Friday, October 20, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Reassessing the Role of Myanmar’s Powerful Military

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 05:32 AM PDT

Without the military's collaboration, the democratic transition in Myanmar will go nowhere. Like it or not, it's the realpolitik of the country and no one can discard that reality.

Unlike most countries in the world, the military here is unavoidably at the epicenter of the country's politics constitutionally, traditionally and historically.

That's a fact. Thus, not only domestic leaders but also international leaders must deal with its leadership to achieve their respective missions in the fragile state of Myanmar.

Many people of Myanmar loathed the military dictatorship that oppressed them for decades. The international community punished the military with sanctions for its abuse of power against its own people; its grip on power that went against international norms.

To date, however, political transformation has not evolved beyond a framework designed by the ex-military regime.

The past one and a half years since the first elected government led by the National League for Democracy took office has proven again that the military is still the most important stakeholder in the political arena.

Twenty-nine years after a nationwide uprising stormed against the military dictatorship in 1988, the popular pro-democracy camp has failed in achieving its goal: to remove the military from the political arena after making it return to the barracks.

And the mainstream opposition groups comprising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD, dozens of other political parties, ethnic parties and political activist groups couldn't make their own strategies beyond a political roadmap planned by the military regime.

During that time, however, the military managed to have a constitution which guarantees it an important leadership role in the political arena.

Today, as a result, the military is still at the epicenter of politics although it isn't running the government.

Constitutionally, the military's commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is perhaps the most important power holder.

He chooses the 25 percent of military appointees in all parliaments nationally and regionally. He nominates a vice president and three key ministerial positions—defense, home and border affairs.

In addition, the military chief is the supreme commander in chief of all armed forces, from the military to the police to paramilitary groups. In other countries, this position is supposed to be for the president.

Traditionally, the military had ruled the country for many decades from 1958 to 1960 as a caretaker government and from 1962 to 2011 as a military government. Besides, from 2011 to early 2016, the military-proxy party, known as the Union Solidarity and Development Party, ruled the country through a quasi-civilian government. Thus, the military and its political party had ruled the country for fifty-six out of the sixty-nine years since it gained independence from British colonial rule in 1948.

Historically, the military was formed as the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in 1941 to fight for independence from the British. BIA was formed by patriotic politicians led by independence leader Gen. Aung San, father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. So, the consecutive military leaders hold a belief that the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw, is patriotic with "a crucial duty to protect the State from internal and external threats and destructive elements which endanger its sovereignty."

With such roles in history and politics, the military has strengthened itself throughout history. It has become one of the strongest armed forces in Southeast Asia, with more than 450,000 troops.

The Tatmadaw is resilient in the political arena though it has faced continuous resistance throughout its rule. Sanctions from the West for 20 years didn't make the military weak.

All of its leaders, especially after its takeover of the country in 1988, have never swayed from three causes of their motto: "The non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty."

The current leader of the military, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, is no different.

Last Sunday, we could see once more the military's power and its steadfast political stand when Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing made a speech at the ceremony of the 2nd anniversary of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in Naypyitaw.

The military chief was one of three leaders to make speeches together with the de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi representing the government and Saw Mutu Sae Poe, chairman of Karen National Union, representing a bloc of ethnic armed groups which have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.

The military chief is always among key leaders to make such a speech in important political ceremonies and also a key host to all foreign dignitaries, who request to meet the military chief when they want to discuss military or security matters.

The head of the state and other cabinet ministers are not legitimately placed to answer such specific questions.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's speech on Sunday was different from the other two leaders' speeches.

The State Counselor emphasized leaving a good legacy of peace for the next generation and appealed for collaboration from everyone for the peace process.

The Karen leader called for autonomy and integrity for ethnic people in accordance with the Panglong agreement signed in 1947 between the then Prime Minister Aung San and ethnic leaders, making crucial suggestions for the current peace process.

In contrast, the military chief not only touched on the peace process and the country's stability but also about the multiparty system, the military's tasks in laying out the foundation for the multiparty system, the definitions of democracy, different views on the rule of law, differences between revolution and building the country, and the military's historic role in fighting for independence.

Some critics might even have considered his speech a "political lecture" to the audience, from the head of the state to ethnic leaders to heads of foreign missions.

It would be very unusual in other countries, but in Myanmar, the exclusive audience had to listen to his 15-minutes speech. And the commander-in-chief delivered the speech with the confidence and conviction needed when speaking to such an audience.

The military chief said the military government carried out political, economic and social development undertakings from 1988 till 2010 by building the road for a multiparty system. He said, "Every person and every organization needs to understand the multiparty system. The military is carrying out to continue to walk on the policy of the multiparty system with steadfast and caution."

"As democracy is seen as a system, it can be assumed that it is as a task or ethic to achieve success if it is followed and respected by everyone."

The senior general said while legal scholars focus on stability to determine the rule of law, there are two factors of "accountability" and "no one above the law" according to political point of view.

The military chief said more than one time in his speech, "No one is above the law." He also added, "Any person or organization must respect the existing laws in carrying out any type of their duties. The law cannot be abused as a tool."

He was not referring to any specific person. Some people might ask whether he was referring to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was sitting in the front row. Because right after the NLD government took office at the end of March 2016, the NLD-dominated Parliament proposed the "State Counsellor" bill, which the President U Htin Kyaw signed into law in early April.

The military lawmakers said the bill was unconstitutional and all of them boycotted the proceedings by refusing to cast a ballot during the session.

As for the NLD, the position was created out of political necessity: though Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party won the landslide in the election, she is barred from the presidency in the military-drafted Constitution. The military leadership might have seen that it was above the law as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi created a position "above the president."

Over the past one and half years in office, the NLD-government has found it difficult to rule the country as it planned to in important areas such as the peace process, amending some laws, planning to change the undemocratic Constitution and other issues, including tackling the urgent Rakhine conflict. For those sectors, the military is at the center among all key stakeholders.

The military and the government are not going at the same pace in tackling all the issues. In all security measures, the military calls the shots—especially in fighting with ethnic armed groups and waging military operations against militant group the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which launched orchestrated attacks on government security outposts in late August.

It's sheer unrealistic for someone to imagine that the country's current political transition will advance without the role of the military or the military will leave the political arena to return to its barracks in the near future.

In 2012, the then defence minister Lt-Gen Hla Min said at the security forum of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore that the Tatmadaw "may play a lesser role in politics once the country is more developed and that when the time is appropriate, there would be changes and the 20 percent participation in the national legislature could be reduced." Five years after, the military hasn't changed that standing at all.

Certainly, Myanmar's politics and its democratic transition need the military's collaboration.

If the military fully collaborates, the transition will be swift. If the military hesitates, the transition will be sluggish. If the military has no collaboration at all, it will stall completely.

The post Reassessing the Role of Myanmar's Powerful Military appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Workshop Inspires Hope for Myanmar’s Film Heritage

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 05:09 AM PDT

YANGON — A pioneering workshop for film preservation techniques aiming to raise awareness about the deteriorating situation of old Myanmar film reels and to teach best practices of maintaining them was held in Yangon this week.

The two-day workshop—the first of its kind in Myanmar—was organized by the Save Myanmar Film team in cooperation with Unesco's Memory of the World Committee for Asia and the Pacific (MOWCAP).

Fifteen participants including four government officials from the Ministry of Information's Motion Picture Development Branch attended the workshop, coached by two well-known archivists from Australia, according to Save Myanmar Film.

Save Myanmar Film is a project that seven local filmmakers launched earlier this year to raise awareness about audio-visual restoration of films and film-related materials including posters, scripts and photographs.

Maung Okkar, a member of Save Myanmar Film, said the workshop is an important first step for archiving, restoring and digitalizing film reels in the future.

"We can't do anything about digitalization if there is nothing left," he said. "We took this initiative to store and preserve the existing film reels."

Myanmar started making films in 1920 and hundreds of black-and-white films, including silent ones, were produced. The period from the 1950s to the 1970s is still viewed by many as the industry's "golden age," with local filmmakers producing nearly 100 original films each year on average in a competitive market.

Together with hundreds of news and documentary reels from over the past decades, there are only 12 black-and-white and 127 color films currently housed at the Film Archive office situated in commercial capital Yangon and some reels are in danger of deteriorating, according to U Bhone, caretaker of the vault.

Many reels are damaged every year at the archive vault due to outdated preservation techniques.

Ray Edmondson, an award-winning audiovisual archivist and one of the two instructors at the workshop, told The Irrawaddy that the archiving system in Myanmar is still in its early stages. However, awareness raising and capacity building would make people informed about what is happening and what is missing, he continued.

Award-winning audiovisual archivist Ray Edmondson was photographed during the workshop on October 19, 2017. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing/ The Irrawaddy)

Edmondson said cinema is a part of Myanmar's national memory and identity, which must be looked after. Those who work in film preservation need commitment, enthusiasm and persistence, he explained.

"It is not a field [in which] we get rich. You don't get famous. You don't get anything… You do it because it matters," Edmondson said.

U Han Linn Aung, a workshop participant and an assistant director at the Motion Picture Development Branch, told The Irrawaddy that such an opportunity is valuable to him because he could relay his knowledge of film preservation techniques to future generations of cinema lovers so that they could develop them further.

He feels nostalgic whenever he sees film reels, he said, as he worked in a motion picture department for more than two decades.

"Film reels speak to us about many things—histories, diverse cultures and many more things that we weren't there to witness," he said.

"If we start preserving the current conditions well now, our future generations will be able to work better with what we hand over to them."

Two archivists from Australia; Mick Newnham (L) and Ray Edmondson (R), were photographed during the workshop on October 19, 2017. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing/ The Irrawaddy)

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Police Hunt Man Who Claimed to be Next Buddha to Abuse Young Women

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 04:52 AM PDT

MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — The Mon State government has issued a warrant for the arrest of Khun Tan, who reportedly claimed to be the next Buddha and seduced young girls to have sex with him, said Mon State chief minister Dr Aye Zan.

"We've issued an arrest warrant for him for defaming Buddhism. Khun Tan has, however, escaped, but we've got five of his accomplices," Dr. Aye Zan told The Irrawaddy.

Khun Tan, also known as Zat Lite, has reportedly fled to Hopong in Shan State's Taunggyi District, and the Mon State government is cooperating with the Shan State government to apprehend him, he added.

According to Pa-O ethnic Ko Khun Aung Myo Thein, a resident of Mon State's Thaton, Khun Tan was born in Kone Tha village in Hopong Township and arrived in Thaton around 18 years ago when he was seven.

Local Pa-O people were led to believe that he was the reincarnation of Alantaya Sayadaw Ashin Sakka—a Pa-O ethnic monk who was quite influential and respected among not only Pa-O people but also across the country.

"As far as I'm concerned, Khun Tan could not speak Burmese well. I believe he won't declare himself to be the reincarnation of Alantaya Sayadaw. But I don't know if there are people who are fabricating information," Ko Khun Aung Myo Thein told The Irrawaddy.

Khun Tan allegedly convinced Pa-O parents living in the Alantaya religious area—the area surrounding the monastery of Alantaya Sayadaw—that their daughters would be blessed if they have sex with him after they reach puberty.

According to Pa-O ethnic affairs minister of Mon State government Daw San Wint Khaing, such cases began in 2012, and Khun Tan has allegedly slept with hundreds of girls mostly aged around 15.

Ko Khun Aung Myo Thein explained that according to tradition of Pa-O people, persons who are destined to face ill fortune according to their horoscopes can avert it by nominally marrying a person who is believed to have good fortune.

"So, there is such a tradition. But marrying is jut nominal and it doesn't include sex," he said.

Ko Khun Aung Myo Thein however objected to the term used by media "offering of virginity" to describe Khun Tan's alleged sex with young girls and said that he had no comment if or not Khun Tan has actually slept with them.

Dr. Aye Zan said his government has been shadowing Khun Tan for two months, and has a record of his offences, but could not take actions against him as no one filed a lawsuit.

"The problem was that such a case needs to be filed by the girls. But girls didn't file a complaint, and it is difficult for us to intervene," said Dr. Aye Zan.

However, on Oct. 2, a complaint was filed with the Mon State Parliament Women and Child Rights Protection Committee, saying that Khun Tan had seduced five girls, aged between 16 and 18, in Alantaya religious area and three surrounding villages to marry him.

"Since the locals are very poorly educated, they believed that he was the Buddha-to-be and offering virgin sex would bring [their daughters] good luck," ethnic affairs minister Daw San Wint Khaing told The Irrawaddy.

According to her, Khun Tan either paid or threatened girls in Alantaya religious area to have sex with him.

Thaton District General Administration Department is interrogating the administrator of Zayit Chaung village for allegedly covering up two rape cases committed by Khun Tan, district commissioner U Teza Aung told The Irrawaddy.

Daw Khaing Khaing Lei, chairperson of Mon State Parliament Women and Child Rights Protection Committee, and Pa-O ethnic affairs minister Daw San Wint Khaing have received messages of death threats on social media following the disclosure of the case.

Union minister for Religious Affairs and Culture U Aung Ko has told reporters in Naypyitaw that his ministry would definitely take action against Khun Tan.

The post Police Hunt Man Who Claimed to be Next Buddha to Abuse Young Women appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Arrest Seven Self-identifying Rohingya in Irrawaddy Region

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 04:45 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — Police arrested seven self-identifying Rohingya and three others believed to be traveling to Yangon, in Kyangin Township, Irrawaddy Region on Wednesday evening.

Police spotted a car carrying seven self-identifying Rohingya at an inspection gate in Kyangin Township, and arrested them as well as the car driver and his assistant.

"In cooperation with the Rakhine Police Force, we also arrested a resident of Rakhine State's Minbya Township called Ko Shae (aka) Kyaw Win (aka) Nyi Shae on Wednesday. He arranged for transportation of self-identifying Rohingya to Yangon. We will bring him to Irrawaddy and investigate," spokesperson of Irrawaddy Division Police Force Police Lt-Col Khin Maung Latt told The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar's minority Muslims in Rakhine State—who identify as Rohingya but are labeled "Bengali" by many—are denied basic human rights by the Myanmar government including access to healthcare, education, and freedom of movement.

Nearly 600,000 self-identifying Rohingya have fled northern Rakhine State since Aug. 25 after deadly militant attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army prompted a violent government security crackdown dogged by accusations of rape, extrajudicial killings, and arson.

The UN has labeled the government's actions in Rakhine State a "text book example of ethnic cleansing."

Kyangin Township Immigration department has filed a lawsuit against the seven self-identifying Rohingyas under Residents of Burma Registration Rules 1951. Police have charged the driver, his assistant and Ko Shae.

Police searched the truck at an inspection gate in Kyangin Township's Zibinkwin village-tract and discovered seven self-identifying Rohingyas hiding among 260 rice bags in the truck.

According to an initial police investigation, driver Hla Myint and his assistant Yan Maung Tun transported commodities from Yangon to Sittwe and arrived in Minbya on October 15. There, the two met Ko Shae who persuaded them to take self-identifying Rohingyas to Yangon and paid 800,000 kyats in transportation fees for each of them.

Hla Myint accepted the job to transport the self-identifying Rohingya to 'Min Mahar' filling station in Yangon's Hlaingthayar Township where a man called Abul Sede was supposed to meet them, according to the police.

Ko Shae picked up seven self-identifying Rohingyas onto the truck outside Minbya on Tuesday evening. The truck was stopped in Kyangin on its way to Yangon the following day, said the police.

"Taking a look at this case, we can see that they have connections and selected a route and acted according to a plan. We will keep increased security measures to find out similar cases," said police Lt-Col Khin Maung Latt.

Police stations along the coast of Irrawaddy Region have been put on high alert since Aug. 26 over fears that violence in Rakhine State could spill over to the adjacent region.

The post Police Arrest Seven Self-identifying Rohingya in Irrawaddy Region appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Gold Thief Detained at Famous Mandalay Pagoda

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 04:30 AM PDT

MANDALAY — A man who scraped gold from Mandalay's ancient bronze Mahamuni Buddha image was arrested on Thursday, said Mahamuni Pagoda trustees.

"We saw him on our security cameras, scraping out the gold from the back of the Mahamuni image on Wednesday evening. We then deployed more security and were able to arrest him when he returned for the second time the next day," said U Soe Lin, president of the pagoda's trustee board.

Tun Aung Kyaw, 30, from Mandalay's Maha Aung Myay Township, was arrested by security at the pagoda and handed over to the police on the same evening.

With a short piece of steel pipe tucked up his sleeve, Tun Aung Kyaw mingled with other pilgrims who were applying gold leaves to the 6.5-ton image as offerings.

Devotees have regularly applied gold leaves to the image over the centuries. Except for the face, the image is covered with layers of gold believed to be about 15 centimeters thick.

Tun Aung Kyaw then used the pipe to scrape the gilded gold from the back of the Buddha image, the security cameras show.

"During interrogation, he said the gold was sold to a goldsmith in Mhan Myo Zay Market. And he has been scraping out the gold since October 10," said U Soe Lin.

According to the trustees and police records, Tun Aung Kyaw took about 3.5 grams of gold each time he visited the image. He received between 170,000 to 200,000 kyats from the goldsmith for 3.5 grams.

The trustees of the pagoda said this is the first time gold has been removed from the image.

The trustees added that the security of the pagoda will remain the same, however, they will do more watching over the security cameras.

Tun Aung Kyaw was detained at the police station in Chan Mya Tharzi Township and is under interrogation, according to police. He is being charged with theft and defaming Buddhism.

The post Gold Thief Detained at Famous Mandalay Pagoda appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Popular Bagan Pagoda Closes After Terrace Collapse

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 03:57 AM PDT

YANGON — One of the most popular sunset-viewing pagodas in the ancient city of Bagan is temporarily closed to the public after the lower parts of the first terraces in the southeastern part of the pagoda collapsed on Wednesday because of rains, according to the Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library (Bagan Branch).

Shwesandaw Pagoda, with its white pyramid-style pagoda cut with five terraces and stairs leading to the circular stupa, is one of only two pagodas from which visitors are allowed to view the sunset.

"We have to do repairs and also test the strength of the pagoda in its other parts. So we will close the pagoda for a while," director of the department U Aung Aung Kyaw told The Irrawaddy.

Previously, five temples were open to visitors to view the sunset in Bagan, but after hundreds of pagodas were damaged by a powerful 6.8 magnitude earthquake in August last year, authorities now only allow sunset viewing at Shwesandaw and Taung Guni pagodas which are physically safer for visitors to climb.

It was built in 1057 by King Anawrahta, the founder of the Pagan Empire and widely considered the father of the Burmese nation.

Though the collapse is mainly due to rains, the fact that about 1,000 visitors climb on the pagoda daily to see sunset also played a part, said U Aung Aung Kyaw.

The collapse, however, will not have an impact on Myanmar's bid for nomination of Bagan as a Unesco World Heritage Site, he said.

"It has been raining steadily these days in Bagan. As the bricks [of the pagoda] date back to the 11th Century, there are already cracks, and when water got into those cracks, it collapsed," said U Khin Maung Nu, chairman of community-based Bagan Development Association.

Bagan has stupas, temples and other Buddhist religious buildings constructed from the 9th to 11th centuries—a period in which some 50 Buddhist kings ruled the Pagan Dynasty. There are more than 3,000 stupas and temples in the area.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ethnic Armed Groups Lament ‘Delayed’ Peace Process

Posted: 20 Oct 2017 02:12 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The new peace process under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government has been sluggish, according to some ethnic armed groups, who cite differences between the Tatmadaw and government as well as a lack of experience and skills in those leading the process.

"It has been delayed," said Saw Mra Raza Lin, vice chairperson of the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP). "If the government care about the people and the country, it should prioritize how to overcome those delays."

While there are differences within the government, ethnic armed organizations (EAO) are also not unified, proposing alternative approaches to peace building, which has hampered the process, she said.

"It is the disunity among the EAOs which is hindering the process to step up. So we, including the government, all have to try to get all of the EAOs on board," she added.

According to peace observers, clashes between the Tatmadaw and nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA)-signatories reduced by 90 percent after signing the NCA. The Myanmar Army chief has said all EAOs must sign the NCA to join political dialogue, whether they are in clashes with the Tatmadaw or not.

Problems with leadership have strained the peace process, according to EAO leaders, as the country requires decisions from the civilian government and the military, which holds key security powers, to move forward on issues.

Previous chief peace negotiator U Aung Min convinced former president U Thein Sein to support him, enabling U Aung Min to effectively work with Tatmadaw generals. But this aspect of the peace process is missing under the NLD government, said a peace negotiator from the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).

The peace negotiator who asked for anonymity told The Irrawaddy that if NCA signatories did not sign the NCA under the U Thein Sein administration, signing under the current circumstances would be impossible.

"The current peace negotiators can not make any decisions. All have to go to the State Counselor, who is the chief peace negotiator. Besides, we have seen some negotiations regress, as the Tatmadaw does not agree on the negotiations although the government has agreed," he said.

Khun Okker, patron of the Pa-O National Liberation Organisation, said the government wants to allow ethnic armed groups to hold national-level political dialogues freely but the Tatmadaw wants controls.

He is optimistic, however, that if the NCA is maintained, the aspiration of peace will not be destroyed despite the country being far from achieving it.

"The slow movement in the peace efforts are due to the people," he said, tersely appraising the peace process.

Leaders of NCA signatories hold government leaders and the Tatmadaw directly responsible for the delays, although they welcomed the start of political dialogue after 70 years of civil war.

"The main hurdle is how to do the ceasefire. There is no restriction either by the government or the Tatmadaw on whichever status of the delegates joining the [union peace conferences]," said U Min Zaw Oo, advisor to the peace commission, who has been involved in the peace process since its inception.

The government peace commission is still in talks with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) to sign the NCA. They will meet on Oct 23-24 in Yangon for their seventh round of talks over the nine-point proposal of the UNFC.

The current peace process continues in two different paths. The NCA signatories are moving forward to reach a lasting peace in the southern part of the country, while clashes persist in the north.

The government sticks firmly to the NCA, while new the Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee (FPNCC), led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) urge for an alternative approach.

Notably, the FPNCC and the UNFC did not join the celebration of the two-year anniversary of eight EAOs signing the NCA last week.

"We invited them [the non-signatories of NCA], they did not come. Same for last year. If I have to frankly criticize, they do not want to acknowledge the work of the eight EAOs and the government and the Tatmadaw. If they come, it shows that they are with us; as they don't want to show this, they avoid," said Khun Okker.

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Activists set Talks with Chevron on Myanmar Rights Concerns

Posted: 19 Oct 2017 10:42 PM PDT

BOSTON/HOUSTON, United States — Shareholder activists will speak with Chevron Corp next week to request the energy giant use its influence with the government of Myanmar to press for a resolution of ethnic violence that has led to a refugee crisis.

Joshua Brockwell, communications director for Azzad Asset Management, said the firm and other activist investors planned to press Chevron executives on Oct. 25 to discuss a letter they sent that also asked the company to consider cutting ties with "governments complicit in genocide."

Chevron, the second-largest US-based oil producer, does business in Myanmar through a subsidiary, Unocal Myanmar Offshore Co Ltd. It has projects that include a minority interest in natural gas production and a pipeline, according to the company's website.

Asked about Azzad's concerns, Chevron spokesman Melissa Ritchie said "Chevron conducts our business in a responsible manner, respecting the law and universal human rights to benefit the communities where we work, including Myanmar."

"In our experience, peace, stability and the protection of human rights provide the best foundation for the economic development of a region and associated improvement in living conditions for communities," she said via e-mail, confirming that the company would speak to the investors.

More than 536,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims have fled Myanmar since Aug. 25, when coordinated Muslim insurgent attacks sparked a ferocious military response, with the fleeing people accusing security forces of arson, killings and rape.

In September the United Nations' top human rights official accused Myanmar of conducting a "cruel military operation" against self-identifying Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State, calling it "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

Azzad's Brockwell said his firm was "growing increasingly concerned over the lack of a constructive response from Chevron" on its requests since the letter was sent, in August.

Brockwell said it might also file a shareholder resolution for Chevron's next annual meeting, similar to one Azzad and others filed for its 2017 meeting in May. That resolution called for a report evaluating whether Chevron should stop doing business with governments complicit in genocide or crimes against humanity. The resolution received support from 6 percent of shares voted.

In addition to Azzad, an Islamic finance firm, the other lead filer of the resolution was a Catholic religious order, the Ursuline Sisters of Tildonk.

Simon Billenness, executive director of International Campaign for the Rohingya, a Washington, DC, advocacy group, said it planned to send similar letters to other companies doing business in Myanmar, signed by shareholders in those companies.

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2.8 Billion Kyats Worth of Methamphetamine Pills Seized in Rakhine

Posted: 19 Oct 2017 10:36 PM PDT

YANGON — Police seized 2.8 billion kyats (about US$2 million) worth of methamphetamine pills over two days in conflict-torn Maungdaw Township in Rakhine State.

Police collected information and acted on a tip-off to make arrests for drug smuggling, Police Lt-Col Nyan Win Oo of Maungdaw District Police Force told The Irrawaddy.

On Tuesday, police seized 0.9 billion kyats worth of tablets from a Daihatsu Hijet microvan on the highway in No. 5 Ward in Maungdaw, and also arrested a suspect.

The following day, police seized 1.9 billion kyats worth of tablets branded with a "WY" logo from a Nissan car heading from Buthidaung Township at the entrance to Maungdaw. Police arrested two suspects in the car but the man behind the wheel escaped.

A police dog sniffs a car to search for drugs. (Photo: Maungdaw District Police Force)

According to the police, the suspects are residents of Sittwe, Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships.

From January to the end of July, police seized 12.7386 billion kyats worth of  "WY" pills in Rakhine State, mostly in Sittwe and Maungdaw townships. Besides the pills, marijuana and other methamphetamines were seized in drug busts, according to the police.

According to the Rakhine Police Force, police arrested 106 persons—94 males and 12 females—in connection with those drug cases.

In earlier October, police seized more than three billion kyats (US$2.2 million) worth of pills from two Myanmar Army soldiers in Maungdaw.

Drug seizures have increased in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships near the Myanmar-Bangladesh border since last year, when more than 50 million "yaba" pills were seized in two separate drug busts in Maungdaw.

Police launched an anti-drug campaign called "Mayu" after the mountain range in Rakhine State in February, but drug cases are still rampant in the area.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Japan’s Emperor Akihito Likely to Abdicate at End-March 2019: Asahi

Posted: 19 Oct 2017 09:49 PM PDT

TOKYO — Japan's Emperor Akihito is likely to abdicate at the end of March 2019 and Crown Prince Naruhito is expected to ascend the throne in April, the first abdication by a Japanese monarch in nearly two centuries, the Asahi newspaper reported on Friday.

The government is in the final stage of formalizing the schedule, said the Asahi, citing several sources.

Ahikito, 83, who has had heart surgery and treatment for prostate cancer, said in rare public remarks last year he feared age might make it hard for him to continue to fulfill his duties.

He will be succeeded by Naruhito, 57, and a new era will start from April 1, the Asahi reported.

The expected schedule would minimize the impact on people in changing to a new imperial reign from the current Heisei Era, which started in 1989 after the death of Akihito's father Hirohito, according to the Asahi.

Also, the Imperial Household Agency wanted the transition to take place in spring 2019 as many ritual events are scheduled for the imperial family in autumn and winter, the report said.

Akihito, the first Japanese emperor who was never considered divine, has worked for decades at home and abroad to soothe the wounds of World War Two which was fought in his father Hirohito's name.

In a written remarks of her 83rd birthday on Friday, Empress Michiko said that she thought this year her travels with Emperor Ahikito around Japan might be their last and have become deeply emotional.

The Empress also said she felt "an immeasurable sense of peace" that Akihito will be able to rest and spend quiet days after years of pursuing how the Emperor should be.

The post Japan's Emperor Akihito Likely to Abdicate at End-March 2019: Asahi appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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