Monday, April 27, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Ethnic Parties Split in Two on Four-Month-Old Appointment to Six-Party Talks

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 05:58 AM PDT

Dr. Aye Maung, at the six-party talks on Apr. 10. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Dr. Aye Maung, at the six-party talks on Apr. 10. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — An ethnic political party alliance has revealed a split in its ranks in the wake of this month's six-party talks, releasing a statement announcing that the ethnic lawmaker who attended the summit between government, opposition and military leaders did not have a mandate to represent them.

A statement released last week by the Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBF) said that Dr. Aye Maung, the former leader of the Arakan National Party (ANP) who attended the Apr. 10 summit on behalf of ethnic parliamentarians, did not have the confidence of all of its 21 constituent parties.

The ANP is also one of 10 members of the NBF with representation in the Union Parliament. Aye Maung was selected as ethnic representative for the talks in a first-past-the-post secret ballot last November, winning five of the 14 votes on offer.

"We released the statement because we want to make it clear that he was chosen by the parliament, not by us, because many people including ethnic leaders asked whether he got our mandate," said Saw Than Myint, the NBF's spokesperson. He added that Aye Maung's presence at the talks did not represent the interests of all ethnic minorities in Burma.

Other members of the NBF who took part in last November's ballot have not publicly disclosed their vote, earning the ire of the federation, which believes that member parties lacking parliamentary representation should have had input into the selection of an ethnic representative for the talks.

"We have no idea what members of which NBF member parties joined the voting," said Saw Than Myint. "They haven't reported it to us… At the time we didn't even know the fact that the parliament was going to select an ethnic representative for the talks."

Aye Maung was not available for comment on Monday.

Asked how the NBF would have responded if the alliance was consulted before the vote, Saw Than Myint said they were neither for nor against either Aye Maung's appointment or the talks, but did not expect the roundtable to accomplish anything substantive.

"They couldn't have significant effect on constitutional change," he said. "We are more interested in all-inclusive political dialogue to make the federal system happen through peace talks."

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Diarrhea ‘Rife’ in Parts of Irrawaddy Division

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 05:16 AM PDT

A motorcycle drives past the Pathein People's Hospital in Irrawaddy Division. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy)

A motorcycle drives past the Pathein People's Hospital in Irrawaddy Division. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy)

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — At least three townships in Irrawaddy Division have been hit this month by an outbreak of diarrhea that is being blamed on contaminated drinking water.

Residents of Pathein, Kangyidaunt and Ngapudaw townships have been affected. Pathein has reportedly borne the brunt of the outbreak, with at least four urban wards and four village-tracts hard hit.

"Diarrhea is rife in Pathein's urban wards," said a volunteer from a social organization in Pathein, the division's capital city. "We are short of water in the summer and we have to use water from any source available, and the diarrhea is mainly due to drinking dirty water, because [people] do not boil and chlorinate the water before drinking."

More than 300 diarrhea patients have received medical treatment at People's Hospital in Pathein since April 1, and over 270 have been discharged after recovering. At present, 54 people are receiving treatment at the hospital, its medical superintendent Dr. Tin Maung Nyunt told The Irrawaddy.

"We are giving free medical treatment to 54 patients. They are from different places like Pathein, Ngwe Saung, Kangyidaunt and Ngapudaw. It is not an epidemic and none of the patients is [critically ill]," said the medical superintendent.

Pathein District, which all three townships fall within, began seeing a trickle of patients complaining of diarrhea since the end of February, but the number of such admissions rose significantly in April.

The Pathein Division Health Department is providing medical treatment in the field while undertaking educative programs, said an official from the department.

"For the time being, we are making field trips to villages to provide medical treatment, chlorinating wells and lakes, and educating people," he said.

Social organizations in Pathein are getting behind the department's efforts, with plans to also hold public health talks in urban wards.

"We'll also distribute water purification tablets and mineral salts for free. We'll launch the educative talks at No. 4 Ward tomorrow [Tuesday]," said Maung Maung Shwe, executive of the Mitta Yeik social organization in Pathein.

The Health Ministry has called for precautionary measures to lessen the likelihood of diarrhea, including boiling water or using water purification tablets if it is intended for drinking; practicing a diligent hand-washing regimen; avoiding consumption of flyblown foods; and immediate admission to hospital if symptoms are shown.

The post Diarrhea 'Rife' in Parts of Irrawaddy Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parami Pizza Dishes up a Fresh Slice in Bahan

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 05:09 AM PDT

Chef de Cuisine Francesco Costa at Parami Pizza's new location on Friday night. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Chef de Cuisine Francesco Costa at Parami Pizza's new location on Friday night. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — For more than two years, the folks behind the hospitality consortium 57Below have set a seemingly impossible standard for restaurant bars in Burma's largest city. In the eastern blocks of downtown, Union and Gekko have been elevated to the status of institutions, with their tasteful renovations of heritage buildings and ever-evolving menus drawing even Rangoon's pre-reform expat cohorts away in droves from the stuffier happy hour atmosphere of the hotel bars.

Parami Pizza, the group's third venture, was always a riskier proposition. Of all western cuisine, pizza is probably still the only one to have risen in quality from a surfeit of competitors, and notwithstanding the embassy and UN sets living and working north of Hledan, the Mayangone location's client base was always going to be limited by the 6pm traffic on Pyay Road.

Against expectations, Parami has made such a meal of it that last weekend saw the opening of a second location, smack in the middle of what might affectionately be called the Warsaw end of Bahan's Shwegonedaing Road. The new pizzeria is straight out of the 57Below playbook, with marble-top tables and leather seating set against maroon feature walls, jars of fermenting olives sitting on the kitchen counter, a wine list to weep over and the angry howls of rival restaurateurs piercing the still night air from a distance.

Hosting a gala tasting on Thursday and Friday nights—another 57Below standard for the benefit of anyone with enough heft in the expat pecking order to inveigle an invite—Chef de Cuisine Francesco Costa and his charges showcased a range of indulgent fare before the official start of trade. Eschewing pizza for stuffed artichoke hearts and panna cotta, Costa's team demonstrated its remarkable versatility, without succumbing to the standard temptation of dreaming up a menu as big as a phone book to match their repertoire.

Such is the reputation of 57Below, to pay tribute to the new location is an exercise in redundancy: it rises to the same standards, at the same reasonable cost, with the same flawlessly attentive service as their other ventures. Its suite of Italian entrees is the most satisfying in the city—save perhaps Inya Lake's time-honored L'Opera—and no-one without a debilitating lactose intolerance could conceivably leave the premises unsated. That a few dishes from last weekend's showcase have regrettably not found their way onto the menu is a shame, but it is hard to imagine that 57Below's relentless gentrification machine will allow an unrealized idea to lie dormant for long.

Parami 2 is located on the ground floor of Shwe Gone Plaza, across the road from The Lab.

The post Parami Pizza Dishes up a Fresh Slice in Bahan appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Local Short ‘The Glass Man’ Honored at US Film Festival

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 02:44 AM PDT

Director Wera Aung is pictured at the Asean International Film Festival and Awards (AIFFA) in Malaysia earlier this month. (Photo: Facebook / Wera Aung)

Director Wera Aung is pictured at the Asean International Film Festival and Awards (AIFFA) in Malaysia earlier this month. (Photo: Facebook / Wera Aung)

RANGOON — A Burmese documentary about a young disabled man in Burma has been recognized as a Best Short Honorable Mention at the Asians on Film Festival, held in Los Angeles from April 23-29.

"The Glass Man" tells the story of 20-year-old Kaung Htet, a man suffering from severe osteoporosis, a medical condition in which the bones become brittle and prone to fractures. When viewers meet Kaung Htet, he stands at just three feet and nine inches tall, and he has broken bones about 40 times (his frailty the inspiration for the documentary's title) since birth.

As a child, Kaung Htet often shied away from the public and suffered from depression due to his condition. "The Glass Man" tells the story of his transformation into a confident and caring advocate for people with disabilities after being sent to the School for Disabled Children in Rangoon, Burma's business hub and former capital.

Kaung Htet today volunteers as a teacher at the alma mater that changed his life, providing physical and mental support to others with disabilities. He is also involved in various activities advocating for the rights of the disabled.

"Kaung Htet is a strong, unrelenting person," said Wera Aung, the film's director.

The documentary was made in 2013 and has screened in several countries including Japan, where it also received an award for best documentary.

The post Local Short 'The Glass Man' Honored at US Film Festival appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Photo Exhibit Closes Early Amid Fears that Content ‘Too Sensitive’

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 02:37 AM PDT

A photograph featured in the exhibition

A photograph featured in the exhibition "Documenting Burma's Long March," which closed on Sunday in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — An exhibition of photographs documenting recent student protests was prematurely shuttered after the building owner expressed concern that the material was too politically sensitive.

The show, titled "Documenting Burma's Long March," featured the work of five local photographers who followed student activists on a 300-plus mile education reform march that came to a violent end last month.

Originally set to be open at Rangoon's Thing Art Gallery from April 25 to 27, doors were closed on Sunday after police visits triggered "worry" among the building's management, according to one of the featured photographers, who was also a key organizer.

"The owner of the building said he doesn't want to be associated with politics, and he worried about the exhibition so he asked us to stop it," said JPaing, a photojournalist working for The Irrawaddy.

He said that on the opening day of the exhibition, a police officer came to the gallery and asked an attendant to move two images depicting police brutality to poorly lit corners where they would be difficult to see.

The offending images were taken during the violent dispersal of two protests; one in Rangoon and one in Letpadan, Pegu Division. Images of the latter incident flooded the media in the days that followed, revealing what appeared to be excessive and indiscriminate violence used by authorities against students, onlookers, monks and journalists alike.

The manager of Think Gallery, Aye Sang, told The Irrawaddy that the building is owned by his older brother, who asked him to halt the exhibition once he realized that it had been widely publicized. About 400 visitors came to view the show's 37 images over the first two days.

"This hasn't happened with other shows," Aye Sang said, "but this is a sensitive issue so all of my relatives were worried and asked us to stop."

Aye Sang said that he was not pressured by authorities, but decided to terminate the show to allay his family's concerns, though the gallery was visited several times by men he believed to be Special Branch officers. While Aye Sang did not wish to elaborate on the visits, he told The Irrawaddy that the men asked him many questions and he supplied them with satisfactory answers.

Images featured in the show were shot by The Irrawaddy photojournalists JPaing, Sai Zaw, Hein Htet and Teza Hlaing, and one photojournalist from The People's Age weekly journal, La Min Tun.

The photos capture the highs and lows of a protest that at turns featured jubilant chanting and tense confrontations with local authorities, right up through the brutal crackdown in Letpadan, Pegu Division, that effectively sent the movement underground.

Student activists on Jan. 20 began their march from Mandalay to Rangoon, but the protest came up against a police blockade in Letpadan in early March, with authorities refusing to allow them to proceed to the commercial capital. The standoff ended violently on March 10, when baton-wielding police dispersed the students and detained more than 120 people.

Seventy students remain in police custody facing trial, and 11 of their supporters are also facing charges but have been released on bail.

The post Photo Exhibit Closes Early Amid Fears that Content 'Too Sensitive' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

2 Armed Men Attack Military-Owned Bank in Shan State

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 11:01 PM PDT

A window shattered by armed attackers at the Muse branch of Myawaddy Bank. (Photo: Myawaddy Newspaper / Facebook)

A window shattered by armed attackers at the Muse branch of Myawaddy Bank. (Photo: Myawaddy Newspaper / Facebook)

RANGOON — A Burmese military-owned bank in eastern Burma was targeted by armed attackers over the weekend, according to the military's information department.

Two armed men of unidentified affiliation attacked a branch of Myawaddy Bank in Muse, on the border with China in the northern part of Shan State, at around 3:30 am on Saturday.

No injuries or casualties were reported, though the building's glass façade and some counters were shattered. The report did not specify any further damages or theft.

The information department cited locals who claimed that armed insurgents recently threatened banks for protection money, speculating that the attack could have been in response for Myawaddy's refusal to meet their demands.

Myawaddy Bank is operated by the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, Ltd., one of two major conglomerates run by the Ministry of Defense.

The military also owns Myanmar Economic Corporation. Both firms are included on the US Treasury Department's Specially Designated Nationals list.

According to the Central Bank of Myanmar, Myawaddy Bank operates 30 branches nationwide.

The post 2 Armed Men Attack Military-Owned Bank in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘We Among the Democratic Forces Should Have Unity’

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 11:00 PM PDT

Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society, says leading members of the formerly exiled party are barred from contesting the 2015 elections due to Article 120 of the Constitution. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society, says leading members of the formerly exiled party are barred from contesting the 2015 elections due to Article 120 of the Constitution. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Formed in 1988 following the nationwide pro-democracy uprising, the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS) spent over two decades in political exile after being outlawed by Burma's military regime in 1991. It was officially re-registered as a political party with the Union Election Commission in October 2014 but some leading members remain barred from contesting the 2015 elections under a constitutional clause. The party's chair Aung Moe Zaw spoke to The Irrawaddy on his efforts to reregister the party, its activities within the last five months and his views on the current political landscape.

What were the main challenges you faced after returning from exile after 23 years?

The challenges were both political and financial. In terms of political challenges, I have not seen unity among the democratic forces. Before we returned, we hoped to join hands together. In exile, it was clear our stance was either black or white. But here it is grey. We are not able to implement the [political] platform we intended. We still think the democratic movement must continue as our country isn't a full democracy and we are not even yet on a genuine democratic transition. We think there should be a centre, where all the political parties and civil society groups can coalesce. We re-registered our party as we want to be a good pressure mechanism in the reform period. But we have our allies, such as the SNLD [the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy] and the United Nationalities Alliance [UNA], which we collaborate with.

Does the DPNS still have the political space to operate inside the country, alongside and against other parties?

Yes, we definitely have [the space]. The question is how much we can do. In terms of the political space, we have a continuous alliance with the UNA, which has a policy to collaborate with us on matters of national reconciliation and building federalism. In the upcoming election, at least we have a space where we can raise our voice. As I said, we have faced political difficulties, as well as financial and legal difficulties and so forth. We returned home after the incumbent government opened the door and invited us [and others in exile] to come back. But they [the government] control everything; the rules and regulations and financially. We have to work in a tight situation. We have been back in the country for over two years, but we only became an official political party five months ago.

Have you seen any difference in terms of public interest in your party, which was quite well-known in the 1990s?

Honestly, many people are not aware of our party. Our supporters are those in their forties who have been in the political movement. Many young people, especially, rarely know of us, so we have to struggle [to regain popularity].

How long do you think it will take for the party to regain its standing?

We must try at least for the next 10 years. We can do it as now there is the political need. At the moment, we are still pushing for democracy. When the country's transition is stable, we would only need four or five good political parties for our country. So we have a chance to fill that space.

In addition to the lack of unity among the democratic forces, as you said, what are the other obstacles for political parties?

We reregistered the party under two conditions. First, we held discussions with the Myanmar Peace Center on six occasions before we returned to the country. We were told they [the government] would acknowledge our party and to reregister under the current laws. We accepted that and we made our decision to return. Then we tried registering, since two years ago. The first challenge we faced was that we were told to remove seven of our executive members from the party's leadership [who were on a government blacklist at the time]. It was sorted out after several months. We also faced objections from our former members when we registered the party. But they now have their own party. I don't know yet whether our two parties could merge in the future.

Will DPNS be able to contest the upcoming election if Article 120 of the Constitution—that requires prospective parliamentary candidates to have resided in the country for at least 10 consecutive years prior to the election—is not amended?

Many of our party members are eligible to enter the election, but few of our [formerly exiled] leading members. We were in exile for political reasons and we returned as the reform has started. That clause of the Constitution is the reason a few others and I will not be able to contest. We have raised the issue of how we can overcome obstacles [such as this]. We have talked to the Union Election Commission, which said it was beyond their authority, but promised to help petition the parliament for amendment of this clause. At the moment, it is not yet certain.

How many candidates would you have if the Constitution was amended?

In general, we think we would have 220 election candidates, but within this short period of time [before the election] we would not be able to field that many.

Do you think it's a level playing field?

There is no level playing field, not only in the political context, but in any field. We knew it, but we work [within it]. Therefore, I think we among the democratic forces should have unity. There is no equality for the political parties, either the opposition or the ethnic parties, in competing with the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party in terms of budget. As they are in power, they initiate regional development [projects] with the national budget. If you travel across Burma, you will see villages named as a "USDP village." We are aware of the challenges, but as we reformed the party, at least we can be in touch with the public so that we can mobilize to fight injustice.

Under these conditions, how much trust do you have in the upcoming election?

It is hard to say. Until now, big parties like the NLD cannot yet say whether they will contest the 2015 election. Though everyone is preparing to be ready. If this year's election does not have fraud, the democratic forces will win. The present situation is more complex than in the 1990 period. Now we have many groups, including the ethnic political parties, with which we could join hands. If the election is free and fair, there is no way for the USDP to win.

Many observers are now questioning the reform process in Burma. Do you share these concerns?

If changes in Burma are in accordance with the Constitution, we cannot say we are in a democracy. Amendment of the Constitution must be a part of [broader] changes. If not, questions will also remain over whether peace is genuine. Those leaders in the reform process must have the mind to go beyond the current Constitution. In order for the political reforms to move forward, it also very much depends on political parties like us, as well as civil society groups. I would urge the current leaders to hold specific talks with leaders such as the NLD's Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnics' Khun Htun Oo of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy. The talks must be related to the peace process, which is another half of the country's reform. We need a national accord on how to move forward in building our country based on an all-inclusive agreement. If not, we could lose direction.

The post 'We Among the Democratic Forces Should Have Unity' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bangladeshi Opposition Leader Says Party Will Retaliate If Election Is Rigged

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 10:29 PM PDT

Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader Begum Khaleda Zia at a rally in Jan. 2014. (Photo: Andrew Biraj / Reuters)

Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader Begum Khaleda Zia at a rally in Jan. 2014. (Photo: Andrew Biraj / Reuters)

DHAKA — The leader of Bangladesh’s main opposition party threatened retaliation if local elections being held this week are not conducted fairly.

Bangladesh has been marred by months of violence, much of it attacks against vehicles during transport blockades organized by the opposition. More than 120 people have been killed and hundreds injured.

Campaigning in the upcoming elections for Bangladesh’s two main cities, Dhaka and Chittagong, ends at midnight on Sunday, with voting on Tuesday. The elections are supposed to be nonpartisan, but both the ruling Awami League and the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party directly supported candidates.

"We participated in the election as a test case to judge how far the government and the election commission are non-biased," Begum Khaleda Zia, the leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and a former prime minister, said on Sunday.

The BNP refused to take part in last year’s general election, saying it was rigged.

Last week, Khaleda’s motorcade was attacked as she was addressing an election rally. Her own car was hit by gunshots.

"It was bullet proof car, otherwise that day I could be killed," she said.

"My workers and supporters are constantly facing harassment," said Tabith Awal, the BNP-supported candidate for Dhaka North City Corporation.

Out of 36 candidates for councilor in North Dhaka, legal cases were brought against 11 candidates for councilor, and three candidates were arrested, Tabith told Reuters.

Tabith had more than 100 volunteers and up to 300 workers when the campaign began, he said, "but now due to continuous harassment it came down to only five volunteers and sometime I don’t find any workers."

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed has refused BNP demands that she step down. Instead, she has tightened her grip by arresting key opposition leaders and clamping down on media criticism of her government.

Bangladeshi politics has been mired for years in rivalry between Hasina and Khaleda. Both women are related to former national leaders and they have alternated as prime minister for most of the past two decades.

Khaleda, 69, faces charges of instigating the violence, which is estimated to have cost Bangladesh the equivalent of 0.55 percent of its national output.

Earlier this month, Khaleda was granted bail in two graft cases she is fighting. She denies any wrongdoing and says the charges against her and the BNP are politically motivated.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said in a separate press conference on Sunday the people of Bangladesh would not respond to Khaleda any more.

"None will respond to the call of Khaleda," Hasina said in an apparent reference to the BNP chief’s electioneering in favor of the BNP-blessed mayoral candidates.

The post Bangladeshi Opposition Leader Says Party Will Retaliate If Election Is Rigged appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesia Gives 72-Hour Execution Notice to Drug Traffickers

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 10:20 PM PDT

Chintu Sukumaran, left, brother of Myuran Sukumaran, talks to reporters while standing next to Michael Chan, brother of Andrew Chan, in Cilacap, Indonesia, on April 26, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Chintu Sukumaran, left, brother of Myuran Sukumaran, talks to reporters while standing next to Michael Chan, brother of Andrew Chan, in Cilacap, Indonesia, on April 26, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

CANBERRA, Australia — Australian leaders on Monday continued to lobby Indonesia to spare the lives of two Australians on death row despite 10 prisoners being given formal notice that they could die within days.

The Australians Myuran Sukumaran, 33, and Andrew Chan, 31, are among 10 drug traffickers facing execution by an Indonesian firing squad.

Authorities had asked the two Australians, the four Nigerian men, a Filipino woman, and one man each from Brazil, France and Indonesia for their last wish as well as giving them 72-hour notice of their executions, a spokesman for the Indonesian attorney general, Tony Spontana, said Sunday.

He said the legal options of nine of them have been exhausted, while Frenchman Serge Atlaoui still has an outstanding legal complaint over the procedure followed in his request for clemency. Spontana said he expects the Supreme Court to rule on it Monday.

The 72-hour notice indicates the executions by firing squad in Besi prison on Nusakambangan Island will be carried out at the earliest on Tuesday or Wednesday.

Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop told Australian Broadcasting Corp. radio on Monday that she is "profoundly dismayed" over the 72-hour notice.

Bishop says she contacted her Indonesian counterpart Retno Marsudi on Sunday night in a bid to prevent the executions.

"I will continue to do everything possible to advocate for a stay of execution and a reconsideration of the clemency bid of the two men," Bishop said. "I do not believe it is too late for a change of heart."

Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott has also written to Indonesian President Joko Widodo on their behalf.

"This is not in the best interests of Indonesia, let alone the best interests of the young Australians concerned," Abbott told reporters in France.

Bishop said the Australians had not yet exhausted their legal options. The pair still had an appeal before Indonesia's Constitutional Court and Indonesia's Judicial Commission was investigating claims of corruption in the pair's original trial.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon urged Widodo on Sunday to "urgently consider declaring a moratorium on capital punishment in Indonesia, with a view toward abolition."

The post Indonesia Gives 72-Hour Execution Notice to Drug Traffickers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Desperate Nepalese Sleep in Open, Seek Help as Aftershocks Spread Fear

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 10:01 PM PDT

A man cries as he passes by a damaged statue of Buddha in Bhaktapur, Nepal on Sunday. (Photo: Navesh Chitrakar / Reuters)

A man cries as he passes by a damaged statue of Buddha in Bhaktapur, Nepal on Sunday. (Photo: Navesh Chitrakar / Reuters)

KATHMANDU — Thousands of desperate Nepalese huddled under tents and sought scarce food and medical supplies on Monday, two days after a massive quake killed more than 3,200 people and overwhelmed authorities struggled to cope with the disaster.

The sick and wounded lay out in the open in the capital, Kathmandu, unable to find beds in the devastated city’s hospitals. Surgeons set up an operating theatre inside a tent in the grounds of Kathmandu Medical College.

“We are overwhelmed with rescue and assistance requests from all across the country,” said Deepak Panda, a member of the country’s disaster management.

Across Kathmandu and beyond, exhausted families whose homes were either flattened or at risk of collapse laid mattresses out on streets and erected tents to shelter from rain.

People queued for water dispensed from the back of trucks, while the few stores still open had next to nothing on their shelves. Crowds jostled for medicine at one pharmacy.

High in the Himalayas, hundreds of foreign and Nepalese climbers remained trapped after a huge avalanche ripped through the Mount Everest base camp, killing 17 people in the single worst disaster to hit the world’s highest mountain.

A total of 3,218 people were confirmed killed in the 7.9 magnitude quake, a police official said on Monday, the worst in Nepal since 1934 when 8,500 died. More than 6,500 were injured.

Another 66 were killed across the border in India and at least another 20 in Tibet, China’s state news agency said.

The toll is likely to climb as rescuers struggle to reach remote regions in the impoverished, mountainous country of 28 million people and as bodies buried under rubble are recovered.

“The rescue workers are in a really bad shape. We are all about to collapse. We have worked two straight nights,” said home ministry official Laxmi Prasad Dhakal.

With so many people sleeping in the open with no power or water and downpours forecast, fears mounted of major food and water shortages. Across Nepal, hundreds of villages have been left to fend for themselves.

“There is no electricity, no water. Our main challenge and priority is to restore electricity and water,” Dhakal said.

“The next big challenge is the supply of food. Shopkeepers are unable to go in and open their shops. So people are facing difficulty buying food.”

Several countries rushed to send aid and personnel.

India flew in medical supplies and members of its National Disaster Response Force. China sent a 60-strong emergency team. Pakistan’s army said it was sending four C-130 aircraft with a 30-bed hospital, search and rescue teams and relief supplies.

A Pentagon spokesman said a US military aircraft with 70 personnel left the United States on Sunday and was due in Kathmandu on Monday. Australia, Britain and New Zealand said they were sending specialist urban search-and-rescue teams to Kathmandu at Nepal’s request.

Britain, which believes several hundred of its nationals are in Nepal, was also delivering supplies and medics.

However, there has been little sign of international assistance on the ground so far, with some aid flights prevented from landing by aftershocks that closed Kathmandu’s main airport several times on Sunday.

In the Himalayas, hundreds of climbers felt tremors on Sunday powerful enough to send snow and boulders cascading towards them. Another was felt early on Monday.

The huge and deadly avalanche on Saturday triggered by the earthquake caused panic at the Everest base camp, a sprawling “city” of tents from where mountaineers set off for the world’s highest peak.

“It was a monstrous sound, like the demons had descended on the mountain,” Khile Sherpa, a Nepalese guide, told Reuters, recalling the moment the avalanche hit.

He was one of the lucky few airlifted to the relative safety of Kathmandu but the disaster has underlined the woeful state of Nepal’s medical facilities.

Nepal has only 2.1 physicians and 50 hospital beds for every 10,000 people, according to a 2011 World Health Organization report.

“The earthquake has exposed that Nepal’s best public hospital infrastructure has crumbled at a time when it should serve more people in a hurry,” said Sarvendra Moongla, a senior surgeon at Bir Hospital’s Trauma Centre in Kathmandu, which opened in February.

At the Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital, bodies, including that of a boy aged about seven, were heaped in a dark room. The stench of death was overpowering.

Rajiv Biswas, Asia Pacific chief economist at business research firm IHS, said long-term reconstruction costs in Nepal using proper building standards for an earthquake zone could be more than $5 billion, or around 20 percent of the country’s GDP.

“With housing construction standards in Nepal being extremely low…the impact of the earthquake has been devastating based on initial reports,” he said in an early analysis of the likely damage.

In crowded Kathmandu, many buildings were flattened or badly damaged.

Among the capital’s landmarks destroyed in the earthquake was the 60-meter (200-foot) Dharahara Tower, built in 1832 for the queen of Nepal.

The post Desperate Nepalese Sleep in Open, Seek Help as Aftershocks Spread Fear appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Dala village gets solar power supply

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 08:18 PM PDT

Villagers in Dala township, Yangon Region, are enjoying the benefits of solar power following the installation of a generator by the Myanmar Red Cross Society. The project was funded by the Belgian-based Bright Foundation.

'The walls started chattering as if they were cold’

Posted: 27 Apr 2015 01:36 AM PDT

The Myanmar Times' Catherine Trautwein was holidaying in the tourist town of Pokhara, Nepal –  73 kilometres east of the quake's epicentre – when the shock struck.

‘Daily Eleven’ in military crosshairs for Kokang report

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:50 PM PDT

The Tatmadaw has publicly condemned a report in Daily Eleven about alleged losses in the Kokang conflict, accusing the paper of breaking journalism ethics by publishing unverified information.

Number of Rakhine displaced on the rise

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:46 PM PDT

More than 500 people have taken refuge in Kyauktaw village, with volunteers seeking permission to deliver more aid.

Army detains civilians for links to AA

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:45 PM PDT

The military has begun arresting residents in Rakhine State for alleged links to the Arakan Army, in a move that is likely to complicate progress toward a nationwide ceasefire.

Thousands attend ANZAC Day service

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:44 PM PDT

More than 3000 people marched under the cover of darkness down the steep slope to a former railway cutting of the Thai-Burma Railway that became known as "Hellfire Pass" on April 25 to honour Australian and New Zealand soldiers who have fallen in battle over the past 100 years.

Testing finds noxious noodles and carcinogen-laced candies

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:41 PM PDT

Almost two dozen food products from markets and schools in Nay Pyi Taw and Magwe tested positive for illegal and potentially toxic chemical substances, according to the Ministry of Health.

Malaysian politician gives cold shoulder to refugee seekers

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:38 PM PDT

Amid calls for the ASEAN Summit to jointly address the growing diaspora of refugee seekers from Rakhine State, a Malaysian senator and former NGO director offered his solution: Send them back.

New top civil servants to oversee media relations

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:32 PM PDT

A new mechanism set up by the government to improve relations with the media and the public has received a cautious welcome from journalists.

Deputy minister launches ILO migrant education handbook

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:31 PM PDT

The International Labour Organization has drawn up an instruction manual for Myanmar migrant workers intending to work in Thailand and Malaysia. The handbook was launched on April 26.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Fifth nationwide ceasefire agreement draft ignores Panglong Promises: Sweeping core issues under the carpet won’t help resolve ethnic conflict

Posted: 26 Apr 2015 08:55 PM PDT

As United Wa State Army (UWSA) held conference, co-hosted by Mong La and Kachin Independence Army (KIA), scheduled to start from 1 to 3 May, in Panghsang, involving 12 Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), but not all Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) members, approaches, the NCCT is to meet on 29 April, to prepare for all its members to gather, so that deliberation on the 5th Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft could be discussed and determined. The NCCT has conducted such all-members meeting thrice; twice at KIA headquarters and once at Karen National Union (KNU) controlled Lawkhila.
news_opinion_sai-wansai
Ever since the completion of 5th NCA draft, EAOs have been making necessary review on it. The forthcoming NCCT members meeting would probably look into inputs, opinions and thrash out a decision on whether to go along and proceed with the draft as it is, or with alteration and additional clauses.

KNU meet on NCA
While news of KNU deliberation on the text was openly reported in the news media, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) emergency meeting from 11 to 13 April was held under-wraps and have not been seen or reported. However, its position on the NCA draft is seeping out, which signals the 5th draft that supposed to be final, from the point of government, is not really final, from UNFC perspective.

The KNU held a central standing committee emergency meeting to discuss about the NCA draft and the forthcoming ethnic armed organization summit, at its headquarters at Lay Wah, Hlaingbwe Townhip in Pa-an District from April 20-22, 2015.

According to Padoh Mahn Mahn, joint-secretary (2) of KNU, the discussion centered around 3 guiding principles – to safeguard sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) and the regime's stance of building federal system according to the outcome of political dialogue.

But Padoh Naw Zipporah Sein, vice chairperson of the KNU, according to Karen Information Center report of 23 April, in an exclusive interview spelled out quite a lot of points that needs clarification and what should still be included in the NCA. However, it is not clear, whether her points of argument are accepted or not by the KNU.

She clarified that the 5th NCA draft signed on 31 March 2015 was the approval of the text formulated between NCCT & UPWC, which needs to be viewed by ethnic leaders and decide what to do next. Not the signing of NCA.

She said that Ceasefire Code-of-Conduct ought to be included, so do the relocation of [Burma Army] troops in KNU [controlled] areas could be determined. Besides, in the ethnic nationalities areas, their status of self-governing authorities should be agreed and worked out, during the transitional period; that is the period between after NCA signing and political dialogue phase.

She further elaborates :"The signing of the agreement reached on the draft NCA will not bring any benefits if the draft agreement does not contain all the important issues. However, [as it stands] there will be more benefits for the government."

She said: "There is no clear provision or procedure written in the NCA in order to amend or reword the 2008 Constitution. It is only stated that the issue will be discussed at the political dialogue level, there are no specific details."

UNFC stand on NCA
Reliable, insider sources said that the UNFC held an emergency meeting from 11 to 13 April to reflect on the 5th NCA draft.

Accordingly, it was decided to push for NCA to include Ceasefire Code of Conduct, Joint Monitoring Committee; to stick to all-inclusive signatory stance of all EAOs; signing of NCA to include UN & ASEAN General Secretaries and 7 countries; actual nationwide ceasefire implementation on the ground, prior to NCA signing; Ceasefire area definition agreement – should include whole country, varying demarcation procedure according to individual party, to find common definition on unclearly defined vocabularies.

The meeting also decided that NCCT's future role will be determined by the Ethnic Leaders' Summit.

5th NCA Draft
The 5th NCA draft has 7 Chapters and 33 clauses. According to Aung Naing Oo of Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), "A careful analysis of the agreement reveals that 55 of the overall provisions are related to military matters while 35 points deal directly with political issues. The remaining points focus on various other issues aimed at strengthening ceasefires, such as confidence-building measures."

The finalized draft, 7 steps roadmap agreed are:
  1. Signing of the NCA
    Negotiations and agreement on the Framework for Political Dialogue within 60 days after the NCA signing (Negotiations on Code of Conduct and Joint Monitoring Mechanism to be completed within 30 days)
    3. Launching of the Political Dialogue within 90 days after the NCA signing
    4. Convening of Union Peace Conference
    5. Signing of Union Peace Accord (UPA)
    6. Submission to the Union Assembly for approval
    7. Implementation of the UPA

Words and terminologies
Debatable words and terminologies were, more or less, shelved or watered down to the benefit of the government, while the EAOs long-held political position, related to their aspirations, were compromised.

Three such words or terminologies, that need emphasizing are "national versus nationals or nationality versus nationalities", usage of the word "Taw Hlan Ye – resistance or revolution", and mentioning "Panglong spirit without Panglong promises".

By accepting the word "national and nationality", in a singular sense, the EAOs have capitulated and embraced the collective, common national identity of "Myanmar" imposed by the Burmese military, which they all along have resisted, by employing the usage of "nationals and nationalities". In other words, the present forcefully enforced Republic of the Union of Myanmar and its corresponding imposed common, national identity "Myanmar", without the consent or participation of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities, were accepted by the EAOs. Thus their all along held political posture that Burma is an multi-ethnic state, inhabited by a wide range of ethnic nationalities, and are still struggling to build their desired genuine federalism that is not yet completed, is being abandoned. In fact, for the time being, it should be taken that usage of "ethnic nationalities" is more appropriate and pragmatic in contemporary Burma's political arena, for an all accepted common, national identity still has to be worked out, with all-inclusive participation and consent, after achieving the genuine federal system of governance. In short, a national identity imposed by the military has not taken roots, due to the failure of nation-building process, after all these years.

The usage of "Taw Hlan Ye", which could be translated as "resistance or revolution", in the NCA text is bitterly protested by the Burma Army (BA) for this implies the successive military regimes are oppressors and aggressors and the non-Burman ethnic nationalities are waging a war of resistance, a revolutionary war. But this is the reality and the UPWC, or rather the BA faction within it, agreed to the usage grudgingly, although it was agreed that it should not appear on the cover of the draft text.

As it turns out, the 5th NCA draft text did use the word "Taw Hlan Ye", but not to in a sense the EAOs leadership has hoped for. They have wanted the regime to differentiate them from drug trafficking gangs and addressed them as dignified, revolutionary armies, as time and again, stated by Nai Hong Sar, the top NCCT negotiator.

One single word used in the 18 pages draft writes: "Understanding the ethnic armed organizations' resistance/revolutionary based political aspirations, together with aimed, steadfast union spirit and those ethnic armed groups, that are eligible and ought to participate, sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement." (Source: 5th NCA draft, Chapter 2, Clause 2 (d) – unofficial translation from Burmese text by the writer)

The formulation and its meaning is misleading and not at all clear, but would make sense if it is written "Understanding the ethnic armed organizations' political aspirations based on resistance/revolution" . However, the text never once address or mention the EAOs as revolutionary armies, as desired by the ethnic leaders.

Again, mentioning "Panglong Spirit" only without "Panglong Promises", in Chapter 1, Clause 1 (a), could be seen as giving up the long-held political legacy of all non-Burman ethnic nationalities, from the part of EAOs, that Panglong Promises, closely linked to the ethnic nationalities' rights of self-determination, democracy and equality, have to be upheld, honored and is non-negotiable.

Panglong Promises
The 1947 Panglong Agreement underpinned the ethnic aspirations of democracy, rights of self-determination, equality and democracy, as could be seen by the three clauses included in the nine points accord.

They are:
  • The Frontier Areas will enjoy full autonomy in internal administration
  • Citizens of the Frontier Areas shall enjoy rights and privileges which are regarded as fundamental in democratic countries.
  • Financial autonomy vested in the Federated Shan States shall be maintained
In this conjunction, one of the now defunct Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) statement, on 12 February 2007, is also worth mentioning.

  • When the ethnic nationalities leaders met again for the second time in Panglong in February 1947, Bogyoke Aung San came to join them. He had been to London to negotiate with Prime Minister Atlee for Burma's independence, which was conditional on the unification of the Frontier Areas with Burma. Based on Aung San's promises of democracy, equality and self rule, the ethnic nationalities agreed to work together with Aung San's interim government to form the Union of Burma. Some of the historical quotations are as follows:
  • "We stand for full freedom of all the races in our country, including those so-called Karenni states…" (Aung San, 14 January 1947 – The Times, London).
  • "If the Burmese receive one kyat, the Shan will also get one kyat." (Aung San at Panglong, February 1947).

On how the inclusion of secession clause enshrined in 1948 Union of Burma Constitution come about was documented by Pangmu Shayi as below:-


  • Duwa Shan Lone recalled the exchanges that took place between the Nyaung Shwe Sawbwa (Prince of Yawnghwe) and Bogyoke Aung San thus:
  • Bogyoke: Sawbwa Gyi, let me put to rest all your concerns regarding union with Burma. Federated or not, your rights to secession will be honored. I would strongly urge you to join hands with us to form a union after we gain independence from the British.
  • Sao Shwe Thaike: Bogyoke, we the Sawbwas and the people of Shan States have complete trust in you, but we cannot say the same about the other Burmese leaders around you.
  • Bogyoke: I am glad to hear your expression of trust in me, but let me tell you this. Do not put your trust in man. Rather, trust the constitution that we will be drafting. I can assure you here and now, that all matters such as the right to secession and other safeguards you wish included in the constitution, will be fully addressed. So please join hands with us in the Constituent Assembly where further details will be discussed and thrashed out. (Source: Kachinland News – 20 April 2015)



Interpretation and approaches on federalism
Accordingly, the UNFC has total desire for all to pledge and sign an "Agreement relating to the establishment a Federal Union" together with the government led by President U Thein Sein, on the occasion of 68th Anniversary of the Union Day, which falls on February 12, 2015, to uphold the establishment of a Federal Union based on democratic rights and national states, with full national equality and self-determination, as yearned for by the entire people. The UNFC issues this position statement that by signing this Agreement together, the President and ethnic nationality leaders will further strengthen mutual trust and recommit to concluding the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement without delay. (Source: UNFC Statement 29 January 2015)

Thein Sein, however, rejected the UNFC proposal and come up with his own version of Deeds of Commitment.

In comparison, the Deeds of Commitment Statement, prepared and headed by President Thein Sein, doesn't mention anything about Panglong Promises or legacy that has to be honored. One from five of the paragraphs writes:

"Aiming to safeguard sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity on the basis of the peace process; and building a Union based on democratic and federal principles in the spirit of Panglong and in accordance with the outcomes of Political Dialogue to ensure freedom, equality, justice and self-determination for all citizens".(Source: Deeds of Commitment for Peace and National Reconciliation – Naypyidaw, 12 February 2015)

To sum up, the Panglong Promises are non-Burman ethnic nationalities' political legacy, that is non-negotiable. To be more precise, the combination of 1947 Panglong Agreement – where ethnic and democratic rights are enshrined -, 1948 Union of Burma Constitution – where secession clause is explicitly promulgated, even though it is federal in structure but unitary in practice -, and 1961 Federal Proposal – which all the non-Burman nationalities seek to amend the constitution to ward off the then brewing, armed conflict and amend it to be federal – are the political aspirations of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities and as well, their political legacy, which still need to be materialized.

The USDP-Military regime tactics is, intentionally or unintentionally, to disregard the Panglong political legacy with vague "in accordance with the outcomes of political dialogue" statement, which could be anything less than the ethnic and democratic rights enshrined in the Panglong treaty. The diversified seven divisions/regions from one single entity "Burma Proper" created by the military regime, in 1974 Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) Constitution, presumably, to off set the veto power of non-Burman ethnic states, should the country become federal in the future; and implementation of a unitary system in BSPP and Military-drafted 2008 Constitutions were promulgated with aimed intention, to subordinate the non-Burmans ethnic nationalities under Burman-dominated regimes to come.

Conceptual difference on issue of armed conflict
As the name is NCA most clauses are concerned with ceasefire arrangement and rightly so. The hardest task seems to be drawing demarcation lines, to separate the respective confronting forces to a distance, so that actual ceasefire could be maintained.

The frequent armed clashes that have occurred even with those that the regime has signed union -level ceasefire agreement, like Shan State Army (SSA) South and Shan State Army (SSA) North, not to mention with the KIA, Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA), and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) that the regime still has not signed ceasefire, is due to the implementation of territorial gain and cleansing policy of the regime.

While the regime views its activities as trying to protect the country's sovereignty, the EAOs see it as a war of aggression and occupation and that they are waging a just war of resistance. This conceptual difference is also a hindrance in resolving and implementing the actual ceasefire on the ground.

The original demand of the EAOs was the total withdrawal of the regime's armies from ethnic homelands, before any peace deal could be started. But now they seem to have changed to a less rigid posture and are engaged in the peace process and the military should as well, be more flexible, by withdrawing its troops to their respective mothers' units, or at least, to a safe distance without fuss. After all, these armed conflicts are occurring in ethnic homelands and the Burma army is conducting occupation offensives and not EAOs raiding or occupying Burma proper or Burmese heartland. Besides, the claim of sovereignty monopoly by the regime have never been accepted by the ethnic nationalities and all along maintained that it is a shared-sovereign, which the successive, Burman-dominated regime have hijacked and robbed them of their birthright legacy.


On top of this, the EAOs' desire to include military code of conduct (CoC), Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC), all-inclusive signing of NCA by all EAOs, and prior implementation of actual ceasefire on the ground, before ratifying the NCA draft.


Core principle issues swept under the carpet
But the most formidable task that has been swept under the carpet, with the reason of first signing the easily agreed parts and move on to harder agenda later, might be a smart approach, especially if practiced in personal and corporate conflict settings. But ethnic conflict, which stems from the basis of union formation between major ethnic groups, pertaining contractual obligation and corresponding violations of the treaty – Panglong Agreement or Accord – is something, much bigger and more sophisticated, to apply with such conflict resolution approach. For it has something to do with violation of contractual obligation, between states, and not just a household dispute, or mere internal conflict, that has to be settled between kinship. We should all be reminded that the Panglong Agreement involved, at least four political entities – Burma Proper, Federated Shan States, Kachin Hills and Chin Hills- that have previously nothing much to do with each other, but coming together voluntarily to achieve speedy independence from the British, through legally binding political contract, and form a new political entity, the Union of Burma, in 1947-48.

Originally, the NCCT position has been to at least secure a minimum commitment of national state-based federal setup, before signing the NCA. But the latest 5th NCA draft doesn't include any of the Panglong political legacy and thus, it could be said that the NCCT has cut the preliminary deal, which would discussed about the political system in a later political dialogue phase, without even insisting to include the Panglong political legacy.

And as such, the discussion of Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) and Political Dialogue (PD) phases will be looking at the core issues of political system based on federalism and the reformation of the Burma Army. In other words, it would be the tackling the issue of "constitutional amendment or rewriting" directly or indirectly again, for it is this political settlement or decision made here that will determine, whether the peace process will succeed or fail. To put it differently, it will be the contest between the installing of genuine federalism in a true sense, spelled out by the ethnic nationalities and the watered down, consideration of Burman-dominated, unitary system with some federalism trappings, if the military mode of thinking all along and its recent statements on systemic governance are to be taken as indications.

As it now stands, the future and real political fight will not be avoidable, even if the 5th NCA could be ratified, as expected by the Thein Sein regime, but seems quite skeptical, from the part of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.


The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor