of military rule.

The Rohingya – a forgotten people? Posted: 05 Sep 2013 10:47 PM PDT Burma's Rohingya Muslims have been described as the world's forgotten people. Stripped of citizenship by the former military junta in 1982, many thousands have been stuck in limbo along the Bangladeshi border in northwestern Burma for decades. Last year two bouts of vicious communal clashes thrust an international spotlight on their plight. Over 200 people were killed and some 140,000 people, mostly Muslims, were ripped from their homes. Displaced Rohingyas, who are considered illegal Bengali immigrants in Burma, are now isolated in dreary camps and ghettoes, with limited access to food, sanitation or healthcare. Buddhist nationalists and extremist groups have been blamed for stirring up hate-speech against the group, while local police and security forces have been accused of participating in the violence, described by human rights groups as a "systematic" campaign of ethnic cleansing. Journalists Matt Rains and Alia Mehboob travelled to Arakan state in August 2012 to document the lives of Rohingya Muslims in the wake of last year's violence.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Recalling Monk Beatings That Sparked the Saffron Revolution
• Burmese Economist Khin Maung Kyi Dies
• ‘Parliament is Re-Energized Now That Shwe Mann is Union House Speaker’
• Thein Sein Fiddled While Burma Burned
• Opinion Divided on Merit of Further Rate Cuts for Burma’s Banks
• Internet in Burma: Using a New Tool to Change Old Laws
• Japanese Media Starts to Make Waves in Burma
• Dirty Living in Downtown Rangoon
• In The New Burma, Old Junta-era Laws Survive and Adapt
• As Protest Looms, Cambodia’s Strongman Hun Sen Faces Restive, Tech-savvy Youth
• Sri Lankan Tamil Party to Call for Federal Powers
• Thailand Under Pressure to End Rubber Protest After Violence

Recalling Monk Beatings That Sparked the Saffron Revolution Posted: 06 Sep 2013 06:52 AM PDT An illustration by cartoonist Harn Lay depicts the beatings of protesting monks by soldiers on Sept. 5, 2007, in Pakkoku. RANGOON — Six years ago, soldiers and government-backed thugs beat up and injured three Buddhist monks in the central Burmese town of Pakokku. The incident became a catalyst for the monk-led, nationwide protests in September 2007 that were later called the Saffron Revolution. The popular gatherings were the largest pro-democracy demonstrations that Burma had seen in two decades. The movement lasted for weeks until the then military junta ordered a violent crackdown. Several monks from Pakokku town, located in northern Magwe Division, recalled the events of Sept. 5-6, 2007, in interviews with The Irrawaddy on Friday. Popular discontent had started growing the month before, after the government cut fuel subsidies on Aug. 15, 2007, causing a rapid rise in commodity prices. During small demonstrations against the decision, 13 prominent activists including Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Min Zeya and Ko Jimmy were arrested. U Latkhana, a monk from Pakkoku, said hundreds of monks in Pakokku organized a peaceful march in on Sept. 5, 2007 to show their support for the detained activists and demonstrators. "On September 5, monks were coming out from their monasteries and began walking and chanting on the main road in Pakkoku. Then their way was blocked by the army. Soldiers shouted that we should not proceed," he said. "Some of the monks were trapped [between groups of soldiers]. Suddenly, monks at the front ran back and said that some monks were being beaten. Later we learned that three monks had been tied up and beaten with the butt of a rifle and by some thugs with bamboo rods," U Latkhana recalled. The beating of the three protesting monks, who were tied to lamppost while they were hit in the face, enraged the monks in Pakkoku, a town that functions as an important religious center where about a third of the population are monks. The worst-injured victim, who suffered cuts to his face that required five stiches, said he was reluctant to discuss the painful incident. "It's been a long time. I just do not want to talk about that. I only can say that I've forgiven them and trying to forget what I suffered," said the monk, who declined to be named. On Sept. 6, 2007, policemen and local officials came to Ashae Taike Monastery in Pakkoku urging the monks to end their protests — without offering an apology for the beating. Angered, dozens of young monks burned three cars in which the officials arrived, while others prevented the officials and policemen from leaving. Soon, word of the beatings had spread among Burma's approximately 400,000 monks and the Sangha demanded an official government apology by Sept. 17. When the deadline passed without an apology thousands of monks took to streets in Rangoon, Mandalay and other cities and town across Burma. The movement grew in the following days and laymen walked behind them in support. The monks also refused to perform any Buddhist rituals for government officials, army officers and their families. On Sept. 26, a crackdown began on the demonstrations and the army opened fire on the unarmed protesters. Many protesters, including monks, were beaten and arrested, while several monasteries were raided and forced to shut down. Dozens of people are believed to have died in the crackdown, although there are no confirmed figures. The government put the death toll at 13, the UN human rights envoy on Burma at the time said 31 people had died, while Democratic Voice of Burma reported that 138 people had been killed. Only in the last two years have the Burmese people seen a government response to their demands for democracy, with the end of military rule, the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the introduction of a range of political reforms under President Thein Sein. The monks who were involved in the Pakkoku protests and the Saffron Revolution say they remain angry about the state-sponsored violence against the demonstrating monks and laymen in 2007. "I could not forget what happened back then. For me, I do not accept the offerings from the government until now," said U Latkhana. "It is a bitter memory for us. But to look on the optimistic side, what was happened in 2007 September became one of the reasons for the changes in the country. Because of what we suffered, the international community get understand our situation better and began to apply pressure." One of the Saffron Revolution's leading monks, Ashin Issariya, from Magwe Division's Yenan Chaung town, said, "For me, I'm just looking forward but will never forget the past. There are things that we gained and we lost during the uprising. But I view it as a sacrifice to go forward towards democracy." The monks said they are critically following the democratic reforms introduced under President Thein Sein's nominally-civilian government, which for the most part consists of former military officers. They said they are far from satisfied with the progress made so far. "The changes in the government are just changes [by former junta leaders] from uniforms to civilian clothing. So, we have to move forward to get the genuine changes," said U Latkhana. Ashin Issariya said, "People need to emphasis on amending the 2008 Constitution because it plays the vital in forming democracy in the country."

Burmese Economist Khin Maung Kyi Dies Posted: 06 Sep 2013 06:41 AM PDT The cover of Burmese economist Dr. Khin Maung Kyi's book, "Economic Development of Burma: A Vision and a Strategy," which was published in 2001 by the National University of Singapore. RANGOON — Prominent Burmese economist Dr. Khin Maung Kyi died in Singapore on Friday. He was 87 years old. A well-regarded economics professor, he was known to have suffered from pancreatic cancer, though a cause of death could not be immediately confirmed by The Irrawaddy on Friday. In addition to teaching, Khin Maung Kyi was an adviser to several ministries under the former military regime, but he was not afraid to speak honestly—and at times negatively—about the government's policies and practices. In 2001 he co-authored "Economic Development of Burma: A Vision and a Strategy," published by the National University of Singapore. Two years later, to the ire of the then-military rulers, he said Burma's industry sector was underdeveloped because the country needed to depend on imports, even of the most elementary goods that could easily be produced at home. Regarding joint ventures between foreign firms and Burma's government, he frankly told The Irrawaddy in 2003 that "the generals want to attach their name as shared partners to an enterprise that has potential for profit." "But they just offer their name, not their capital," he said. "Rather than being able to save and reinvest their profits, enterprises have to give shares to the most unproductive force of the country—the generals." Khin Maung Kyi worked as a lecturer and professor at the University of Rangoon's Institute of Economics from 1954 until 1978, before leaving for the Universiti Pertanian Malaysia to work as a professor of agribusiness. His students remember him as a kind teacher but a tough academic. He was never reluctant to share his knowledge, but when he received classwork below his standards he made it known—at times yelling, "What kind of paper is this?" On career choice, he told his students, "What you choose doesn't matter, but you have to try hard to be outstanding." "He always put learning in first place for his students," said Hla Myint, a former student who went on to become a professor of commerce. Originally from Pyinmana, a busy logging town near Naypyidaw, Khin Maung Kyi participated in the country's independence struggle and was a youth movement leader as a young man. He won a scholarship to Harvard University in the United States to earn a master's degree in business administration, after earning his bachelor's degree in commerce at the University of Rangoon. He also earned a PhD in management at Cornell University. In 1978, he resigned from his professor post and left for Malaysia, spending the rest of his life outside his native country. He founded the Asia-Pacific Journal of Management in 1983, and he became a senior fellow at the National University of Singapore's department of business policy in 1991. His research work on Burma included surveys of local industries and studies of business, planning and pricing, the reorganization of state-owned industries, and economic development. He served as a consultant to various ministries, including the Ministry of Trade, the Ministry of Transport, the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Planning and Finance. He was also a member of the Advisory Committee on National Ideology to the chairman of the Burma Socialist Program Party, the sole political party during the dictatorship of Gen Ne Win. He held honorary positions in various academic bodies, including as a member, secretary and later president of the Burma Research Society, which focuses on national history. He is survived by his wife and four children.

‘Parliament is Re-Energized Now That Shwe Mann is Union House Speaker’ Posted: 06 Sep 2013 06:05 AM PDT Parliamentarian Thein Nyunt is pictured during a visit to The Irrawaddy office in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Lower House parliamentarian Thein Nyunt has made a name for himself as one of Burma's more outspoken lawmakers, frequently leading the charge on issues pertaining to human rights and democracy as the country has transitioned from authoritarian military rule over the last two years. Founder of the New National Democracy Party, Thein Nyunt is also a practicing lawyer, bringing his legal expertise to bear as reform-minded lawmakers attempt to overhaul out-of-date and oppressive legislation that has accumulated over the course of nearly five decades of military rule. With the conclusion last week of the seventh session of a Parliament elected in 2010, and with lawmakers having completed more than half of their terms in office, Thein Nyunt spoke with The Irrawaddy about the past—and what he hopes is a bright future—for the legislature and the country. Question: With 30 months of lawmakers' terms now past, what is the current state of Burma's democratization from your perspective in Parliament? Answer: The situation has changed from the past and today. In the past, we tried hard to bring up issues such as 'contempt of court' provisions and Section 5 of the Emergency Provisions Act during the second session of Parliament, but my proposals could not be discussed at Parliament. They [the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party] just blocked our proposals at that time. For example, when there was a problem in Yangon between employers and workers, I tried to propose forming a committee to investigate the issue. But my proposal failed when [the USDP] divided the vote, and many of their votes opposed my proposal, and the issue was only noted for the record. This is how we struggled in the past [at the beginning of Thein Nyunt's term of office in 2010]. Since then, the situation has improved and I can tell you one positive thing about anti-corruption from the third session of Parliament. The House Speaker [Shwe Mann] told me to write the law, and he said that we did not need to form a commission to write this. I wrote the draft and I proposed it at the fourth session of Parliament. The Lower House withdrew my draft after the Upper House also proposed another similar draft, which was written by the Finance Ministry. But they took some from my draft that was not in their draft. Finally, the Union Parliament approved the [combined] draft law. I also proposed my draft law at the Union Parliament level after I developed it more, and I won over 80 votes. This shows how the situation has changed in Parliament, and not only ethnic MPs supported my proposal, but also military representatives. I have found that there have been successes in Parliament, but there are things as well in which we were not successful. For example, the case of the Electronic Transactions Act, we still have not been able to abolish this act. To analyze the whole situation, from the beginning of Parliament, let us say that in the beginning, our rights were abused by the majority [USDP] party members. Using the words of the House speaker, it was abuse of the democratic system. Parliament has good momentum now, since the fourth session of Parliament, when some democratic force [elected in a 2012 by-election] who have similar ideas to my own reached Parliament. For me, I will do my best for my country. I always want to debate issues in Parliament and ask questions repeatedly. I believe that this needs to happen in Parliament. I want to see people who are in Parliament not based on their own party's interest. Show your own work; that you serve the people and the country. Q: Since Shwe Mann became Union House speaker, there seems to be more of a lively debate between civilian MPs and military representatives. Would you agree with that assessment? A: Just because a person has different ideas than me does not mean that he is my enemy. We need to understand that enemies can become your friends. In a democratic system, we need to have political tolerance. For me, I have found that Parliament is more re-energized now that U Shwe Mann has taken the role of Union House speaker. We have rule of law, and [civilian] government. Now is the time for more cooperation from Parliament in order to better the country's economy. The government needs to talk with constituencies' lawmakers in order to get suggestions about how to improve local economies. I told the president about how local authorities did not want to meet with us to talk about how we can cooperate, working together to have a better economy. So I asked the government to tell the local authorities to work with lawmakers from their constituencies. Then, we will have many successful businesses if we can work together. There are 30 more months to work in Parliament. The president and the government should intently listen to lawmakers' deliberations in order for the country to be more successful. Q: If irreconcilable differences of opinion and power struggles continue to plague Parliament, what will it mean for the future of Burma? A: Regarding power struggles, there will be no problem because there is a meeting once every week among members of the National Defense and Security Council [which includes senior parliamentarians and government ministers]. They can negotiate at the meeting. But, I found that the problem is on the ground, because there are no meetings between local authorities and lawmakers' constituencies. In my opinion, we should have meetings once every two weeks on township development, or once monthly. When we are in a parliamentary session, the government should be meeting with us to talk about development.

Thein Sein Fiddled While Burma Burned Posted: 06 Sep 2013 04:31 AM PDT

Opinion Divided on Merit of Further Rate Cuts for Burma’s Banks Posted: 06 Sep 2013 04:16 AM PDT Piles of Burmese kyat currency in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Opinions are mixed within Burma's financial industry when the question of whether or not to lower interest and loan rates arises, with some touting a drop as pro-business, while others warn that lowered earnings on savings deposits could prompt a run on the nation's banks. Changes to bank rates could have a detrimental impact on the country's economy, the managing director of the Asia Green Development Bank told The Irrawaddy this week. The comments by the AGDB banker, Ye Min Oo, come as lawmakers reportedly consider tweaking the nation's monetary policy. "I heard, in one of the parliamentary sessions, that they were discussing reducing current bank interest [rates]. It would have a big impact among the business sector here, because there are many consequences to that," Ye Min Oo said. In 2011, interest earned on savings accounts was reduced to 8 percent and loans were calculated at a rate of 13 percent, a difference of 5 percentage points. Bank rates have been adjusted three times in the last three years: In 2010, an interest cap of 12 percent was set, and 17 percent was the maximum rate at which loans could be taken out. That same year, the Central Bank, then housed under the Ministry of Finance, again adjusted rates, reducing them to 10 percent and 15 percent, respectively. "Some parliamentarians suggested to reduce the interest rate from 8 to 4 percent and loans from 13 to 8 or 9 percent. … If the interest rate is reduced, customers will definitely take back their money. The result will be a hit to businesses," Ye Min Oo said, explaining that if individuals' money was not being kept in banks, businesses would be unable to then take loans out using customers' deposits. "We have to be cautious on that point." He added that many businesspeople have been persistently lobbying the government to further reduce loans rates over the past year, and have the backing of some of Parliament's more business-minded lawmakers. "But the country's banking situation depends on the inflation rate too," Ye Min Oo said, pointing out a discrepancy in that metric between the government and the World Bank. "The World Bank announced it [inflation] at 6 percent, but the government announced it at only 2.5 percent, so some parliamentarians are still talking based on the government figure. "So my view is that third-party, freelance parties should calculate the country's inflation rate to get the real information," he added. Than Lwin, the vice chairman of Kanbawza Bank, said he had not heard about an impending bank rate change, but noted that any adjustment would be decided by the Central Bank, which this year became independent from the Ministry of Finance. Than Lwin acknowledged that Burma's business community would favor a lowering of loan rates, which would effectively reduce the cost of money for the nation's borrowers. "Do you think a bank interest rate drop is not good? Businessmen will be happy with the rates … [and] customers will still save because they have no opportunities to make other business here," he contended. Burmese banks' interest rates are higher than lenders in fellow Asean countries, meaning loans taken out from a Singaporean or Malaysian bank are less costly and more attractive to businesses seeking financing. "If the bank loan [interest rates] are lower than in the past, businesspeople can do more business and money will flow into the market, which is good," said Win Nyunt Lwin, editor in chief of the Farmer journal. "So Burma's bank rate standard should be equal with other Asean countries," he added. There are currently 19 privately owned banks in Burma.

Internet in Burma: Using a New Tool to Change Old Laws Posted: 06 Sep 2013 04:09 AM PDT Blogger Nay Phone Latt serves as the executive director of the Myanmar ICT Development Organization (MIDO), which provides computer and Internet training to Burma's rural communities. (Photo: Nay Phone Latt / Facebook) RANGOON — Five years ago, Nay Phone Latt's daily routine consisted of killing time by reading, doing yoga, and writing letters, short stories, and poems in his cell. But on a recent overcast morning in Rangoon, the blogger hardly had time to answer a phone call as he rushed about, before taking a bus to Burma's capital Naypyidaw in order to help change the law that sent him to prison. "I only have 20 minutes," he said with an apologetic smile to a visitor at his office, located in the crumbling city center of Rangoon. While some making final travel arrangements by phone, he paced up and down his office, where the walls bore photos of Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, and other technology gurus who Nay Phone Latt adores. Judging from another photo on the wall, taken right after his release from prison in January 2012, Burma's most well-known blogger has visibly gained weight since. Once he finally settled on a couch, he began explaining why he is now working with the former military junta that sentenced him to 20 years and six months in jail—he was released after spending serving about 4 years. "We got some extent of freedom, but the thing is the Electronic Transactions Law introduced by the military government is still valid and everybody can use the Internet freely but we are not free because the law is still there," he said. "If they want to, they can charge everybody under this law. You can say we are free, but we are not safe." Nay Phone Latt was only 28 when he was jailed for his ties to the opposition and pro-democracy movement in 2008. During the 2007 Saffron Revolution, the monk-led pro-democracy protests, bloggers like him were a key source of information as the junta cracked down on dissidents and eventually shut down the Internet in Burma. Despite his days in the notorious Insein prison and the Hpa-an Prison, Nay Phone Latt is now hopeful about the sea change in his country. He said much has changed since he witnessed the 1988 uprising as an eight-year-old boy, when the government brutally went after students and activists, killing 3,000 people. An Online Crusade In 2011, after almost 50 years of repression under the military regime, the former pariah state began opening up. Political and economic reforms have since earned President Thein Sein's nominally civilian government unprecedented praise from the international community. The release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners like Nay Phone Latt was one of the key changes introduced by Thein Sein. Yet, Nay Phone Latt and many activists, bloggers, and journalists in Burma are worried about the transition. With draconian laws still in place and new media laws in the making, they fear that the government will backslide on its commitment to democracy, human rights and media freedom. Formerly in exile, under censorship or behind bars, Burma’s wired citizens are now using the country's improving Internet infrastructure to ensure that the generals-turned-politicians will not roll back their newfound freedoms. They are wielding the digital media as weapon not only to engage a growing smartphone-savvy audience, but also to liberate an outdated legal framework that threatens, among other things, freedom of expression. Nay Phone Latt and his Myanmar ICT for Development Organization (MIDO) say many of Burma's netizens do not know about laws and the risks they face because of the outdated laws governing freedom of expression. They say they plan to use Facebook, among different platforms, to get them to support their campaign to change the laws. Burma is expected to see a massive increase in the number of Internet and smartphone users, as telecom giants Telenor, from Norway, and Ooredoo, from Qatar, prepare to quickly expand mobile Internet networks, after the firms recently received 15-year mobile operating licenses. The government has announced plans to increase mobile penetration rate from less than 10 percent at present to 80 percent in 2016. Currently, Burma has a low Internet penetration rate estimated at one to three percent of the population (there are no official government figures). Many of those who are online have taken to that most popular of social networking sites, Facebook. MIDO says that government official regularly make announcements on their Facebook pages, and so do lawmakers. When Deputy Minister for Information Ye Htut announced the winners of the telecom licenses in June, he did so on Facebook, showing just how much the social network has become a communication medium for policymakers. In addition to social networking, Burma's netizens have turned Facebook into a news portal and content aggregator. In a country of 55 million where Internet connection is notoriously slow and power outages are a normal occurrence, Facebook has managed to overtake blogs in popularity. IT experts say the social network dominates the Burmese cyberspace so much so that for its 600,000 to 800,000 users, Facebook is synonymous with the Internet. The Journalist's Story In another apartment-type office in Rangoon, freelance journalist Myint Kyaw is also often on Facebook. While typing on a MacBook (covered with the sticker "Give Freedom to Media Law, For the People to Get Truth"), he talked about the whirlwind of meetings of the interim Myanmar Press Council (MPC) composed mostly of journalists and media owners that the government tasked with drafting a media bill last year. Myint Kyaw and his Myanmar Journalist Network (MJN) — a media group with young members, mostly aged between 20 and 30 — has recently launched a signature campaign to urge Parliament to revise the new Printing and Publishing Enterprise bill that the Lower House approved in July. Local and international human rights and media freedom groups have denounced the bill, drafted by Information Ministry, as containing measures that constitute a form of prior restraint and censorship. Gathering over 10,000 signatures in Rangoon, Mandalay and other cities, MJN called on Parliament to revise the bill and to consider an alternative bill drafted and presented by the Myanmar Press Council to the Upper House in mid-August. The MPC's bill is a code of conduct covering all forms of media. MJN took its campaign to cyberspace, discussing the bill in its closed Facebook group and public Facebook fan page. It also uploaded minutes of its meetings and shared the campaign logo on the social networking site. In late August, the Upper House approved the printing bill with most of the MPC's recommendations. Press Council secretary and spokesperson Kyaw Min Swe said the parliament deleted the clause on the MOI's registration officer, authorized to issue and revoke licenses of print publications for violations as vague as "aggrieving races and religions, portraying obscenity, and abetting and instigating crime." The bill will be discussed again in the Lower House before parliament makes the final decision. A Net Effect? For now, it remains unclear how much of the journalists' initial success can be attributed to online efforts, which were done simultaneously with lobbying offline through MPC press conferences, meetings with the MOI and members of Parliament, and critical news reports on the issue. Days before the sudden passage of the bill, however, Myint Kyaw had explained why MJN chose to bring the media bill debate to Facebook. "To some extent, because the Internet users, the government officials and some NGOs are there, the online network here is also effective in terms of our needs and our views," said the chief editor of the now-defunct Yangon Press International, a news organization that only posted news on Facebook. Myint Kyaw added, "They are doing their own business. They are also aware of what is happening in the media, what are the issues. Facebook, social media, is one of the best media to get in touch with the other sectors." In the case of the publishing and printing bill, though, Myint Kyaw admitted that the discussion on MJN's public Facebook page was not vibrant, gathering only a few general statements of support. Other journalists and IT experts themselves say many Burmese netizens prefer talking about entertainment, lifestyle, and the raging ethnic and religious conflicts. "They think the law is boring," said Myint Kyaw. "Some journalists, they don't read about the law. Even the journalists don't read." Nay Phone Latt made the same observation based on MIDO's efforts to crowd-source online reactions to the technology bills it is helping draft. "Most of the people in our country and most of the netizens, they don't know about the law and they think the lawmaking process is not their duty," Nay Phone Latt said. "Actually it's not like that. The Parliament members are not skillful in the lawmaking process. They don't know everything so if they do something, we need to participate and if they do the law concerning the ICT, the people from the ICT sector should participate." As he takes part in the lawmaking process, the 33-year-old civil engineering graduate has noticed that members of Parliament are still stuck in the old paradigm. "Most of the people in the government are from the military and their thinking is based only on security," he said. "Whenever they think of something, what they are thinking is security and actually to think only of security is not enough. We should think also of the freedom of expression and freedom of the people." Continuing Concerns But the old bad habits may die hard. Under the military junta, the Internet in Burma was in tight control. The government blocked the websites of exiled and international media, and opposition and human rights groups. It also banned social networking sites and Skype. Owners of Internet cafes were even required to take screenshots and get personal information of users. During politically sensitive times like anniversaries of the 1988 uprising and the Saffron Revolution, the junta slowed down Internet access. A 2010 report of Reporters Without Borders (RWB) and the Burma Media Association also showed that Burma's ISP system was configured in such a way that different servers catered to the government ministries while another was for civilian users.  The report said this gave the military "an exclusive ability to control the country's Internet system". Burma earned the distinction of being an "Enemy of the Internet" in the RWB 2012 list while the US-based Freedom House categorized it as "Not Free" in the same year. This year, the country retained the Freedom House label, but it made headlines for moving up in the organization's annual media freedom ranking and jumping ahead of China. Indeed, despite the reforms, the laws of the past remain in place and Nay Phone Latt is now busy working to help repeal them. Concerning the controversial Electronic Transactions Law, he asks why the government requires users to register every electronic device like radios and phones. "For the telecom company, they will register, but for the end-user, they shouldn't need to do that kind of thing," he said. The blogger and former cybercafé owner is also lobbying for lower penalties and clear definitions. The law imposes a prison sentence of seven to 15 years for the use of the Internet and digital technology to receive or send information relating to state secrets or security. "What is the meaning of receive?" he asked. "The mail in your inbox is not 'receive'. Everybody can send to your inbox if they know your e-mail address but it's not your responsibility. So we need to define what is the meaning of receive, what is the meaning of send, what is the meaning of distribute." Besides being wielded against Nay Phone Latt, the Orwellian law made prisoners out of his friend, actor and comedian Zarganar, and 88 Generation activists like Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi. Nay Phone Latt was reportedly convicted partly for storing a cartoon of General Than Shwe in his e-mail account, and possessing a banned video. While in prison, he earned the RWB press freedom prize in the Cyber Dissidents category, the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award and was part of the 2010 Time Magazine 100 list in the Heroes category. A Web of Laws Thaung Su Nyein, managing director of IT and media company Information Matrix, shares the concerns of Nay Phone Latt and many journalists. After all, he is a member of the Myanmar Press Council, the Myanmar Computer Professionals Association, and the Myanmar Computer Federation, which along with MIDO helps draft ICT bills. The son of former Foreign Minister Win Aung is the publisher and editor of 7Day News, the Internet Journal, and other publications housed in a new and sprawling office in a city where the influx of foreign investors are jacking up real estate prices. The different hats Thaung Su Nyein wears allow him to see the connections and implications of the various bills. "When you give an authority the power to license something, it basically means he also has the power to remove the license," he remarked. "Even with the best intentions of the current government, who is to say these intentions won't change in the next few months especially leading up to the elections, so we're going to make sure those freedoms of expression are kept in place." In ensuring free speech, journalists had looked to political parties like Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) to champion their cause. Yet contrary to expectations, the repressive version of the printing bill passed the Lower House without any opposition from the democracy icon and her party members. The Press Council's Kyaw Min Swe said the group's meeting with Suu Kyi and the NLD in Naypyidaw in mid-August was surprising. "She looked very much like a politician," he said. "She didn't say definitely she will support us. She said every issue has a win or lose but 'I want to see the people win.' If the people win, she will support." Asked about the journalists' criticism of Suu Kyi, NLD co-founder and longtime journalist Win Tin, chuckled in his Rangoon home, a small shack on his friend's property. He was the lone NLD voice rejecting the printing bill. The 84-year-old, who still wears blue prison-style shirts five years after his release in an act of support for Burma's remaining political prisoners, defended his colleagues, saying that MPs value press freedom but are not able to read all bills. But Win Tin admitted that Burma's main opposition party is trying to address of its key shortcomings that affects its attitude towards media and technology: an aging leadership. He said the NLD was training its old leaders in using technology and recruiting more tech-savvy young leaders. "We have youth group leaders, some of them over 50 years old, grandfathers. So we are trying at the end of the year to have a youth conference," said Win Tin. "Another thing is now they are limited but very soon. They will use the Internet so it will be helpful to enlighten our party members. We are giving party members media classes, training, and how important it is to give news out." (Ex-)Soldiers in Parliament It is not just the NLD that is in need of training and young blood, however. At a bustling newsroom of the DVB Multimedia Group in Rangoon, Toe Zaw Latt wonders if his news organization can afford to move all its operations to Burma. "We pay very serious attention on what the new Broadcasting Law will look like," said the DVB's Rangoon bureau chief. "Look at the parliament. I doubt many of the parliamentarians know about specific media law, to be frank. They are former soldiers." Burma's Constitution reserves a quarter of seats in Parliament for the military, while the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) comprises many former junta leader and retains close ties with the country's powerful military. In exile, DVB was known as the Democratic Voice of Burma. It had to change its name when it returned home last year. But Toe Zaw Latt said DVB is keeping its Chiang Mai office partly because of legal uncertainty. He said the lawmakers' lack of knowledge of technology and media freedom is a key concern when the drafting of a new Broadcasting Law. "If there's a law exerting some control over [a TV/radio station's] content, we have to think about it. Because for example in your content, how many percentage do you have to cover this and that [issue]?" he said. Toe Zaw Latt said moving DVB operations to Burma could also expose the broadcaster to technological errors and controls. "What if something goes wrong and the pictures on television do not come out? People don't know the reason behind it," he added. Nay Phone Latt's MIDO tries to address the concerns about a lack of knowledge and initiative on ICT and media freedoms among lawmakers and officials by lobbying and holding training workshops in Naypyidaw. And MIDO's activities don't end there. "We try to make the connection between the government sector and ICT-related NGOs," Nay Phone Latt said, adding, "Before 2015, we will try to push some of the IT guys to run for Parliament. … [MPs] want to make the laws and regulations for the ICT sector, but if they do not have enough knowledge, they can't do that." Cybercrime Law Still Needed Yet while he promotes free speech and the rights of Internet users, Nay Phone Latt believes in the need to regulate the Web. He is pushing for the passage of a cybercrime law to address hacking, phishing, and online theft. "Cybercrimes will increase in the near future and if somebody committed the cybercrime, there will be victims," he said. "There are so many people who are online but when they go to the police station, the police will say they don't know about ICT and they cannot take responsibility. We need a cyber law and cyber police who are very skillful in ICT." Zaw Ye Naung, broadcast and online media editor of Eleven Media Group, supports the move. He said the Eleven Media website, one of the most popular news sites in Burma, has been hacked at least four times in the past two years. In the past, cyber-attacks were blamed on the state. But now Zaw Ye Naung said he has no idea who has been targeting Eleven Media's site and Facebook page, with the IPs traced to places as diverse as Hong Kong, the United States, China, and Russia. In late August, The Irrawaddy magazine reported that the so-called Blink Hacker Group attacked Burma's official Southeast Asian (SEA) Games website, as well as that of Eleven Media, the Iron Cross rock band, Myanmar Gamers, Yatanarpon Teleport, Red Link, and the web store of the Irrawaddy news agency. "What if they hack a payment system?" asked Zaw Ye Naung. "We're not a payment website, just a news website, but if we were, what do you have to show to your customers? How can we sue the person? Who is he?" On to Self-Regulation But he and other journalists are against government proposals to regulate Facebook to prevent the spread of hate speech amid violence pitting Buddhists against Muslims, and clashes between the military and ethnic groups. Deputy Information Minister Ye Htut said in July, "Our department is willing to develop regulations and public service media training for that. The government has no intention of blocking people, but we are ready to stop people who are diverting from the law." Nay Phone Latt said he does not like government regulation either. "I want to have the regulation by the people," he said. "We regulate ourselves. We will check and balance our own society. We will make our own regulation, like a self-regulation system. That is the solution. If we can regulate ourselves, the government need not regulate us." He paused, then continued: "Actually, the long-term solution is in the education system. If we can put the ICT sector in the curriculum, every student will know about the nature of the ICT and they will know how they can use ICT effectively and for their own development and for society's development." Nay Phone Latt knows he has his work cut out for him.  As it is, the poor infrastructure and various sectors' lack of awareness and capacity have limited the Internet into being just a supplement to direct lobbying for now. He and other free speech activists are also aware that like the changes in Burmese cyberspace, the country's democratic transition is still premature. So even now that he was already running late, he said he would still be taking that bus ride to Naypyidaw. "I worry for the future," said Nay Phone Latt. "But at the same time, we try to cooperate with the government and the military and the solution is how we can persuade everybody: the hardliners, the military, everybody. The destiny of our country is how we can persuade them to go forward in the democratic society." This article first appeared on www.rappler.com in September 2013. It was produced for the 2013 Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) fellowship program. Ayee Macaraig, a multimedia reporter for the Manila-based Rappler.com, is one of the 2013 fellows. This year's theme is Freedom of Expression Challenges to Internet Government in Southeast Asia.

Japanese Media Starts to Make Waves in Burma Posted: 06 Sep 2013 04:00 AM PDT Recent issues of The Yangon Press, a Japanese-language monthly newspaper that first launched in May as a bimonthly. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — It's no secret these days that Burma is very much on the minds of Japanese policy makers and investors, who after decades of keeping their distance from the formerly military-ruled country are keen to get in on the action in Asia's newest frontier market. But it is probably less well-known that as the country relaxes its controls over the long-stifled media sector, Japanese-language publications have been quick to stake out a place for themselves in Burma's new media landscape. Over the past year, at least eight new print and online publications have sprung up aimed at satisfying Japanese curiosity about the Southeast Asian nation that was once regarded as one of the world's most closed countries. Although many of these new Japanese publications provide little more than PR for businesses trying to attract Japanese expats and tourists, at least one strives to be the real deal. The Yangon Press, a now monthly newspaper launched in May as a bimonthly, calls itself "The first real Japanese media in Myanmar"—a boast that is slightly belied by its modest size and limited scope (the latest issue is just 16 pages long and consists largely of local business listings and practical information of interest to both residents and tourists, including lifestyle and travel advice), but one that its founder seems to take quite seriously. "The regular Japanese media gets it wrong on Myanmar half the time," says Tomio Kurihara, a veteran journalist who first came to Burma two and a half years ago on assignment. "That's why one of our most important goals is to accurately convey the real situation here." Speaking to The Irrawaddy at the small Yangon Press office, Kurihara explains how on his first encounter with Burma he became enchanted with a country trying to rebuild and re-enter the world after decades of isolation. "It reminded me of the Japan of my childhood, when all Japanese people were trying hard, working together to rebuild their nation from scratch after losing the war," he says. Within six months of that initial visit, Kurihara was back in Burma, this time as director and secretary general of the newly formed Japan-Myanmar Association for Culture and Economic Exchange (JMACE), an organization that seeks to facilitate joint business ventures, humanitarian initiatives and cultural exchange between the two countries. But after a lifetime of traveling the world as a journalist, interviewing the likes of former Russian leader Mikhail Gorbachev and the Dalai Lama, Kurihara couldn't fail to notice that Burma lacked a homegrown Japanese-language newspaper. When the government started liberalizing Burma's media laws and handing out licenses for new private publications last April, Kurihara jumped at the chance to fill this gap, and at the same time put his years of journalistic experience to use in fulfilling his newfound role. As Japan's government commits to mega-projects such as the Thilawa Special Economic Zone near Rangoon and Japanese tourists and investors pour in to see what Burma has to offer, the Yangon Press will likely be well positioned in the years ahead to meet a growing demand. But it remains to be seen whether it will be able to realize its loftier goal of raising the standards of Japanese journalism on Burma. One thing you won't see in the pages of the Yangon Press is news that's likely to rile the Burmese authorities. "We take a neutral stance," says Kurihara, explaining that as the director of JMACE, he doesn't want to jeopardize the goodwill that his organization fosters through its humanitarian work. Kurihara's goal, then, is to make a splash without rocking any boats—something that is easier said than done in the often treacherous waters of a country that is changing faster than anybody could have imagined just a few years ago.

Dirty Living in Downtown Rangoon Posted: 06 Sep 2013 03:50 AM PDT An alleyway in downtown Rangoon is filled with garbage. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Some people would call Burma's commercial capital busy, others might describe it as expensive, but nearly everyone can agree on one thing: It's dirty. Travel guidebooks will say Rangoon is most famous for the beautiful Shwedagon Pagoda, a sacred Buddhist site and a major tourist attraction. But bring your eyes down from the towering golden spires to the streets, and the view can be somewhat less appealing. In a city of more than 6 million residents, littering is a major problem for Rangoon. In the downtown area, it is common to see people tossing garbage on the curb, spitting betel nut juice onto the sidewalk, discarding leftover food in alleyways, and urinating on the roadside. "People don't care about throwing rubbish here," Aye Kyaw, a street vendor on Anawrahta Road, told The Irrawaddy. "Authorities also don't have a good [waste collection] system. I know it's not good for health, but it's the practice. It's normal here. Another young man, Mon Yan, jumped into the conversation, saying, "I do throw trash carelessly sometimes, simply because I don’t see any trash bins nearby." He said people also commonly urinated on the roadside, and he joked, "If you don't dare to urinate on the roadside, people here know that you are not a Rangoon resident." A shopkeeper added, "I think people are just in the habit of throwing rubbish, but it's not a good habit. As our country opens up and more tourists visit, it's not good for our image." During the hot months of summer, Rangoon reeks of refuse, and during monsoon season, when heavy rains can lead to flooding after a single day, garbage flows through the streets. Some floods are caused because the drains are blocked by trash. The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the international development arm of the Japanese government, is working alongside the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), the administrative body of Rangoon, to help solve some of these problems by modernizing the city after decades of low investment during military rule. As part of the "Greater Yangon" project, JICA hopes to upgrade the city's drainage facilities and sewage system, in addition to improving its water supply. Noriko Sakurai, an adviser for the Japanese foundation, said the YCDC department for pollution control and cleaning launched an initiative in April last year to provide different garbage cans for wet and dry waste, though many more garbage cans are needed. Rangoon produces about 2,000 tons of garbage daily, according to local media reports. The city has several garbage dumps, but the main dump is in Hlaing Tharyar Township, on the city's southwest outskirts. Maki Morikawa, another adviser assisting JICA with infrastructure plans in Rangoon, said a research team working with Rangoon authorities had also identified a wide array of problems with public transportation in the city. Among priorities for investment, he cited a need to strengthen the reliability, comfort and safety of buses; to improve railway tracks and infrastructure, and to upgrade and modernize the traffic management system. Despite political and economic reforms under Burma's quasi-civilian government, Rangoon's municipal department has been criticized by the public for failing to adequately improve waste management or tackle flooding, traffic congestion, poor water supply and power outages. In May, environmentalists in the city planned to clean up some litter-strewn streets and public spaces over a weekend but were stopped by municipal authorities. The environmentalists, led by Free Funeral Service Association founder and former Burmese actor Kyaw Thu, began a campaign in two townships to educate the public on the importance of disposing waste properly. The group also planned to pick up trash in the downtown area, but they were contacted by a municipal committee and told they were forbidden from doing so. At the time, Myint Myint Khin Pe, the wife of Kyaw Thu, told The Irrawaddy that the municipal authorities had not provided a reason for the decision. "They might think that our action is affecting their work somehow," she said. "But it is neither to condemn the municipal department nor to highlight their weak points. At least this would have helped them to educate people on how to manage waste and how to throw it away properly." On many city streets, food vendors commonly set up tables alongside piles of garbage. Many Burmese rely on street food because it is cheaper than eating at restaurants, although often less sanitary. The majority of daily workers in the city earn about 50,000 kyats (US$50) monthly. Ko Lin, a tour company driver, regularly eats street food. "I know it's not good for my health, but I can't pay for expensive food and I don't have time to cook because I need to drive all day every day," he said. The street food made him sick when he first started eating it, after returning to Burma from time living abroad in Malaysia, but he said his stomach eventually adjusted. "I don't want to get addicted to the habit of consuming good food simply because I can't pay for it," he said. "If you practice eating street food, you will make it. Your stomach will be upset the first time if you don't do it often. But later you'll have a strong stomach, like me." In Burma, the life expectancy for men is 60 years old, while the life expectancy for women is 65. "I don't expect to live longer than 50," he added. "I'm afraid I can't work to earn my living if I'm older than 50. I'm OK with that. It's enough for me."

In The New Burma, Old Junta-era Laws Survive and Adapt Posted: 05 Sep 2013 10:53 PM PDT A Burmese reporter shows signatures they collected in support of the freedom press law in the Myanmar Journalist Network office in Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — It was once the feared weapon of a military junta, ruthlessly deployed to restrict Burma’s nascent Internet and throw journalists, students, monks and other political opponents behind bars. The junta is gone, but the Electronic Transactions Law and other draconian legislation remain on Burma’s books. Attempts to revamp them are stirring debate over the reformist credentials of the semi-civilian government that took power in 2011 and how far it will loosen tough state controls. Other junta-era laws have been scrapped or amended, only to be replaced by contentious alternatives that rights advocates regard as a threat to the emergence of a free media and civil society after nearly half a century of dictatorship. Burma’s former military junta imposed the Electronic Transactions Act in 2004 to counter the growing influence of the Internet, which had been introduced to Burma a few years earlier. Offenders can be jailed for up to 15 years for sending an e-mail containing information deemed detrimental to the nation’s security, economy, culture or "peace and tranquility". In January, a motion to abolish the law was rejected by the lower house of parliament, which is packed with active and former military officers. A revised motion to amend the law, replacing its long prison terms with shorter ones or fines, will be debated when parliament resumes in October. A member of the drafting committee told Reuters the law was being changed to focus on supporting e-commerce and fighting cyber crime such as credit card fraud. "The existing law is concerned with the power and stability of the previous regime to detain those who opposed them," said the committee member, who declined to be identified as he is not authorized to speak to media. "We are changing the aims and objectives." Remnants of a Brutal Past But prominent victims of the law say the new draft version they’ve seen contains language that would still allow the government to target activists in Burma, also known as Burma. "The proposed amendments are not much different from the original law," said Ko Ko Gyi, 52, a former political prisoner sentenced to 65 years in jail after leading anti-government protests in 2007. His term included four 15-year sentences under the Electronic Transactions Law. Aung Thein, a veteran lawyer who has represented Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and other celebrated democrats, said the law was an unwanted remnant of a dark past. "There was a time when we had to apply for a license to own a radio," he said. "Now things have changed a lot in telecommunications and electronic technology. I don’t think this law should exist." Even if its penalties were amended, the law would remain vague and arbitrary, he said. President Thein Sein is a retired general and many of his ministers were high-ranking members of the old junta. Last year, his government won international plaudits for abolishing strict censorship of newspapers and magazines. But a new Printing and Publishing Enterprises Law, already passed by parliament, has been criticized by Burma’s journalists. Thiha Saw, editor of the English-language Burma Freedom Daily, said the revised law differed little from the original one, introduced after the military seized power in 1962. "Most journalists hate it," he said. Also causing outrage is a draft law on associations made public in July, which activists say could give the government arbitrary powers to crack down on any groups it does not like. If passed, the law would require domestic and international non-governmental organizations to register with the government. Members of organizations that fail to register can be imprisoned for up to three years. The law would be "a serious setback for the development of a strong and vibrant civil society", Tomas Ojea Quintana, the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, said in an August 21 statement. Look to Neighbors? The government is taking some criticism on board, said Nay Phone Latt, a blogger who was convicted under the Electronic Transactions Law and spent four years in prison. He said members of the committee drafting the new associations law met last month with civil society delegates in the capital, Naypyitaw. "After our discussion, they will make amendments so the government cannot silence civil society organizations," said Nay Phone Latt, now executive director of Burma ICT for Development Organization, which promotes internet access and freedom. Former political prisoner Ko Ko Gyi said Burma should "study the laws of other countries", although many Southeast Asian governments already impose severe restrictions on the Internet and freedoms of speech and association. In Vietnam, a decree took effect this month that makes it a crime to share news via blogs and social networks. Reporters Without Borders, which says 35 bloggers and internet activists languish in Vietnam’s jails, called it "nonsensical and extremely dangerous". Thailand has prosecuted hundreds of people under strict laws governing cyber-crime and the monarchy while in Malaysia last year, bloggers and opposition politicians staged a one-day "internet blackout" to protest against a law they said threatened online expression. Singapore also enforces tough controls on the Internet, introducing this year new regulations on websites that regularly report on the city state, sparking debate over whether the measure was a new attempt to stifle online criticism of the government.

As Protest Looms, Cambodia’s Strongman Hun Sen Faces Restive, Tech-savvy Youth Posted: 05 Sep 2013 10:49 PM PDT Youths of the Cambodian National Rescue Party clap their hands during a rehearsal of a demonstration ahead of the planned Sept 8 mass protests in Phnom Penh. (Photo: Pring Samrang / Reuters) PHNOM PENH — At the Bonna Business Center, a tiny Internet cafe near the opulent mansion of Cambodia’s long-ruling Prime Minister Hun Sen, coffee is served with a big lump of dissatisfaction. "They talk about seven percent economic growth," says Ou Rithy, 27, who hosts weekly political discussions at the cafe with other young Cambodians. "But I’m still a poor man." He blames Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which won a recent general election widely criticized as rigged but lost the nation’s heart and soul – its restive, tech-savvy and increasingly outspoken youth. About 70 percent of Cambodia’s 14 million people are under 30, a demographic whose growing political clout is challenging the country’s aging and corrupt leadership, while breathing life into a once-moribund opposition who have called for mass protests on Saturday. The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) said Hun Sen cheated his way to victory in the July 28 election and has vowed to protest until an independent committee is formed to investigate alleged voting irregularities. Hun Sen has denied the allegations. According to initial results, the CPP won the election with a greatly reduced majority, revealing widespread unhappiness with Hun Sen’s iron-fisted rule despite rapid economic growth. CNRP leader Sam Rainsy has urged supporters to "pray for peace" at Saturday’s protest, but many fear it could lead to months of political deadlock or even violence. In recent days, thousands of riot police armed with batons and shields have rehearsed crowd control methods in Phnom Penh’s parks. It is Hun Sen’s biggest political crisis in two decades, threatening to destabilize a tiny Southeast Asian nation with strong economic and political ties to China. Cambodia owes its youthful demographic to its tragic past. Whole generations were wiped out during the 1975-79 "Killing Fields" regime of the Khmer Rouge, when more than a million people were killed or died of disease. Hun Sen has long hailed himself and the CPP for rescuing the country from the ensuing years of chaos and poverty. But such appeals increasingly fall flat with young people born long after the Khmer Rouge’s terror ended. "Social Justice" "Young people want social justice, they want jobs, and they want a good education system," says Ou Rithy, a political science graduate who has watched many peers desert his home province of Pursat to seek work in neighboring Thailand. Soaring use of smart phones and the Internet have allowed young Cambodians to sidestep the government’s strict control of television, radio and newspapers. In 2008, when Hun Sen easily won the last election, only about 70,000 people had access to the Internet, according to government statistics. By last year, that number had soared to 2.7 million, helped by a similarly exponential rise in mobile phones. There are now more cellphones used in Cambodia – 19 million – than there are Cambodians. Also accelerating communication since the last election is the Khmer-language version of unicode, a computing encoding standard used for different languages and scripts. This allowed Cambodian Internet users to easily write and share information in their own language. "Even those who don’t speak English can still create Facebook accounts in Khmer," said But Buntenh, 34, a Buddhist monk and blogger at the Bonna Business Center. State media routinely ignore opposition rallies. But this news blackout encouraged many Cambodians to seek information from social media, usually with just a click on their phones. Despite its large campaign budget, the CPP underestimated the frustrations of ordinary Cambodians and the opposition’s growing popularity, says Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR). "It wasn’t until shortly before election day that we started to see the impressive level of youth involvement," he said. "Even then people weren’t sure to what extent this would impact the actual results." A Cambodian Spring? More than a third of the country’s 9.6 million eligible voters are under 30, although many work abroad and don’t cast ballots, said the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia. The CPP has limited youth appeal. Hun Sen is 61 and has vowed to rule until he is 74. Its youth wing is widely regarded as a political vehicle for Hun Sen’s youngest son, Hun Many, 30. The opposition CNRP has a more youthful image, with Koul Kanha, director of the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (Comfrel), calling it the "Facebook party". Formed last year after the merger of two parties, the CNRP owed part of its resurgence to social media. Photos and video of alleged election fraud also went viral thanks to Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. But the government didn’t attempt to shut down the social network, despite many users posting critical – and sometimes racist and vulgar – remarks about CPP figures. Hun Sen disavowed a Facebook page bearing his name after Sam Rainsy repeatedly taunted him for having fewer "likes". Some analysts say the rise of a youthful opposition to Hun Sen could signal a "Cambodian Spring" similar to the popular but often ill-fated movements against authoritarian rulers in the Arab world. Ou Rithy disagrees. "Young people don’t want a revolution, they want evolution – a gradual change based on non-violence," he says. Sam Rainsy has accused the CPP of colluding with the National Election Committee to steal 2.3 million votes from his party. He disputes results showing the CPP won 68 seats in parliament to the CNRP’s 55. Hun Sen has vowed to form a government despite the opposition’s campaign.

Sri Lankan Tamil Party to Call for Federal Powers Posted: 05 Sep 2013 10:32 PM PDT A Tamil woman cries as she holds up an image of her family member who disappeared during the civil war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) at a vigil to commemorate the international day of the disappeared in Colombo on Aug. 30, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) COLOMBO — Sri Lanka's main ethnic Tamil political party says it will lobby for increased regional powers based on federalism, and an international investigation into alleged war crimes during the country's civil war if it wins power in upcoming provincial elections. The Tamil National Alliance, a front-runner in the Sept. 21 Northern Provincial Council elections, said in a policy statement that the current power-sharing arrangement with the provinces is flawed because the central government has overriding power through its agent, the provincial governor. "The TNA firmly believes that sovereignty lies with the people and not with the state. It is not the government in Colombo that holds the right to govern the Tamil people, but the people themselves," the party said. The statement, released Tuesday, comes amid plans by the ethnic Sinhalese-controlled central government to curtail the provinces' existing land and police powers, saying they could lead to the country's division. Tamils are a majority in Northern Province but a minority nationally. The government announced elections in the north amid intense international pressure that it share powers with Tamils following a quarter-century civil war that ended in 2009. Government security forces defeated Tamil Tiger rebels who were fighting to create an independent state for Tamils in the north and east. Both sides have been accused of serious war crimes and a United Nations report has said that 40,000 civilians may have been killed in the final phase of the conflict. The party said it will call for an independent international investigation into the alleged wartime abuses to ascertain the truth and obtain compensation for victims. The United Nations and the United States have called for a credible domestic investigation into the allegations, warning that a failure could strengthen calls for an international probe. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, who concluded a visit to Sri Lanka last weekend, said she heard complaints in the north of missing relatives in the war, intrusive military control of civilian lives in education, agriculture and tourism, and acquisition of private land for military camps since the war. The TNA was considered a proxy for the rebels during the war. Since their defeat it has abandoned separatism.

Thailand Under Pressure to End Rubber Protest After Violence Posted: 05 Sep 2013 10:24 PM PDT Heavy rain falls on policemen taking positions as rubber farmers protest near the airport in Surat Thani on Sept. 4, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Athit Perawongmetha) BANGKOK — Thailand faced pressure on Friday to end a two-week protest by rubber farmers after violent overnight clashes between riot police and a group of protesters who hurled rocks and bottles filled with an acidic liquid. Police fired tear gas to disperse a group of protesters in Prachuap Khiri Khan province on a main road from Bangkok to the southern beach resort region of Phuket. At least 21 policemen were injured, authorities said. "Acid and rocks were thrown at police, leaving one officer with a serious injury. Orders were issued to use teargas after a group of youths, who were not part of the protest, fired at police," Deputy Prime Minister Pracha Promnok said on Friday. "The situation this morning is calm and the farmers have dispersed." Thailand is the world's biggest rubber producer and exporter with around 90 percent of its output heading overseas. The protests have disrupted distribution systems and delayed thousands of metric tons of Thai rubber shipments. Tens of thousands of farmers in the country's main southern rubber-producing region are demanding greater state support after a slowdown in demand from China and concerns over global economic growth sent prices tumbling to multi-year lows in mid-2012. China accounts for 35 percent of global rubber consumption. They mainly support the opposition Democrat Party and have accused Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra of supporting rice farmers in her key north and northeastern constituencies through a rice-buying program, while neglecting rubber farmers in the south of the country. Earlier in the week, rubber farmers blocked roads and railways and threatened to shut down 14 city halls after the government rejected their demands for price rises. In a bid to lift prices, the government on Thursday scrapped a tax on rubber exports until the end of the year but the move failed to placate protesters. Deputy Prime Minister Pracha and other officials on Friday flew down to Nakhon Si Thammarat, the location of a major rally site in the south, to hold talks with protest leaders. "The Prime Minister wants this problem solved immediately so that the situation in the south returns to normal," said Pracha. A $690-million rubber subsidy program that ended in May saw the government buy 210,000 tons of rubber at 10 percent more than the daily market price. The scheme was axed after criticism that it was costly and distorted market prices and industry officials say extending the rubber scheme could cost Thailand more than $620 million. Protesters have already shot down a government offer to give farmers 1,260 baht (US$39.00) per acre of rubber plantations for up to 25 acres of land, arguing that the offer will not help support falling prices.

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