Wednesday, September 11, 2013

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Burma Govt’s Vaccination Campaigns Faces Criticism

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 06:34 AM PDT

A resident of Rangoon who suffers from Elephantiasis. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A nationwide vaccination campaign to prevent a parasitic disease known as Elephantiasis is facing criticism in Burma, with patients saying the Ministry of Health encouraged them to get the vaccine without explaining possible side effects.

The campaign began on Monday to prevent Elephantiasis, a parasitic disease caused by roundworms that are transmitted to the human body mainly through mosquito bites. The worms can cause skin rashes, arthritis, abdominal pain and asthma-like suffocation. If left untreated, the skin and underlying tissue of a person's legs and arms may thicken, causing mobility problems.

The ministry's campaign group says Elephantiasis can be found in nine Southeast Asian countries, and about 200 townships in Burma have been affected. But the disease is much less common than dengue fever or malaria. In a random test of 3,000 people in Rangoon by the Department of Health this year, five people were found to have contracted Elephantiasis.

In some areas of the country, people say officials with the vaccination campaign described the risks of the disease but did not provide adequate information about the vaccine.

"I was not well informed about the medicine—I wasn't told that I might experience a little dizziness after taking it," a housewife in Mandalay's Aung Myay Thar Zan Township told The Irrawaddy. "But my friends from other quarters were told that they might have some reaction, and they were told they must see the doctor if serious symptoms occurred."

Another man from the same township complained that when he received his vaccine—taken as oral tablets—no nurses or health care experts were present. He received the vaccine from local leaders as well as social workers, who he said did not explain that the tablets could be harmful for people with high-blood pressure, diabetes or asthma.

He was also not told to give a smaller dose to his child. "I was given two tablets and a half tablet, and so was my 5-year-old son," the father said. "Since I wasn't sure about the medicine, I asked my family doctor and he said one of the tablets was Albendazole, used to treat roundworms, and should be taken separately. But I had been told [by the local leaders and social workers] that it was only a vitamin tablet to prevent dizziness.

"I did not trust the medicine at that point, so I did not take it."

In some cases, the vaccination campaign has been more successful

"We were told that we might have dizziness, drowsiness, nausea and vomiting," Ko Myo, a resident of Rangoon's Kyauktada Township, told The Irrawaddy. "We were told that we must go and see the doctors if the symptom worsen. And they asked our health history and checked whether we have high blood pressure, diabetes or asthma, or if we are pregnant or lactating."

Doctors and the pharmacists have urged vaccination campaign workers to be precise with instructions about the Albendazole and the vaccine, known as Diethylcarbamazine (Citrate).

"The nurses or health care experts need to make sure the proper amount is given, and make sure people are not overdosing," a physician from Rangoon General Hospital said. "In some cases, some individuals might need to take Albendazole first. And campaigners must inquire about the health history of people first.

"They must also tell people about the side effects of the vaccine, and warn people with high blood pressure, diabetes or asthma. Pregnant women, lactating mothers, infants and people with chronic diseases such as liver infection, kidney problems and heart disease should avoid the vaccine, because it can cause life-threatening side effects such as acute inflammation of the brain, visual loss, disorder of the eye due to bleeding in the retina, and severe skin allergy."

Dr. Phyo Phyo Kyaw, an official from the campaign, told The Irrawaddy last week that there was not an outbreak of Elephantiasis in the country, but that the vaccination campaign was undertaken annually as a precaution.

"We've been making this campaign yearly for 10 years. The vaccine is to be taken once a year for five consecutive years. We have some difficulties in giving medicine to the people, because some people are moving around every year, so it's not always possible for them to get the medicine for five consecutive years."

NLD Publication Hit by Financial Woes After $185K Goes Missing

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 05:28 AM PDT

Copies of the NLD newsletter D Wave are distributed in Rangoon shortly after its launch in January 2012. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — D Wave, the widely-read newsletter of the National League for Democracy, has run into financial problems after US$185,000 went missing from its books, a member of Burma's main opposition party said on Wednesday.

Nyan Win, a member of the NLD's Central Executive Committee (CEC), explained that the party publication was faced with an income shortfall of about $185,000 because sales revenues of tens of thousands of distributed copies of the newsletter had gone missing.

"We are now looking at some responsible people at D Wave in relation with this debt issue. The main responsible person [for this problem] is the manager," he told The Irrawaddy. Nyan Win declined to identify D Wave's manager.

The NLD's weekly newsletter first appeared on Jan. 16, 2012, when it went on sale for about $0.30. The publication has since become highly popular with the Burmese public, and some media experts estimate that D Wave has a weekly circulation of more than 100,000 copies.

D Wave's current financial woes were first reported by local media The Myanmar Post and Daily Eleven, who alleged that NLD chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi had instructed CEC members to suppress the news of D Wave's financial losses.

Nyan Win denied these reports, saying, "I can definitely say there were no remarks by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on this D Wave case in the meeting, I was there. But certainly we're going to thoroughly check this case."

D Wave editor-in-chief and NLD lawmaker Ohn Kyaing could not be reached for comment on Wednesday.

Monywar Aung Shin, a member of D Wave's editorial team, said the team had not been informed about the details of the financial problems.

"We are just only doing our editorial work. The main responsible person [for financial matters] is the manager," he said, without naming the manager. He added, "We're not stopping this letter, operations are still ongoing despite this issue."

NLD founder, former journalist and D Wave contributor Win Tin said he could not comment on the financial problems at the organization as he was unaware of the issue. "I have no idea what happening there now," he said.

D Wave contents include updates on NLD party activities and announcements, opinion piece and political analyses, and a weekly column by NLD chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi, whose picture always adorns the newsletter's cover.

The party has plans to turn the newsletter into a commercial weekly news journal, while Suu Kyi also filed an application for a daily news publication license for D Wave with the Ministry of Information in March.

Monywar Aung Shin said, "We're expecting to publish D Wave as a commercial weekly newspaper at the end of this year as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi encouraged us to do so."

He said the NLD leader believed that it would be better if D Wave became more independent from the party and generates its own income from advertisements.

Burma Sees World’s Third-Biggest Drop in Happiness Levels: Report

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 05:25 AM PDT

Burma's happiness was ranked 121st on an index of 156 countries. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Political and economic reforms have not necessarily translated to greater happiness for the people of Burma, according to the World Happiness Report 2013, a ranking of national happiness levels published this week by the United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network.

Burma was ranked 121st on an index of 156 countries, with a significant drop in happiness levels over the past several years. Of all countries in the survey, Burma saw the third-biggest decline in happiness levels between 2005-07 and 2010-12, despite transitioning from a military dictatorship to a nominally civilian government in 2011. Larger drops in happiness were only recorded in Greece and Egypt, in the wake of recent political turmoil and economic crises.

The world's top five happiest countries were Denmark, Norway, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Sweden, while the lowest ranked countries were Rwanda, Burundi, Central African Republic, Benin and Togo.

The report ranked countries based on international data on how people rate their emotions and their lives as a whole. It averaged data from the Gallup World Poll from 2010, 2011 and 2012, for a typical sample size of 3,000 people per country.

When respondents were asked to evaluate their lives on a scale of 1 to 10—with 10 being the happiest—the average score for the top five countries was 7.48, while the average score for the bottom five countries was 2.94. Burma averaged 4.4, compared to about 5.3 in 2005-07.

Surveys were also given to respondents with questions about the state of their emotions the day before.

Differences in happiness levels by country were explained mainly by GDP per capita, years of healthy life expectancy, having someone to count on in times of trouble, perceptions of corruption, prevalence of generosity, and freedom to make life choices. Mental illness was reported as the single most important source of unhappiness, as well as an issue largely ignored by policy makers.

"Despite the obvious detrimental happiness impacts of the 2007-08 financial crisis, the world has become a slightly happier and more generous place over the past five years," the report said.

"Overall, more countries have had significant increases [60] than decreases [41] in average life evaluations between 2005-07 and 2010-12."

The report was a project by researchers from the London School of Economics, Columbia University's Earth Institute, the University of British Columbia and the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research, who published their first World Happiness Report last year.

Burma was ruled by military dictatorship and closed off to the international community for nearly five decades. After elections in 2010, the military rulers handed power to a nominally civilian government.

Since President Thein Sein took office in 2011, the government has carried out a platform of political and economic reforms—including easing media censorship, freeing several hundred political prisoners, and allowing the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) to contest seats in Parliament. The changes have in turn encouraged the international community to drop economic sanctions that isolated the country for years.

Chilling Out Is Easy at ‘Fatman’ Bistro

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 04:54 AM PDT

"Big Mike" is one of five co-owners of Fatman Bistro. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

YANGON — If a quiet little eatery offering a soul and jazz ambiance, fine food and friendly staff sounds appealing, try Fatman in Dagon Township.

The Fatman Steak Bistro & Cafe opened for business in May this year and is growing rapidly in reputation and popularity.

The cozy bistro brings something different to the Yangon food scene, combining fine food with indoor and street-side dining and offering a well-prepared and delicious menu from fresh locally sourced ingredients at affordable prices.

"Big Mike," the hands-on manager and one of the five young Myanmar co-owners of the bistro/cafe, describes the concept of the venue as being a place to relax, chill out with friends, listen to soul and jazz and even take advantage of the community notice-board to buy and sell items or inform others of upcoming events.

Big Mike draws on his years of growing up in the United States, combined with extensive travels in Canada, Australia and Japan, to create a cosmopolitan feel at the eating house.

The restaurant is situated in Dagon's Bo Yar Nyunt Street, close to the intersection with Nawaday Street, and a mere stone's throw from downtown Yangon.

The drinks menu is quite comprehensive for a small establishment. Apart from an extensive range of Barista coffees, hot chocolates, teas and smoothies, the cafe offers a wide selection of Italian, Argentinian, Australian and French wines, local and imported beers and an impressive range of cocktails.

For appetizers, Fatman offers teriyaki and bulgogi beef and chicken skewers, along with Myanmar-style ngamouk rice crackers.

Burgers are one of the house specialities, both classic style in beef, chicken or pork, or in a variety of other styles.

The signature "Fatman's burger" is a chunky 250 grams of flavorsome local minced beef, topped with shredded cheese, crispy bacon, and accompanied by a side order of fries. As the menu boasts, "This is BIG."

For a main meal you can try the Fatman's pan-seared beef, chicken or pork steak, seasoned with what are described as the "bold" flavors of spices and aromatic herbs. The meal comes with generous helpings of sauteed vegetables, mouth-watering grilled butter corn cobs and "Fatman's Slaw." As with the burgers, the main meals come in teriyaki or classic style.

Among other menu highlights are slow-cooked BBQ pork chops, chicken Kiev, pork cordon bleu and classic rosemary-flavored pork.

Fatman Bistro may be small in size, but it's got a big heart and will suit anyone looking to enjoy a fine lunch or evening meal with friends in a comfortable and mellow environment.

This story first appeared in the September 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The New Internet Wave Sweeping Burma

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 04:50 AM PDT

People at an Internet café in Rangoon in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — At a street corner in Rangoon's Kamayut Township, a young man does what would have been odd in his country just three or four years ago—he lowers his head, fixes his eyes on his smartphone, swipes the screen and smiles.

He is probably in his 20s, dressed casually in a black striped shirt and dark jeans, which makes him stand out in the crowd of people wearing traditional longyis. Still, with the phone in hand, he is not uncommon among the Burmese of his generation, especially those on the streets of downtown Rangoon these days.

More and more young Burmese are joining their smartphone-toting peers elsewhere in the world, as their country transitions from nearly five decades of strict military rule.

The opening of telecommunications services in Burma has presented opportunities to connect to the global village. There is a strong hope that access to information can help the democratization process, especially during this transition period.

However, the online platform has also been used by some groups who, many fear, are trying to set malicious agendas by posting insensitive hate speech or remarks.

Recent outbreaks of sectarian violence between majority Buddhists and minority Muslims in the country—and between the majority Burman ethnicity and other minority ethnic groups—have driven some online users to take sides, resulting in inflammatory statements.

Some political observers, drawing lessons from history, suspect that religious clashes have happened when those in power feel threatened or challenged. This was common during the British colonial era. The view now is that the old dogs of the former military regime may want to further divide the fragmented country, while the pro-democracy movement is trying to hold it together.

Facebook, the most popular social media site in Burma, is becoming a new political battleground for the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the biggest opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), which are both gearing up for the 2015 elections.

It is estimated that about 1 percent of Burma's population of nearly 60 million are Facebook users, according to Nay Phone Latt, executive director of Myanmar ICT for Development Organisation (MIDO). It can be easier to contact a friend through Facebook than email, as many people in the country are able to access the social media side with their smartphones.

For Ye Naing Moe, director of Yangon Journalism School, although Internet penetration is just 1 percent of the population, those who have access to the Internet are influential. Online activities are increasing among the ruling elites, media practitioners, military officers and educated monks—people who can change the political and social landscape.

"Online people are influential people. They are able to shape the society. In small towns only a few people can go online, those who can serve as the eyes and ears of their communities," Ye Naing Moe said.

Among the country's big-name Facebook users is President Thein Sein, who actively communicates with the populace through his Facebook page, which features photos of his official events and statements. He has 11,800 followers.

Another USDP leader, Deputy Minister of Information Ye Htut, has 47,000 Facebook followers. Opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), has 221,000 followers on its official Facebook page.

According to statistics from various sources released last year, 29 percent of global Facebook users are mainly young people in the 25 to 34 age bracket, while 50 percent of users between the ages of 18 and 24 check Facebook when they wake up in the morning. Burma's statistics are unavailable, but Internet usage is coming on strong in the country.

Thinzar Shunlei Yi, 21, is among those riding this wave following the opening up of telecommunications services in the country. She surfs the Web using her smartphone and checks her Facebook or email account in the morning.

However, the online life remains a distant reality for the majority of Burmese society.

Many in Rangoon earn US$1 a day, while a desktop computer with an LCD screen and operating system ready is about 400,000 kyats ($400) and a Lenovo Thinkpad is $1,300.

Even Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a fresh graduate of the Institute of Education who comes from a military family, can only own her very first phone with an Android 2.1 Eclair operating system. The phone cost a relatively moderate $100 and was given to her by her uncle as a gift this year.

"Unfortunately, it is version 2.1. I can't use it as well as those belonging to other youths," she said. She had to fork out about $ 10 for an initial sign-up of 2G service.

Currently, Android phone users are using the 4.3 Jelly Bean version.

On Bogyoke Aung San Road in Rangoon, people squat in front of a line of mats displaying goods, looking for scrap computer parts or testing out the latest smartphones on sale.

Before 2010, people in Burma needed to pay almost $3,000 for a subscription identity module, or SIM card. Now, they can buy one with 3G access on the black market for slightly over $400.

As mobile Internet service becomes more commonly available, many issues related to Internet usage have also arrived at Burma's doorsteps.

The Double-Edged Sword

While Burma may be seen as a "late bloomer" in terms of online connectivity, it has caught on fast and furious. And like the rest of the world, it is a major player in determining the political climate—spreading news and influence, and fueling emotions.

Tension between Buddhists and Muslims that turned violent in Arakan State last year and spread to central Burma this year has wormed its way into the online space.

Hate speech circulating on Facebook has raised the eyebrows of many. Buddhists and Muslims are attacking each other openly online, at times inciting people to commit violent act against those of other faiths.

The failure of the government to contain the violence has also raised questions.

In late August, violence erupted in the Sagaing Division, an hour's drive from Mandalay, Burma's second-largest city after Rangoon. In the clashes, the homes of Muslim residents were burned down.

Clashes between Muslims and Buddhists have left about 200 dead and more than 250,000 displaced since last year.

"People say that social media or Facebook is like the walls of a toilet. You know in the very poor areas in our country, the toilet walls are very dirty. People write whatever they want on the walls," said Khin Lay, founder of the Triangle Women Support Group.

Cheaper Internet access and mobile phones have provided a "license" for people from all strata of society—any background, any education level—to post "dirty" words online, she said.

Many online users who have harbored deep hatred toward people of other faiths now have a channel to vent their anger or provoke and stir sentiments.

Online hate speech is a worrying trend, and many media practitioners or social activists in Rangoon said they believed other forces were also at play. Could it be a pre-planned scheme to set back the democratization process in the country?

Nay Phone Latt pointed out that there are big groups with huge funding and backgrounds that intentionally create hate speech to incite violence around the country. "Our Constitution states that the military can seize power when there is violence," he said.

Real or Manufactured?

Nay Phone Latt expressed doubts over "sources" of hate speech, because when online users post inflammatory remarks, they often get 150 shares within two to three minutes.

"The first source [of hate speech] is not from ordinary people," he said.

Thiha Maung Maung, project coordinator of Yangon Journalism School, said some Facebook pages were camouflaged—as football fan pages or with humorous content—to attract followers. The pages then change their "personalities," incorporating more nationalistic content as time goes by.

"These kinds of Facebook accounts and pages are very alike," he said. "The status they have or photos they post are similar. It seems like the work of the same person or the same group of people."

Thinzar Shunlei Yi felt uneasy when she saw a doctored photo of Suu Kyi with her face attached to the body of an exposed woman.

"There are two types of people—those who support the government, and those who support Aung San Suu Kyi," she said. "They are fighting each other. The president and Aung San Suu Kyi are big figures. When someone posts something on Aung San Suu Kyi's side, the pro-government users will say something nasty. They really hate her."

Coming from a military family, Thinzar Shunlei Yi has two groups of Facebook friends. The critical university friends consist of Burman and other ethnic groups, while her high school friends enjoy their social status as members of military families.

As she was involved in organizing the International Day for Peace (IDP) and participated in a peace march last year, she says some of her old friends questioned her activist work. Once, a junior left the group she led because he believed it was better to stay away from politics. "He may have thought it was better not to be involved," she said. "It's not that he was frightened, but in his mindset, it was best to get away from politics.

"His parents are still government workers, but so are my parents. Sometimes, I feel guilty, too, if my activities affect my dad's work. I’m not sure yet. So I decided that I won't show up in media or the public, though I can't help but be involved in political affairs as an active youth."

Peter, 33, is also troubled by online hate speech, saying he was attacked on cyberspace when he called on others to discuss the issue rationally.

However, he believes that not everything is bad in the virtual world. People from different religious and political backgrounds can use online media as a platform to engage and negotiate, instead of hurling abusive words at one another in an attempt to express themselves, he said.

"They could use online media to find some common ground amid their differences, but it hasn't happened that way," he said.

But, he added, "They can't find any common ground on the Internet. They just post abusive things, and when some people try to rationalize, they will just say 'Don't talk rubbish, I don’t believe in that.'"

Peter, who studied in the United Kingdom, pointed out that religious and political crises, natural or manufactured, have been common since Burma's colonial days.

"Whenever people resisted or there was a political change, the government would start a Buddhist and Muslim crisis," he said. "If you study our history, in the 1930s and after independence, there were many religious and political crises.

"That's why we suspect the recent religious crisis was created by some groups who don't want political changes in Myanmar. And online media have become a tool for such unscrupulous acts."

Khin Lay from the Triangle Women Support Group said some of the tension between Buddhists and Muslims in the country could be traced back to economic issues, with Muslims—who make up about 5 percent of the county's population—often perceived as wealthier than Buddhists.

She said a blend of nationalism and Buddhism by the outspoken 969 movement leader, U Wirathu, who claims Muslims are outsiders, had stirred up people's emotions.

"These days, what the majority of Burmese say is that we don't want democracy, we want our religion," she said. "In the past, the popularity of the NLD was high, but currently it's going down. Why? It [online hate speech] can be a tool and weapon of government against the opposition NLD, to bring their dignity down and reduce their popularity.

"Before the crisis, especially in the 2012 by-election, the NLD won a lot. And the Rakhine [Arakan] crisis happened just after that."

Peter said there was growing criticism against Suu Kyi and the NLD for not being outspoken enough of the religious conflict in the country. He said this had affected Suu Kyi's popularity, as she is expected to be a voice of conscience in the country.

Some analysts have said Suu Kyi has not taken a stronger stance against the violence due to the coming presidential election in 2015, as the majority of electorates are Buddhist.

NLD spokesperson Nyan Win denied that the crisis had affected the party's popularity.

Freedom of Expression Versus Social Harmony

While irked by recent hate speech, Nyo Oho Myint, a peace facilitator of the Myanmar Peace Center, a center set up under the President’s Office, defended the online exchanges, saying the Burmese people were merely exercising their newfound freedom of expression after five decades of political suppression.

"Myanmar people are socially conservative but prefer liberal ideas politically," he said. "They are outspoken and do not look at the consequences, thus these are not actually hate speeches, because they have no hidden agenda.

"Many people are using their freedom of speech now to express their feelings."

However, he said he was concerned about unverified information spreading over social media.

Questions have arisen over how to allow greater freedom of expression while maintaining social harmony.

Striking a Delicate Balance

"We are freer now, but we are not safe," said Nay Phone Latt,  adding that the telecommunications bill, which provides for the establishment of a regulatory body for the ICT industry, is a reflection of the old mindset of the "new" government" seeking to extend control.

The bill is copied from the 2004 Electronic Transaction Act (ETA) that prescribes severe punishment for users who post content that may affect national security or the people's interest. The related terms are vague and open for interpretation, Nay Phone Latt said.

Nay Phone Latt was arrested by the former regime for disseminating information about the 2007 military crackdown on the "Saffron Revolution" to the outside world. He was sentenced to 15 years of jail under the ETA but was released last year after receiving a presidential pardon.

MIDO submitted its input to the government on the draft bill, hoping to push for an independent regulatory body, as well as the removal of the seven to 15 years of jail time allowed.

The bill was passed by the Lower House and the Upper House, and will become law after the president signs it, said Nay Phone Latt, adding that he had not seen the final draft.

Deputy Minister of Information Ye Htut said via email, "The government notices that when we lift restrictions on the Internet, the emergence of racial and religious hate speech becomes a social problem and has been a factor in recent communal violence.

"Now we are working with civil society organizations for a social awareness campaign for Internet users about hate speech."

Ye Htut did not elaborate on whether the government would exercise control over social media.

Asked about a Rohingya Muslim activist, Than Shwe, who was arrested in mid-August for posting a photo of security forces clashing with Muslims in Arakan State, the deputy minister said it was a crime to spread religious hate speech, warranting action against Than Shwe.

"We prefer an awareness campaign, and not another law, to control social media," Ye Htut added, noting that the Ministry of Information and the US embassy in Burma had jointly conducted a workshop about the issue of hate speech on social media in July.

Although the level of maturity among most Internet users leaves much to be desired, Nay Phone Latt is of the view that the government should not control online expression, saying the people can regulate themselves.

"We can regulate each other. We can create an online culture among ourselves," he said.

"I have 5,000 friends on Facebook. If they make any hate speech, I will give them a warning; if they do it again the next time, I will 'unfriend' them. Now I can safely say that my friends are not among those making hate speech."

Nay Phone Latt also said Burma's law enforcement and justice systems were not yet equipped to handle cases related to cyber crime.

"If you are a victim of a cyber crime and you tell the police, they don't understand what you are saying," he said.

Due to the relatively small online community in Burma, some would say the impact of online hate speech remains minimal.

However, a lack of institutions or organizations to respond to the growing challenges could affect the country's online space in view of the expected boom of the telecommunications industry.

Norway's Telenor will launch its voice and data services in the second quarter of 2014, covering 78 percent of the population, while Qatar's Ooredoo will build 10,000 public access points nationwide, putting an estimated 84 percent of the population online by 2019.

To some, the Internet is a gateway to the world; to others, it is a political weapon. With the low Internet literacy of the Burmese people, the online space could be dictated by a small group of people, serving their own interests.

The opening of cyber space should not be done on a piecemeal basis, critics say. They say it needs to be open and transparent to empower the people constructively, and that all parties are equally responsible in deciding whether the online space is a platform for engagement or a battleground for ruling elites to gain political mileage.

Chen Shaua Fui is one of the six journalism fellows of the 2013 SEAPA fellowship program. This article is produced for the program, which carries a theme "Freedom of Expression – Challenges to Internet Government in Southeast Asia." It was originally published on www.fz.com in September 2013.

Burma Buddhist Committee Bans Anti-Muslim Organizations

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 03:06 AM PDT

Nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu is greeted with respect at a monks' conference in Rangoon in June. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A government-appointed body that oversees Burma’s Buddhist monkhood has issued a directive intended to check the influence of a monk-led movement accused of stoking violence against minority Muslims.

At least 237 people have died in sectarian violence since June last year and more than 150,000 have been displaced. The vast majority of the victims were Muslim.

The bloodshed, mirrored by increasing attacks on Muslims in Buddhist-majority Sri Lanka, has threatened to undermine political and economic reforms the government initiated two years ago after half a century of military rule.

In an order dated September 2, the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee of monks responsible for regulating the Buddhist clergy prohibited the creation of formal organizations based around the 969 movement.

"They didn’t receive any permission, yet they want to form an organization and make nationality-protection laws," Ashin Baddanda Guna Linkara, the committee’s vice-chairman for Rangoon, told Reuters.

The committee did not object to monks promoting the 969 ideology, which urges Buddhists to protect their faith against a perceived threat from Islam, he said, but the movement’s leaders had gone too far by drafting proposed laws, including one that would stop Buddhist women marrying outside their religion.

The numerals 969, which refer to the attributes of the Buddha, his teachings and the monkhood, have come to symbolize a movement aimed at isolating Muslims, who make up 5 percent of Burma’s 60 million people.

Monks who lead the movement make speeches urging Buddhists to boycott Muslim-owned businesses, the message spread through CDs and DVDs sold widely in shops and on street stalls. Stickers bearing the movement’s logo are plastered on businesses across the country, letting customers know they are Buddhist-owned.

The movement’s leaders say they do not condone violence against Muslims but its rise has accompanied the communal unrest since last year.

In a September 10 statement, the movement’s most visible leader, a monk named Wirathu, said he was "heartbroken" by the violence and pledged to help make peace between the communities. He has previously called mosques "enemy bases" and urged Buddhists to boycott Muslim businesses and shun interfaith marriage.

Speaking to reporters after signing the statement, he rejected the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee’s ban on formal 969 organizations, calling the body undemocratic.

"Every procedure and rule in the Sangha Nayaka was written while under the gun," he said, pointing out the committee was formed under the former military regime.

It was created in 1980 as a way of controlling the monkhood, which has great influence over Burma’s Buddhists, who make up most of the population.

The committee and its senior monks remain tarnished by their close links to the dictatorship, which ended in 2011 when a quasi-civilian government took office.

In September 2007 the committee issued a directive prohibiting monks from participating in "secular affairs", a clear message to the thousands of monks leading the "Saffron Revolution" pro-democracy protests across Burma at the time. The directive was largely ignored.

Some monks have taken part in clashes between Muslims and Buddhists over the past year. But Ye Htut, a spokesman for President Thein Sein, has told Reuters that only a handful of Burma’s 500,000 monks hold extremist ideas and pointed out that monks helped save the lives of Muslims during the clashes.

Hundreds of Farmers Prosecuted After ‘Harrow Battle’

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 02:43 AM PDT

A farmer plows fields in Dala Township, Rangoon Division. Land seizures in Irrawaddy Division have led to hundreds of farmers protesting by returning to work on their fields. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

More than 500 farmers are being prosecuted for illegally plowing land that was confiscated from them in Irrawaddy Division, rights activists say.

Farmers from eight townships in the delta region—including Bassein Township, where the division's capital is located—have reportedly been charged with trespassing and damaging property after plowing the fields, which were seized local and higher level authorities as well as private companies.

"Five hundred and thirteen farmers are currently facing the aforementioned charges, of which more than 300 are in Mawlamyinegyun Township," Htun Htun, an activist from the Human Rights Monitoring and Protection Network, told The Irrawaddy.

He said that last week on Wednesday and Thursday, 17 farmers were given two-month prison sentences, including hard labor, by the township court in Mawlamyinegyun.

"Nothing had been grown yet—there was only grass and weeds when the farmers entered their seized lands and worked in a protest called the 'Harrow Battle' to win them back," he added. A harrow is an agricultural tool used to break up and smooth the surface of soil.

Trespass in Burma can be punished with a maximum of three months in prison and a fine of 500 kyats (50 cents), while destruction of property can be punished with two years in prison and a fine based on the amount of damage.

"Imprisoning farmers with hard labor is very severe—it shouldn't happen like that at all," said Kyi Lwin, an activist from the Burmese Democracy Network. "If this practice continues, there may be farmers' uprisings, like the Saya San Rebellion [1930-32], in the future."

Legal experts in Burma agreed the sentences in Irrawaddy Division were harsh. "They should just be warned about what will happen to them if they do it again," a high court lawyer in Rangoon said, requesting to remain anonymous. "I think two years in prison with hard labor is a bit too much."

The chief justice of Irrawaddy Division told regional lawmakers on Friday that cases of trespass and illegal farming on confiscated land had been resolved in accordance with the law.

Farmers from 13 of 26 townships in the division took part in the "Harrow Battle" in June and July, activists say.

They say more than 100,000 acres of farmland across the delta region have been confiscated by the army, governmental institutions and private companies for various reasons.

Preparations Underway at Ancient Pyu City Considered for World Heritage Status

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 02:33 AM PDT

An ancient pagoda is seen behind Rahanda lake, which sits among the ruins of Sri Ksetra.(Photo: JPAING / THE IRRAWADDY)

PROME, Pegu Division—The ancient city of Sri Ksetra is undergoing preparations ahead of a visit next month from a Unesco team, which will investigate the suitability of the site in Burma’s Pegu division for World Heritage status, an official said.

Sri Ksetra, located on the Irrawaddy River about 180 miles from Rangoon, was built between the 7th and 9th centuries A.D. by the Pyu, who dominated central Burma for almost a millennium before their culture died out. The ruins of what was once Southeast Asia’s largest walled city cover a circular area of about 18 square miles, with the remains of a royal palace at the center.

The Burmese government put forward Sri Ksetra as a potential World Heritage site to Unesco in March, and the U.N. body agreed to visit the area to assess the site, according to Win Kyaing, director of the Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library.

"[Unesco] will visit here in the third week of October," he said.

The site is on the tentative list for Unesco (or the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) World Heritage status, along with the other Pyu cities of Beikthano-Myo in Magway Division and Hanlin in Sagaing Division. The Pyu sites together form one of eight historic sites in Burma on the tentative list for World Heritage status.

No sites in the country have yet been granted full World Heritage status, but the government is keen to reap the economic benefits of Unesco recognition. According to state newspaper the New Light of Myanmar, Culture Minister Aye Myint Kyu visited locals at Hanlin on Sept. 7 to inform them about that site's proposed listing.

And in the anticipation of the Unesco visit next month, the Ministry of Culture has accelerated work to restore parts of Sri Ksetra this month. Groups of workers were brushing brickwork on the city's walls, cutting back bushes in its moat and building new roads around the site during a visit this weekend.

"We have about 70 civil servants who work on the project. We have structural conservation, chemical conservation and engineering conservation experts," said Win Kyaing, who spoke to the Irrawaddy while showing a group of foreigners around Sri Ksetra on Sunday.

The site of Sri Ksetra city currently has 14 villages, populated by a total of more than 10,000 people. The Burmese government settled the people around the old site from 1989 due to a shortage of space in nearby towns, according to Win Kyaing.

Win Kyaing said government staff were now checking for damage to the site and taking stock of the number of people who have settled around the ruins.

"If we find that there are people staying there, we will give them education and awareness," he said, explaining that local residents would be instructed on how to avoid damaging to the ruins.

He said the authorities did not intentionally settle people where ruins are located, but some may have moved into those areas and may pose a threat to the ruins.

"When [authorities] settled the people, they did it where it was not the site of the old city. But, some people occupied at the old city site later," he said.

Win Kyaing said some families would have to be relocated from the ruins if the site is recognized, but he could not say how many people would have to move.

"It is important that the idea of preserving old city is spread to the local people. When the people are aware of the need to preserve it, our job is 80 percent done," said Win Kyaing.

The Ministry of Culture has identified and logged 53 places of interest in the city, with another 37 places yet to be investigated. The locations include the palace, pagodas, cemeteries, tombs, a monastery, monuments and others architectural sites.

The project to conserve the site requires assistance in education, technical expertise and finance, according to Win Kyaing.

"We do not have enough budget," said Win Kyaing, referring to the current undertakings of building and repairing roads and bridges and cleaning the site.

“We need large amount of budget indeed. But we have to do our project with limited with financial got it from ministry.”

Yu Yu Swe, a civil servant working at Sri Ksetra Musem, said the number of tourists visiting the area was on the up after news spread that the site might be listed by Unesco.

"We now have about 1,000 tourists a month. We found there are more people visiting in here after the government proposed it to Unesco," said Yu Yu Swe.

At present, the site lacks signage to aid visitors, making for confusion among tourists, many of whom rent motorcycles to tour the ruins. Foreigners pay 5,000 kyat, or about $5.20, to visit the ancient site and museum. Burmese pay 200 kyat.

Yu Yu Swe said some tourists come by bus and others come from tour boats docking on the banks of the Irrawaddy.

World Heritage status would likely boost tourism and create jobs, but with the government’s plans for their future not clear, locals are concerned about the threat of evictions.

Nyi Nyi Aung, who has for the past 15 years lived near Rahanda lake, part of the historic site, said locals were content with their lives in the area, where they have plentiful food from the land.

"I don’t hope to get rich. I am happy my current life," he said, adding that he said that his family is worried about where they would be relocated to in the event they are moved.

He also said villagers had been given assurances they would not be moved.

"We are worried when we have to move out from here. [National League for Democracy member of Parliament] Daw Sandar Min told us once that we didn’t have to move out from here. We are happy to hear this," he said.

Kaung Myat Thu, a resident of Prome who tends a garden within the historic site, said that local people had sold antiques found among the ruins to unofficial agents, despite the government offering rewards in exchange for relics.

"We heard there are many people who found gold pots or ancient Buddha images. The people don't give them to the government because they don't trust them," Kaung Myat Thu said.

‘Yangon’s Development Is Key’

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 12:45 AM PDT

Akihito Sanjo is a senior representative of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in Burma. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Earlier this year, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the development aid arm of the Japanese government, presented a grand plan for how to develop the city of Rangoon, Burma's biggest city and commercial hub. The plan describes infrastructure projects needed to make the city, also known as Yangon, a more comfortable and well-managed place to live by 2040, and was developed in cooperation with local government authorities. The Irrawaddy's Naomi Gingold recently spoke with Akihito Sanjo, a senior representative of JICA and director of "The Strategic Urban Development Plan of Greater Yangon," to find out more details about JICA's master plan.

Question: What is the Strategic Urban Development Plan of Greater Yangon, and how did the idea develop?

Answer: Right now, the population of Yangon is about 5 million to 6 million people. In 2030, it is expected to be on the scale of 10 million. There needs to be enough infrastructure here to support a population of that size. As the largest commercial center, Yangon's development is key to the future development of Myanmar [Burma]. So JICA joined the Yangon Regional Government and the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) to figure out what could we do to help.

We made a strategy plan, setting the year 2040 as our target. Experts from various branches of urban development—traffic, water, sewage, the environment, waste—wrote step-by-step goals for how the city should develop along the way, in 2015, 2020, 2030, etc. We held public consultations with different members of civil society to get their opinions, and then around the beginning of this year, we submitted the master plan to the Myanmar government. The plan targets not only the existing commercial area of Yangon, but also future areas to be developed—areas that, because of the rivers, were neglected in the past, like Dala and Thilawa. We've discussed with the government the need to define the exact region in order to ensure controlled and effective development.

Q: Why would Japan and JICA be interested in undertaking such a project?

A: From the 1970s and into the 1980s, Japan experienced rapid urbanization, as well as environmental deterioration. We thought our knowledge and experience would be an asset when designing and implementing a development plan for Myanmar. As for how Japan benefits, Japanese companies are interested in investing in upcoming infrastructure projects in Yangon. So, for example, Japan can provide grant aid to Yangon for the projects, and Yangon may choose to award the contracts to Japanese companies. The benefits go both ways.

Q: What are some of the biggest infrastructure problems you are grappling with here?

A: Only about 8 percent of Yangon residents have sewage collection and disposal services. Furthermore, sewage goes into the rivers untreated. In terms of waste management, in five years' time the capacity at the garbage disposal sites for Yangon will be full. It's a very, very urgent issue. From a sanitation perspective, the city's current way of burying and disposing of garbage is not very good. We've suggested better methods, as well as proposed the creation of a new final disposal site and a more efficient way to collect garbage.

Q: Tell me about the timeline for the plan.

A: Our master plan doesn't have minute details on, for example, where we're building a bridge. Instead we tried to think about: in 2040, what do we need? In 2030, what will we need? What kind of scale of city do we need?

There are quite a few things that the two governments are still negotiating, but there are two projects we've already committed to. Currently, to get to Dala, you have to cross by ferry because there is no bridge, and the ferry is very old and dangerous. We're going to provide three new ferries. Also we are going to refurbish and renovate the water treatment facilities in the northern part of Yangon city. That Nyaung Napin water treatment facility currently provides 40 percent of the total water for Yangon city, so it's a very, very important facility, but it has really aged. Of four pumping stations, two are out of order. Both projects will be completed in the latter half of next year.

Q: As for transportation infrastructure, after the ferries to Dala, what's next?

A: Getting rid of Yangon's traffic jams is one of the greatest matters of concern in the country, not just for the Yangon city government, but the Myanmar government in Naypyidaw. JICA has put forth three ways of dealing with the traffic. The first is to increase the capacity of the roads, the second is to introduce a public transportation system, and the third one is to decrease the number of vehicles on the road. The third is, of course, unpopular with people in any country, so it's a measure the government doesn't want to take. They're most interested in building a public transportation system, as well as increasing the capacity of roads.  Right now they're building a lot of flyovers in order to do that.

JICA is trying to do the second option—build a practical public transportation system. For example, we want to introduce a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system. That's the first and quickest step. The second is to build a light railway transit system (LRT), like a monorail or skytrain. But an LRT system requires a much larger investment, so it's more of a mid-term solution.  Given Yangon's population, an LRT system would be a natural fit, but the economics present an obstacle; local residents cannot afford to pay for the construction and running of such a skytrain project.

Q: When could we look forward to the BRT possibly being built here?

A: Two years ago when JICA said let's join forces, the Myanmar government told us: If you can't build the BRT within a year, then we won't ask you to build it for us. We told them that we couldn't do it that fast, so they decided to take matters into their own hands.

The Myanmar government has said they will introduce it within the year… They are currently planning to build it along Pyay Road [a main artery of the city], from downtown near the Sule Pagoda all the way up to the airport. If it goes well, they'll add another line.

Q: What does JICA think is a reasonable expectation for when the BRT would actually be introduced?

A: If we introduce the BRT system to Yangon city, it would take about two years from the time we start. We need time for construction, time to set up the management operations, and we need special buses for it. Usually we carry out a pilot project to see whether the system would fit in the city—we have experience introducing a BRT system to Jakarta. But the Myanmar government decided to introduce the BRT without any pilot project.

Q: You seem like you are not so happy about that.

A: The Japanese side always tries to do enough preparation so that there is no wasted investment, but there are certainly other ways of doing things. Currently, they're making a lot of flyovers.  If you make a flyover, a BRT usually can't get through, and so the flyovers become obstacles. We've been saying, how about we think more about the long term? We're not really seeing eye to eye on this right now.

Q: How much of the master plan to develop Yangon will be led by JICA, rather than the Myanmar government?

A: The master plan lays out many projects to implement. We want to choose and give priority to the projects that are the most urgent and have the most potential for effective resolution. But JICA can really only do a small amount of all the proposed projects, and the Myanmar government is also limited by funds. Without the cooperation of other countries, we won't be able to make Yangon's city development a reality. We're currently talking with aid agencies to decide who will take the lead in each sector. For example, Japan is the leader in the transportation sector; in education, it's the UK.

Q: Let's talk about the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ). What's JICA's role?

A: The Myanmar government wanted to create a Special Economic Zone near Yangon; JICA, as well as Japanese corporations, decided to work together with them on it. Our role is to set up the necessary infrastructure for the SEZ: for example, the water infrastructure, roads, maintenance on the port, etc.

Q: What kind of Special Economic Zone will Thilawa be?

A: That is what JICA and the Myanmar government are currently discussing.  Do we make it focused on the food industry, the garment industry or more heavy industries? That hasn't been decided yet. It also depends on what companies are interested in.

Q: Is there a timeline?

A: The Thilawa SEZ will start operating in 2018. We won't start construction next month, but we want to start as soon as possible—hopefully by next year.

Q: What projects have already been agreed on?

A: The development of the port and the installation of the power supply station.

Q: In order to create the Dawei SEZ, the government displaced a lot of people. The current residents of Thilawa are also going to have to be moved to make the SEZ a reality. What are the plans to make sure that's done in a fair and equitable way?

A: As the Myanmar government has not always necessarily operated according to international standards, they don't really know, for example, how to provide proper compensation. We are talking to the government about this and advising them to do everything according to international standards. Compensation records will be released to the public, the media will play a watchdog role, there will be public meetings with the residents, and in the end, the residents will be able to tell us themselves if think it was carried out properly.

Q: Has working with the Myanmar government been a difficult process?

A: Sometimes difficult, but sometimes exciting. It's been challenging, but in a good way.

With Japan’s Help, an Ex-Soldier Leads Rangoon From Backwater to Megacity

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 10:52 PM PDT

Toe Aung, deputy head of urban planning, poses for a photo at Rangoon City Hall, with the lit Sule Pagoda seen behind him.

RANGOON — Every evening, long after Rangoon's office workers have squeezed onto packed buses for grueling commutes to the suburbs, a single room remains lit up on the top floor of City Hall.

Inside sits Toe Aung, a former army major who almost by accident bears one of the biggest responsibilities in reform-era Burma: planning Rangoon's unstoppable transformation from a regional backwater into Southeast Asia's next megacity.

As deputy head of urban planning, a department which didn't exist until he set it up in 2011, Toe Aung's task is unenviable. With its power shortages, floods, traffic jams, pollution and slums, Rangoon is a moldering testament to nearly half a century of economic stagnation under military dictatorship.

Its population of about 5 million is expected to double by 2040, reflecting the rapid urbanization of a largely rural country. The prospect of jobs is luring thousands of underemployed villagers into a city ill-prepared to receive them.

"So many problems," muses Toe Aung, whose soft-spoken English has a United States accent picked up as a child in Washington, where his father was a military attache at the Burmese embassy. "Which should be prioritized?"

Some answers lie—at least on paper—in the Yangon Master Plan, a 852-page study drafted with funds and expertise from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), which oversees Japan's aid to developing countries.

The plan will be finalized in December amid fears the city's soaring land prices are scaring off foreign investors. There are also concerns that City Hall's close cooperation with JICA will give Japanese companies an unfair advantage in bidding for infrastructure projects.

Rangoon lost its status as Burma's capital in 2005, after the former military junta carved a new seat of government from a parched wilderness some 380 km (236 miles) to the north and called it Naypyidaw ("abode of kings").

But the old capital remains Burma's commercial, industrial and financial center, with Rangoon Region accounting for about 22 percent of GDP in 2010-11, according to the master plan.

Rangoon has the country's main ports, making it the most obvious location for export-oriented manufacturing. It is also the main tourist gateway, with visitor arrivals surging since a quasi-civilian government took office in 2011.

In short, Burma's reform-era economy depends upon the fortunes of its biggest city. JICA puts the cost of 103 "priority projects" in Rangoon at US$5.4 billion, with experts predicting the city's long-term transformation will cost tens of billions more.

Sleepy No More

As with all great cities, Rangoon's dysfunction is part of its charm. But not if you live there.

The power shortages mean back-up generators clog its crumbling pavements. The rear windows of many dilapidated tenements look out upon alleys carpeted with rat-infested garbage. This clogs up drainage pipes and worsens the flooding during the monsoon season.

Downtown Rangoon has a decrepit sewer system built when Burma was a British colony. Elsewhere, septic tanks are emptied into open drains. Less than half the city has access to piped water.

Then there's the traffic. During decades of military-imposed isolation, Burma boasted fresh air and sleepy roads. Not anymore. The easing of government restrictions on car imports in 2011 led to a surge of vehicles on Rangoon's narrow and rutted streets. The city center is often gridlocked and thick with exhaust fumes.

Without a comprehensive land use and development plan, Rangoon risks becoming "yet another poorly managed and unattractive Asian megacity," the Harvard Ash Center, which advises the Burmese government, said in a report last year.

The JICA-led master plan proposes scores of projects, including a million-house building program, the regeneration of Rangoon's waterfront and a new central business district just south of the existing airport.

The Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), as City Hall is officially known, is already inviting foreign and local companies to tender for land leases in the new 14.8-hectare central business district.

Japan expects to benefit from these projects. Earlier this year it wrote off 176.1 billion yen (US$1.78 billion) in debt and extended billions of yen more in aid, much of it earmarked for the Thilawa port and industrial zone being developed by Japanese companies to Rangoon's southeast.

As well as the master plan, JICA is also conducting four studies to support Thilawa's development. Its staff occupy the office next to Toe Aung's.

Unlike its Western counterparts, Japan's aid agency often pursues a "two-pronged approach" to assistance, said Andrew Gulbrandson, an American urban planner who has given the master plan's authors critical feedback.

"First, they want to help. Second, they want to identify opportunities for investment," said Gulbrandson.

Case in point: a February seminar organized by City Hall and JICA to improve Rangoon's water supply, sewerage and drainage. It was an all-Japanese affair attended by big construction companies such as Kubota Corporation and senior Tokyo officials.

All this gives Japanese companies an edge when bidding for Rangoon's projects, said Sungmin Ko, assistant commercial attache at the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency (KOTRA) in Rangoon. "Even though it's open bidding, Japanese companies have more time, more information, more specs," he said.

Many Burma officials privately express a preference for Japanese firms, but this doesn't mean their bids will be successful, said Akihito Sanjo, a senior JICA representative in Rangoon.

In August, for example, the Burma government awarded a billion-dollar project to build a new international airport for Rangoon to South Korea's Incheon Airport, beating a consortium led by Japan's New Kansai International Airport.

"The result was very unfortunate for us," said Sanjo.

Social Unrest

Rangoon's biggest problem is one the former junta had trouble even acknowledging, never mind tackling: widespread urban poverty. At least 40 percent of its residents are "poor or extremely poor," said the United Nations housing agency UN-HABITAT.

Rangoon owes its grid-like central layout and monumental government buildings to the British, who ran the city for nearly a century until Burma won its independence in 1948.

But it owes many of its slums to the junta, who in the 1980s and 1990s moved thousands of people from the city center to suburban wastelands, where they live in flimsy, flood-prone settlements with little or no access to basic services.

A fast-growing population is also heaping pressure on already overburdened health and educational systems. Many families can't afford to send their children even to government schools, where supplies and various fees can cost up to 50,000 kyat ($50) a month—a huge sum when the average Burmese salary is only a few dollars a day.

Failure to help this poor, ill-educated underclass in a city where luxury cars and other conspicuous displays of wealth are increasingly common could lead to social unrest. Most democracy uprisings in Rangoon against the former junta were sparked by the economic woes of the people.

All this adds urgency to Toe Aung's work. It is often 10 p.m. before he leaves City Hall, a spire-bedecked monolith with cavernous, ill-lit rooms and desks piled high with Dickensian-looking ledgers. Computers are hard to spot.

Now 46, he spent 18 years in the Burmese military, serving as a staff officer for a junta hardliner called Brigadier General Aung Thein Linn, whom the junta appointed mayor of Rangoon in 2003. Toe Aung followed.

City Hall had no dedicated urban planning unit until Toe Aung set it up in September 2011, just six months after another reform-minded ex-soldier, Thein Sein, became Burma's president.

"My dream is to make Yangon a model of urban development," he said.

That might seem far-fetched, but stagnation and neglect has bequeathed Rangoon some advantages over its Asian rivals. Its historic buildings, though in disrepair, have not been bulldozed, nor its green spaces devoured by greedy developers.

But time is running out. Much of the area slated for new development is unproductive agricultural land, but speculation is driving up its price, said Toe Aung. "We can't control land prices in our city," he said.

One such proposal being considered is a bridge to link the downtown with Dalat, a largely rural area on the opposite bank of the Rangoon River. This has prompted land prices in Dalat to shoot up, said locals.

No Motorbikes Here

As gridlocked Asian capitals such as Jakarta and Dhaka show, megacities don't function properly without mass rapid transit systems. At least 80 percent of Rangoon commuters rely on the antiquated buses which honk and jostle in the streets below Toe Aung's office. They are overcrowded even outside peak hours.

Motorcycles, common elsewhere in Asia, are not an option. They were banned by the former junta, because—so one story goes—a paranoid general felt vulnerable to bike-riding assassins. Reintroducing them to Rangoon's clogged and chaotic streets would be "impossible," said Toe Aung.

Fortunately, Rangoon already has a circle and suburban lines plied by infrequent, slow-moving and ramshackle trains that connect the center to suburbs and industrial estates. Japanese experts working at Burma Railways are already researching how to upgrade the circular line, although no contract has yet been awarded for the actual work, said JICA's Sanjo.

Japan is "definitely interested in that project," he added.

Rangoon lacks two other things—the first being money.

The YCDC's 2012-13 budget is just 55 billion kyat (US$56 million). Chicago, a city with half the population, passed a $6.5 billion budget last year.

The second is a charismatic mayor in the mold of New York City's Michael Bloomberg or Jakarta's popular governor Joko Widodo. But don't ask an old soldier like Toe Aung to comment on this. In 2011, his ex-boss was replaced as mayor by Hla Myint—another former brigadier general.

Burma Receives High-Tech TB Detection Machines

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 10:46 PM PDT

A patient with drug-resistant TB is being examined by a Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) doctor at a clinic in Lashio, Shan State, earlier this year. (Photo: Eddy McCall / MSF)

RANGOON — Burma on Tuesday received four state-of-the-art machines to detect drug-resistant tuberculosis, one of its major health problems.

The machines were among more than 220 donated to 21 countries in Africa, Eastern Europe and Asia where TB is still rampant. The deal was engineered by UNITAID, a health assistance consortium formed by the governments of Brazil, Chile, France, Norway and Britain that derives about 70 percent of its funding from a small levy on some airline tickets.

UNITAID said the tuberculosis project, dubbed TBXpert and coordinated by the UN's World Health Organization and the Stop TB Partnership, is projected to be capable of saving an additional 62,000 lives worldwide.

Burma has the world's fourth highest TB rate, with 525 cases per 100,000 people, compared to the global average of 178 cases. Though there are an estimated 9,000 new infections of drug-resistant TB every year in the country, as of 2012 only 800 patients had ever received treatment, according to the World Health Organization.

It's a worrying problem since this dangerous strain can be spread via coughs and sneezes, usually infecting people in close contact.

"TB diagnosis usually takes six to eight weeks, but with the new machine we get the results in two hours. The test is based on genetic recognition and it will tell us if it is TB or drug-resistant TB," said Dr. Denis Broun, executive director of UNITAID.

He said that with the six- to eight-week wait, patients would return to their villages and spread the disease to others. But with the new test, patients can get immediate treatment, helping to stop the spread of the disease.

Changing China Set to Shake World Economy, Again

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 11:24 PM PDT

The Jianwai SOHO residential and commercial complex in Beijing stands as evidence of China's rapid economic rise. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING/LONDON — Long after concerns about tightening US monetary policy have faded, a more profound issue will still dog global policymakers: how to handle the second stage of China's economic revolution.

The first phase, industrialization, shook the world. Commodity-producing countries boomed as they fed China's endless appetite for natural resources. Six of the 10 fastest-growing economies last decade were in Africa.

China's flood of keenly priced manufactured goods hollowed out jobs in advanced and emerging nations alike but also helped cap inflation and made an array of consumer goods affordable for tens of millions of people for the first time.

The second stage of China's development promises to be no less momentous.

Consumption will take over the growth baton from investment. Services will grow as a share of the economy, while industry shrinks. Commodity-intensive mass manufacturing based on cheap labor will give way to greener, cleaner ways of making things.

More of the value added by a better-educated, more productive workforce harnessing new technologies will stay in China instead of going to multinational companies.

That's the plan, anyway.

China will remain the most powerful engine of global growth for the next couple of decades, but it will no longer be just processing imported raw materials and components for re-export, said Li Jian with the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation, the Commerce Ministry's think tank.

"China has realized that it cannot blindly rely on investment and exports as the main drivers of growth. So China's demand will be more balanced," Li said.

High Stakes

To show it is serious about more sustainable growth, China deliberately engineered the first-half slowdown that unnerved markets in order to address these longer-term structural priorities, according to President Xi Jinping.

Xi and the other new leaders of China's Communist Party are expected to approve a blueprint for reform at a plenum in November. Overcoming vested interests opposed to the new economic model will be a stern test of their credibility.

A lot is at stake for the global economy too.

Philip Schellekens, an economist with the World Bank in Washington, said the importance of the reforms Beijing intends to make cannot be overstated. As China changes, so will the rest of the world.

"The structural transformations that we think are going to happen in China over the next two decades will matter far more than the near-term vulnerabilities," he said.

On balance, commodity-exporting developing economies stand to be affected more than rich nations—an obvious exception being Australia, where the end of a China-driven mining boom was a big issue in Saturday's election. China buys a third of Australia's exports.

Commodity demand should stay strong, especially as China's capital stock per head is only 10 percent that of America's and urbanization has a long way to go. But rebalancing will favor commodities more closely tied to consumption than to investment.

Economists fret that too many emerging markets spent their windfalls from surging raw material prices instead of plowing them into infrastructure and other investment. As a result, growth is slowing now that China's demand is softening.

China's appetite for agricultural commodities and energy should hold up well but Capital Economics, a London consultancy, said it was concerned about large metals exporters that have not saved their extra income and so are running current account deficits.

It singled out South Africa, Zambia, Chile and Peru as being particularly vulnerable.

Winners and Losers

Of course, lower raw material prices should boost growth and lower inflation for commodity importers.

Take iron ore. With no other country coming close to being able to absorb the slack left by China, which imports about two-thirds of the world's ore, prices risk years of decline as a major oversupply swamps demand, with some forecasting prices to be cut in half by 2015.

Another bonus is that big emerging markets such as India and Indonesia will have a chance to move into basic manufacturing sectors that China is vacating. Bangladesh has quickly become the world's second-biggest textile exporter.

Brazil stands out as an example of a country that has already been under intense pressure from China in low-skill industries such as footwear and will increasingly be going head to head with China in higher-value markets too. Policies to boost competitiveness thus become more imperative than ever.

After largely missing the chance to reform during the boom, Brazil also risks squandering the opportunities thrown up by China's transition slip unless it improves its infrastructure, cuts red tape and overhauls its tax system, economists say.

"Some of the underlying structural shortcomings of the economy were covered up during the bonanza. It's only as the commodity boom has slowed that the supply side constraints have become more visible," said Jens Arnold, who tracks Brazil for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris.

In the case of advanced economies, China's transition is a double-edged sword, according to He Yifeng, an analyst at Hongyuan Securities in Beijing.

"For the United States and Europe, China's rebalancing could create more competition for them. But they can take the initiative by focusing on the higher end of the value chain, relying on knowledge and technology exports," he said.

Services Bonanza

Already a lucrative market for European purveyors of luxury goods, China will increasingly present opportunities for foreign firms as incomes rise and consumers grow more discriminating.

Safety-conscious parents' choice of foreign-made baby milk formula is a case in point, said Haibin Zhu, chief China economist for JP Morgan in Hong Kong.

"We will probably see a shift in the consumption basket," Zhu said. "The increased focus on product quality is positive news for many international exporters, particularly from advanced economies."

Another rich seam for advanced economies is services, which account for just 43 percent of Chinese GDP, the smallest share of any major economy.

James Emmett, global head of trade finance at HSBC in London, said urbanization and the rise of China's middle class offered openings to firms in Britain and beyond in sectors such as health, education and tourism.

"We are seeing a change in the nature of China," he said.

As services blossom, foreign companies could reap a windfall of up to $6 trillion by 2025 in everything from retail trade and transport to hotels and finance, said Yale University's Stephen Roach, a former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia.

Zhu at JP Morgan expects investment to drop from 48 percent of GDP to 35 percent by 2018-20 as consumption (household and government) rises to 60-65 percent from 50 percent.

At the same time, GDP growth is likely to slow toward 6.5 percent a year by 2016-20 from 7.7 percent in 2012 and 10 percent a year on average since the late 1970s.

Yet market worries about the transition need to be kept in perspective. Even if growth slows to 5 percent a year by 2030, Schellekens with the World Bank said China will still be adding output every year equal to the size of the South Korean economy.

"Even though China is facing quite a transformation, the long-term future is still a very positive one," he said.

State-Backed China Shipbuilder to Raise $1.4B for Naval Buildup

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 10:40 PM PDT

In this April 23, 2009 file photo, a Chinese Navy submarine takes part in an international fleet review to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army Navy in Qingdao, Shandong province. (Photo: Reuters)

SHANGHAI — A state-backed Chinese ship company plans to raise around US $1.4 billion through a private share sale to buy assets that are key builders of warships, the first time Beijing is tapping the capital market to fund the expansion of its military.

China, whose military spending is now second only to the United States, unveiled a double-digit rise in its 2013 military budget, with spending on the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) set to rise 10.7 percent to 740.6 billion yuan ($119 billion).

"The deal will expand the financing channels for China’s military defense," China Shipbuilding Industry Co Ltd (CSIC) , a key supplier to the People’s Liberation Army, said in a statement posted on the Shanghai Stock Exchange website. "It would also herald an overall securitization of China’s military assets."

Shanghai-listed shares of China Shipbuilding, which had been suspended since May pending the announcement of the deal, jumped more than 10 percent on Wednesday morning.

China is expected to build one or more aircraft carriers over the next five to 10 years, with each carrier fleet costing nearly $20 billion, China Shipbuilding said in the statement, citing expert forecasts.

China Shipbuilding plans to raise as much as 8.48 billion yuan ($1.4 billion) by selling up to 2.2 billion shares to as many as 10 selected investors including two sibling companies, Wuchang Shipbuilding and Dalian Shipbuilding, which are key builders of Chinese warships.

It is the first time China is tapping the capital markets to fund the buildup of its core military, the company said.

"The thinking of those high-ranking officials is changing. Military asset securitization, or tapping capital markets for military expansion, will be the future trend and the funding scale will also become bigger and bigger," said Wang Hexu, an analyst at Hwabao Securities.

"Now aviation and weaponry may also be the next sectors for asset securitization."

Military-related products account for 8.3 percent of China Shipbuilding’s income, according to Hwabao Securities.

The world’s second-largest economy, China’s rise has come with a new sense of military assertiveness and a growing budget to develop modern equipment including aircraft carriers and drones.

After almost three decades of sharply increased military outlays, China now has the firepower to challenge rivals claiming strategically important and resource-rich territories in the East China and South China seas.

Malaysia’s Najib to Announce Steps to Help Ethnic Malays

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 10:33 PM PDT

Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razak, left, and his deputy Muhyiddin Yassin share a light moment after winning the elections at his party headquarters in Kuala Lumpur early on May 6, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak will announce measures this week to boost the economic role of majority ethnic Malays, official media reported on Wednesday, signaling a reversal of earlier pledges to roll back affirmative action policies.

The announcement, due on Saturday, comes as Najib faces a ruling party leadership contest next month. It also follows an election in May in which his coalition, in power since independence from Britain in 1957, was overwhelmingly rejected by minority ethnic Chinese voters.

The initiatives will cover equity ownership, business, "human capital" and social and economic development, the state-controlled New Straits Times cited senior officials as saying. He will also announce steps, the report said, to strengthen state institutions that promote the economic role of Malays, also known as "Bumiputeras".

Abdul Wahid Omar, a minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, was quoted as saying there could also be steps to create more opportunities for Malays in the private sector and to boost their ownership of commercial property.

"A recurring issue is the lack of employment opportunities for Bumiputeras in the private sector, especially at the executive level," he was quoted as saying.

Affirmative action privileges were put in place to improve the lot of Malays, who make up around 60 percent of the 28 million population, are historically poorer and traditionally live in rural areas.

Minority ethnic Chinese, about a quarter of the population, are wealthier and still dominate business and the economy.

After he took over the country’s top job in 2009, Najib cast himself as a modernizer who would roll back the privileges that have stunted the Southeast Asian country’s competitiveness and alienated minorities. He has also pledged to make government assistance more based on needs than on race.

But those plans have largely failed to advance due to stiff resistance from within the ruling, ethnic Malay United Malays National Organization (UMNO).

Najib was further weakened by May’s election in which the ruling coalition lost the popular vote and saw its parliamentary majority shrink.

The result, contested by the opposition, exposed a deepening divide between Malays and ethnic Chinese and was seen as leaving Najib more dependent on support from UMNO traditionalists, such as influential former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad.

For four decades, ethnic Malays have benefitted from race-based policies ranging from quotas for university admissions to preferential entry to the civil service and guaranteed minimum levels of business ownership.

Critics say the policy has mostly benefitted wealthy, well-connected Malays more than the poor majority, while also contributing to a massive "brain drain" of ethnic Chinese who leave Malaysia to seek opportunities elsewhere.
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