Wednesday, May 10, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Police Fire Warning Shots After Buddhist Nationalists Storm Muslim Neighborhood

Posted: 10 May 2017 03:53 AM PDT

RANGOON — Police fired two warning shots to break up a confrontation between Buddhist nationalists and Muslims in Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township that reportedly left one person injured in the early hours of Wednesday.

Buddhist monks led nationalists into the Muslim neighborhood before midnight, claiming ethnic Muslim Rohingya were there "illegally," according to police and residents.

There are an estimated 1 million Muslims in Arakan State who self-identify as Rohingya and who are today largely stateless. They are banned from traveling outside the region without special permission.

The nationalists, and many in Burma's government, describe the Rohingya as "Bengali," implying that they are migrants from Bangladesh.

According to witnesses, the nationalists turned hostile toward the Muslim residents at about midnight when police found no Rohingya "illegally" present in the area, as the nationalists had claimed.

Police then fired the warning shots to disperse the crowd. It was the latest instance of rising tension between Buddhist nationalists and Muslims in the former capital after nationalists shut down two Islamic schools in Thaketa Township last week.

 

The post Police Fire Warning Shots After Buddhist Nationalists Storm Muslim Neighborhood appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Karen Communities Along the Sittaung River

Posted: 10 May 2017 12:53 AM PDT

I spent a week before Thingyan visiting family and friends in Karen villages, and the Karen parts of small towns, along the Sittaung River. Further to the east are the conflict-affected Dawna hills, where the government-controlled lowlands give way to foothills which have long been contested between the Karen National Union (KNU) and Tatmadaw, then further up into the highlands, where the Karen National Liberation Army (Brigades 2, 3 and 5) still controls extensive territory.

Often on the eastern side of the Sittaung, we would be in areas where foreigners had until a couple of years ago been denied access, and where government authority shades into areas under the influence of the KNU. However, most parts of the river valley have long been under government control, with little fighting since the 1950s (although Karen insurgents hung on in the Pegu Yomas to the west through to the mid-1970s).

Nevertheless, many of these areas can still be considered 'conflict affected,' as local Karen communities have faced decades of oppression on the basis of their ethnic and religious identity.

We spent time in villages and Karen urban quarters, between Toungoo (Taw-oo in Sgaw Karen), Thandaung Gyi (where we visited the famous Naw Bu Baw 'prayer mountain'), Kyauk Kyi (Lerdoh) and Nyaunglebin (Kler Lwee Htoo). It was hot and sometimes dusty—although I think a little cooler than the same time last year. Some of the houses we visited were large, spacious and relatively cool, with cream plastered walls and gorgeous hardwood timber. I had the impression of faded gentility, and timber-working families who had seen better times – particularly in "the British days," when, as I was sometimes reminded, Christian Karen communities prospered.

This was a holiday, and we were socializing, so these brief reflections are not representative of our hosts' everyday working lives. I was struck by how few non-Christians and non-Sgaw Karen we met. It seems that parts of rural and peri-urban Myanmar can still be characterized in terms of the British colonial administrator, JS Furnivall's "plural society." In "The Fashioning of Leviathan: The Beginnings of British Rule in Burma," he argued that colonial Burmese society (or at least the capital, Rangoon) was less than the sum of its diverse parts, with no common national identity, but rather various ethnic communities which engaged with each other only in the marketplace.

I was also struck by the great love that people express for each other—not in the flowery and sentimental way familiar from my own Western culture, but in many quiet acts of emotional help and material support. For example, in a village on the western bank, I came across most of the men taking part in loq-a-pey ("volunteer labor").

In the past, this term rightly attracted much opprobrium, as a euphemism for the previous military government's widespread practice of forced labor. However, the concept draws on a deep and long-standing tradition of communal labor among the rural villages of Burma (not just Karen). In this small Christian village, the men were cheerfully puffing on cheroots and working together to upgrade the village roads before the onset of the rainy season.

It seemed that their labor was indeed freely given. Of course, I have no access to the dynamics and possible peer pressure involved in mobilizing this workforce, but the atmosphere was convivial and focused, with much good-natured banter and a lot of sweat. One of the villagers explained to me that: "We have to do this ourselves: if we waited for the government to help us, we would wait forever."

Particularly in the more conflict-affected villages on the eastern bank, but really across all of the small number of communities I visited, people expressed distrust of and distance from the government. This is perhaps not surprising, after decades of abuse, including systematic forced labor and the Tatmadaw's regular (until recently) abduction of villagers, to be taken as front-line porters, often for months at a time.

As far as I can tell, many of these Karen Christians have a deep-seated respect for the KNU, and sympathy for the armed struggle for Karen self-determination. However, few of them have much knowledge of—or it seems much interest in—KNU politics, the ceasefire since 2012, or the emerging peace process with the Myanmar government and Tatmadaw. Several people expressed concerns about logging and gold mining activities in areas under KNU control or authority, and the effects this can have on natural resources and the social fabric.

More than one person reminded me of the English kola wah's responsibility for abandoning Burma and the Karen, after the Second World War. I was asked if the English would come back again, to guide and support Burma, and protect the Karen from discrimination and abuse.

In terms of the present government, I was told that little had changed since the 2015 election. After the previous U Thein Sein government's assumption of power in 2011, people noticed some improvements, including greater freedoms of travel, speech and association. My wife's relatives could visit each other more easily, and with less fear of abuse. However, livelihood options have not changed much, and there is a perception that the present government has done very little to help Karen communities.

People don't seem to be surprised by this though. There is a perception that the government is far away, and dominated by Burmese Buddhists. The best that Karen communities can do is avoid abuse and try to "keep our heads down."

When I asked what has changed, people in the eastern villages said that since the ceasefire, the law and order situation has deteriorated significantly. These days there are more thieves in the rural and peri-urban areas. According to locals, many of these men are outsiders—often retired Myanmar Army soldiers, organized into well-connected gangs.

The level of crime is petty, but has a major impact on local peoples' livelihoods and sense of security. In some places, many of the fruits and vegetables grown in small orchards on the edge of town are stolen by the gangs and put up for sale in the local market. If they are caught in the act in the dead of night, violence—or at least the threat of it—can result.

Otherwise, the thieves brazenly refuse to acknowledge where their wares come from if challenged in or on the way to the market. Before the ceasefire, villagers accessing their lands feared arbitrary violence and taxation, or being caught up in the fighting; now that they have better access to their fields and orchards, many live in fear of thieves.

I was told that: "It is pointless—and even dangerous—to approach the police, unless you can pay them. We don't have enough money to pay for justice, so we just have to keep quiet when our goods are stolen."

Another problem which has grown in recent years is drug abuse. In the past, a few (mostly old) people used opium, and a few smoked ganja; these days, ya-ba (methamphetamine) abuse is reportedly widespread among the youth, as well as growing incidence of heroin use.

These few reflections can hardly capture the complexities and rich textures of life in the Christian Karen communities of the Sittaung valley. I feel so privileged to have spent a few days in the company of these wonderful people. They feel themselves to be poor, and getting poorer, generally neglected (or worse) by the state. Even so, people in these rural and peri-urban Karen communities care for and support each other (demonstrating what academics might call "social capital") in ways that have largely ceased to characterize many more 'developed' societies.

Dr. Ashley South is a Research Fellow at Chiang Mai University, Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Karen Communities Along the Sittaung River appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week

Posted: 09 May 2017 09:22 PM PDT

Myanmar Guitar Festival | May 10

The second Myanmar Guitar Festival will feature more than a dozen guitarists, plus songs by J Maung Maung, R Zarni and Kaung Hset.

May 10, 6:00 pm. Kandawgyi Hmaw Sin Kyun. Free Admission.

UnderDawg Festival | May 13

This festival will feature world famous artists such as CL (2NE1), Nelly, Soulja Boy and many more. Tickets run from US$25 to $240.

May 13, 6.30 pm. Thuwunna Bhumi Event Park, Thingangyun Tsp. Tickets can be purchased by calling 09-260702700, 09-260702800, 09-454545461 or 09-454545462.

Virtual Reality Art Festival Yangon 2017 | May 12-14

Kids Day of the Virtual Reality (VR) Art Festival will be held on Friday from 10:00 a.m. until 4:30 p.m. for youth interested in VR creative content, screenings, talks and a VR Hackathon.

May 12-14. Institut Francais de Birmanie, No. 340, Pyay Road.

Hip-Hop Music Show | May 14

Many third-generation hip-hop musicians will perform. Tickets are 7,000 kyats at The Corner Bar (Sanchaung), Dream Clothing (Junction Square and Hledan Centre) and RUNYGN Clothing (Aung San Stadium and Yuzana Plaza).

May 14, 3:00 pm. Fusan Basketball Court, near Myanma Plaza on Kabar Aye Pagoda Road.

My French Film | May 10

A collaboration between the Institut Français de Birmanie and Mingalar Cinemas, My French Film is a monthly programming of the best of French movies in one of Rangoon's cinemas. One film per month is screened every Wednesday at 6:30 p.m. at Mingalar Cinema.

Every Wednesday, 6:30 pm. Mingalar Cinema Gamone Pwint (San Yeik Nyein). Entry:  2,000– 3,500 kyats.

Colour Me Monochrome: Exhibition and Fundraiser | May 13-19

StoreFront Yangon is organizing its first photography exhibition at Pansuriya Gallery, and features photos from Rangoon, New Delhi in India, and Mae Sot in Thailand. The project showcases the diversity of storefront designs, and also serves as a fundraiser to support street children in the commercial capital. All photographs on display are also for sale, with proceeds going to SONNE Social Organization.

May 13-19. Pansuriya Gallery, No 100, Bogalayzay Street, Botahtaung Tsp.

Myanmar Forest Products Fair 2017 | May 11-14

Furniture, handicrafts and other finished products made of teak, rattan and bamboo will be on sale at the fair, which will also host activities to raise awareness of environmental conservation.

 May 11-14. Tatmadaw Hall, U Wisara Road.

Tuesday Snippets | May 9

Every Tuesday evening, Pansodan opens its gallery space for a gathering, where all sorts of people enjoy conversation and beverages until the wee hours of the morning. Guitars generally come out after midnight.

Every Tuesday, starting at 7 pm. Pansodan Gallery, Pansodan St. Free admission.

Infected Poison | May 12-26

Artist Ko Ye portrays his feelings about current political, economic and social issues in Burma in 21 acrylic paintings.

May 12-26. New Zero Art Space, No 202, 2nd Floor, United Condo, Alanpya Pagoda Road, Dagon Tsp.

Wild Eye | May 15-20

A group exhibition of more than 30 artists will feature paintings, sculptures, an art installation, and performance and video acts.

May 15-20. Think Art Gallery. No. 23, Nawaday Street, Dagon Tsp.

 

The post Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Bago Range, Authorities Struggle to Stop Rise in Elephant Poaching

Posted: 09 May 2017 08:39 PM PDT

CHAUNG SAUK VILLAGE, Bago Range – The residents of Chaung Sauk, a village in the foothills of the Bago Range, recalled the shock they felt last November when the giant carcass of a male elephant, stripped of its tusks and skin, was found bobbing in Sar Ngan stream, about one kilometer upstream from their village.

"The elephant's body drifted in the creek near our village. We then reported it to village authorities and the police station," said Kyaw Hlaing Win, the village tract administrator.

The area in northern Rangon region's Okkan Township has long been a place where farmers reside in close proximity to elephants, who live in the nearby forested mountains and occasionally come down to forage on vegetation and crops in the foothills.

During the past year, the area has increasingly become a place for poachers to hunt elephants and villagers believe several elephants were killed, though only one carcass was found.

"Elephant poachers have been spotted near our village since February last year. They set up bamboo huts at the base of the Bago Yoma and first were searching for tortoise eggs," said Kyaw Hlaing Win.

Police have attempted to arrest the poaching ring, but were only able to apprehend some local villagers – including the previous village administrator, who helped poachers move around the area.

"Those arrested were not the poachers, but just their helpers and guides in the forest," Kyaw Hlaing Win said, adding that he suspected ringleaders slipped away because of collusion with local authorities.

"I don't believe authorities didn't know that poachers had entered the area with the help of the former village administrator," he said.

Officer Than Naing from Okkan Township Police Station said authorities had arrested nine suspects and were looking for another 11 suspects, including two men accused of killing the elephant.

He said the nine men were facing criminal charges under Burma's 1994 law on wildlife conservation and could be penalized with up to seven years in prison and a fine of 50,000 kyats (about US$40) for killing, hunting or wounding a protected animal.

Than Naing said despite his best efforts to keep the arrest operations secret, it was difficult to catch the suspects, especially the ringleaders.

"I never even informed my junior officer about this list ahead of the arrest," he said. "But only four persons could be arrested on the first day of raid, the others were arrested later."

A Rise in Poaching

The situation in Okkan Township is indicative of the growing threat to Burma's wild elephant population and law enforcement authorities' struggle to respond.

Poaching of the endangered, and officially protected, pachyderms has increased sharply in recent years in Burma, with 133 wild elephants killed between 2010 and 2016. Most occurred in recent years and in 2016 alone, 25 elephants were killed, according to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation and the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS).

"Male wild elephants have now become rare in Burma," said Saw Htoo Thar Phoe, an elephant expert with WCS Burma.

Naing Zaw Tun, a deputy director of the ministry, said: "The main traffickers of elephant [parts] remain at large" and most arrests involve local villagers who join the illegal wildlife hunt and trade just to boost their meager incomes. He added that 22 suspects were arrested in nine elephant poaching cases last year.

Elephant poaching in Burma is on the rise amid a global trend of increasing demand in recent years for ivory and other products made from elephant parts, such as its skin, which is used in traditional medicine, conservation groups have warned.

Government Response

Naing Zaw Tun said his ministry had submitted a bill to amend Burma's 1994 law on wildlife conservation to bring it in line with international wildlife protection standards, such as the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES).

In January, the ministry announced a Burma Elephant Conservation Action Plan, which was drafted with the help of international conservation organizations. It outlines 10-year priorities to safeguard the pachyderms, including engaging the public in the control of illegal poaching, trade and consumption of animal parts.

An estimated 2,000 elephants remain in the wild in Burma and a census of the population is reportedly underway. Some 6,000 timber elephants employed by the Myanmar Timber Enterprise face an uncertain future as the country tries to modernize and limit its timber trade.

Most demand for elephant parts comes from neighboring China and the notorious wildlife market in the rebel-held town of Mong La, northern Shan State, is an important conduit for the illegal cross-border trade. Wildlife trade to Thailand via Tachileik and Myawaddy is also an important destination for poached elephant parts.

Other threats include disappearing forest habitats due to illegal logging and expanding agribusinesses plantations, a problem that is clearly visible in Bago Range where huge swathes of forest have been granted to well-connected local companies. Amid the shrinking habitats, confrontations between wild elephants and farmers have also become more common, occasionally leading to deaths of animal and man.

'Poachers Give Bribes to Police'

Saw Htoo Thar Phoe said the government should focus on preventing domestic poaching of elephants and other wildlife, though he added that ending poaching would be difficult as the trafficking is highly lucrative and corruption is endemic in Burma.

"Frankly speaking, poachers give bribes to the police to avoid arrest. Police should implement law enforcement more effectively," he said, adding that police and border control authorities should cooperate with neighboring countries to tighten controls on illegal wildlife trade.

He said funding and staffing of the Forestry Department should also be increased and forest patrols improved, while measures and long-term projects should be drawn up with the help of international experts.

Government officials announced in June last year that they wanted to close the Mong La wildlife market, but the area is firmly under rebel control. China announced the implementation of an ivory ban in late 2017, a move welcomed by conservation experts.

Elizabeth John, a Southeast Asia spokesperson for international conservation group TRAFFIC, nonetheless warned that much of the trade in Burma is illegal to begin with and could go underground even if law enforcement and border controls were improved.

"Traffickers will take the path of least resistance and have shown themselves quick to adapt to increased enforcement in one country, by changing routes and methods," she warned.

This article was first published on Myanmar Now.

 

The post In Bago Range, Authorities Struggle to Stop Rise in Elephant Poaching appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Strong winds wreak havoc in 70 villages

Posted: 10 May 2017 12:04 AM PDT

About 70 villages were badly affected and houses destroyed after strong winds swept across Pakokku district on May 7. But there no reports of injuries.

Student protesters sentenced to 4 months

Posted: 10 May 2017 12:00 AM PDT

A student from Sagaing Education College and three student union members, who protested in front of Upper Myanmar Higher Education Department building in Mandalay on April 26 against the school's oppressive administration and violation of the human rights declaration, were sentenced to four months in jail.

Wanted gang leader caught in Maungdaw township

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:48 PM PDT

Border guard police in Rakhine State said that they have apprehended Audra, one of the leaders of a robbery gang in Surali village of Maungdaw township in an ambush operation Two other suspects with him, escaped.

Gales kill three, 3,000 homes damaged

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:47 PM PDT

Three people were killed and nearly 3,000 houses were damaged by the gales that swept between May 5 and 7 in some regions and states.

Bagan cultural zone to be included in UNESCO

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:44 PM PDT

A draft plan to designate Bagan as one of the World's Heritage sites will be submitted to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in September.

Over 6000 online signatures in support of State Counsellor

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:35 PM PDT

An online petition was launched by the NLD International Supporters Group to counter protests by Kachin and Bengali activists in London against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who arrived in the British capital to receive the honorary freedom award of the City of London at Guildhall.

Non-formal education program to expand its wings

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:30 PM PDT

The Non Formal Middle Education program (NFME) will be broken into two camps this May 11, an official from the Myanmar Literacy Resource Center (MLRC) told The Myanmar Times on May 9.

Shwedagon pagoda to increase visitors fee

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:28 PM PDT

The entrance fees for the Shwedagon pagoda will be increased to K 10,000 from June 1.

Charter change and peace process connected, State Counsellor says

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:23 PM PDT

Changes to the 2008 charter and peace process are related, but the process must be systematically done, State Counsellor and foreign minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said while in London yesterday.

Rakhine Advisory Commission updating data before final report

Posted: 09 May 2017 11:14 PM PDT

Former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's advisory commission is in Rakhine State to check on updates after their interim report was prepared.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


UNFC possible disintegration and the peace process outlook

Posted: 09 May 2017 09:55 PM PDT

The peace process that is scheduled to pick up again on May 24, known as Union Peace Conference - 21st Century Panglong (UPC-21CP), now seems to be further away from being all-inclusive again as the one main ethnic bloc, United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), is beginning to disintegrate starting last month when the Pangkham-initiated, totally new peace approach was launched on April 19, by rejecting the government-led Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)-based peace process that so far has been the only game in town.

The call into question for the existence of the UNFC begins with when Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) whose leader is the current-president of the UNFC, forwarded its resignation to leave the alliance last week, followed by the Wa National Organization (WNA) tendering of its resignation.

WNO is known as "White Wa" and its counterpart UWSA as "Red Wa", due to its affiliation with the Communist Party of Burma before its disintegration in 1989.

According to reliable ethnic sources, the KIO tendered resignation dated April 29, signed by Lan Nan its general secretary, was confirmed by one of its leaders on May 6, subsequently followed by the WNO resignation undated letter a day later that was widely spread publicly in the internet, on May 7.

Reportedly, the WNO was said to plan tendering its resignation in the coming days, according to a WNO spokesperson, and the date of submission was left blank on the leaked document.
"This is just a draft. We will have a meeting before making the final resignation. We don't know how it was leaked. We'll submit the resignation to the UNFC after our congress," Major Ta Nyi Lu, joint secretary-1 of the WNO, told The Irrawaddy, according its report of May 8.
KIO and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) are two Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) from northern regions of Burma who have attended the UWSA-led Pangkham ethnic meetings several times in recent months. The two armed organizations have a close relationship with northern alliance armed groups—Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Arakan Army (AA), and Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) as they are active geographically on the same trans-region.
But while the KIO has confirmed its leaving the UNFC, the SSPP said that it is still with the organization, according to Sao Sai Htoo, one of its leaders involving in peace negotiations with the government.

With the KIO and WNO leaving the UNFC and SSPP likely to follow suit anytime soon, the fate of its remaining four EAOs – Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) and Arakan National Council (ANC) - from the total of seven before are now hanging in a sort of limbo, i,e., whether to sign the NCA without much fuss, to join the Pangkham alliance or stay undecided, until its nine-point proposal to the government to alter the NCA becomes clearer.

Peace process landscape

The government is determined to go on with its NCA-based procedure and has confirmed again on May 6 that it is not compromising, which means one either signs the NCA and enter the UPC-21CP or refusing it and stays outside the peace process fold.

But lately, while meeting with the UNFC's Delegation for Peace Negotiation (DPN), the government's Peace Council (PC) said that both parties signing the Deeds of Commitment (DoC) maybe the way to go, given the UNFC's nine-point proposal still needs more deliberation and under discussion. Thus, if the DoC is signed, pending approvement of UNFC's proposal, it would mean that the 5 UNFC could be given a fully fledged participant status. The DoC main thrust is that the 5 EAOs' agreement that they would sign the NCA at a later date without reservation.

This DoC arrangement could be because the UNFC secretary Khu Oo Reh and NMSP leader Nai Han Thar have repeatedly said in the past that they would never attend the UPC-21CP merely as observers.

The Pangkham alliance is bent on not to make use of the government's NCA-based peace process, as it sees it is trying to replace the Panglong Agreement of 1947, which it considers as the ethnic nationalities' historical-political legacy and the only legal bond between them and the Bamar. Besides, it is also convinced that the ongoing government peace process is just like the 1993 Nyaung Nhapin national convention, held and dominated by the Military that produced its self-drawn, 2008 constitution, that doesn't cater to the ethnic nationalities' political aspirations in anyway. Thus, its first priority is to end the armed conflict with the military first, followed by political discussion for eventual political settlement.

The remaining UNFC members would now need to think on what they would do if their nine-point proposal to amend the NCA is put on ice or shelved, as there are possibilities that they could be militarily pressured if they refuse to sign and if they do, they would be going against their own conviction without achieving any of their demanded propositions.

Besides, the WNO and the LDU might join the Pangkham alliance and the position of SSPP, which was said to be still with the UNFC despite being firmly in the Pangkham camp, is far from clear.

This leaves the KNPP, NMSP and ANC, although they would be presumed to be still under the banner of DPN, to talk to the government's PC, the incentive to accommodate the UNFC's nine-point proposal could now be quite low.

Burma ethnologist Nai Banya Aung from Mon News Agency said, "The NMSP's meeting will come to an end on 8 May, while the KNPP will hold theirs on May 10. The decision on whether to sign the NCA depends on the outcome of those meetings," reported SHAN on May 8.
The NMSP maintains that the adoption of the NCA should only be taken when all members of the UNFC are in consent.
"There will be a meeting between the DPN, a negotiating team formed by the UNFC, and the government's Peace Commission (PC) on May 14 – 18. By then, we will have a better picture of how close to signing the NCA they are," said Nai Banya Aung.

Government and Pangkam competition

Pangkham alliance statement of April 19 said that it is open to all groups and individuals that cater to its policy. The WNO and possibly the LDU would be the first to join, in this sense.

Part of the said statement stressed that the Union Peace Negotiation Committee (UPNC), Pangkham alliance negotiation body's door is always open for any ethnic armed revolutionary organization, political party and influential individual, that accepts its rules and regulations of the "ethnic armed revolutionary organizations general principles and position on political negotiation," announced during the third Pangkham meeting.

The government is also wooing all the 5 UNFC members – KNPP, NMSP, WNO, LDU and ANC – but until now it still could not agree or say anything concretely to their nine-point proposal to alter the NCA.

The UNFC proposal generally are the government's nationwide ceasefire declaration, federal union formation according to the promise of Panglong Agreement in 1947 and tripartite dialogue composition – government, parliament, military; EAOs; and political parties -  in all level of peace negotiation process.

The Mon and Karenni coping with the situation

Observers speculate that the NMSP could be hard pressed if it is militarily attacked as it is surrounded by the neutralized Karen National Union (KNU) that has signed the NCA, together with the government's Border Guard Forces (BGF) and government troops. But as for the KNPP, it would be able to cope with the situation as it usually does in the past and could even consider to join the Pangkam alliance, if militarily pressured.

Outlook

Given such a convoluted and sophisticated political landscape, it is hard to predict which way the political wind would be blowing. But one thing is sure, the UPC-21CP would be held accordingly as planned on May 24, even though it won't be all-inclusive as all wanted to be the case, and the government would continue with it "open door" policy for more EAOs to sign up, where the ongoing peace conference is concerned.

The most crucial improvement to the peace talks atmosphere would solely depend on the Military's attitude on whether it would like to agree on all-inclusive participation and hold back or terminate its offensives in Kachin and Shan States. For now, the betterment of the peace process negotiation doesn't seem to be forthcoming, according to Mai Aik Kyaw, the TNLA leader and spokesman.

He recently told the Voice of America: "Battles are raging daily starting from April 29, in Namtu, Namkham and Kutkai Townships."


If this unconciliatory attitude of the Military to the peace process is to be the main stay, whether the few more potential EAOs signing the NCA or not wouldn't be that important, as peace and reconciliation will still be a distant dream for the people of Burma and as well, for all the stakeholders.

Learning to share: The CSSU Annual Meeting.

Posted: 09 May 2017 08:54 AM PDT

Day Two. Friday, 6 May 2017

To settle an argument,
Think of what is right, not who is right.
www..livelifehappy.com

Khun Htun Oo and Sao Hso Ten.
(Photo: CSSU)
The morning session begins with evaluation of the overall situation. Extracts:

·        Most of our people are uninformed of what's really happening around them. Many of them therefore are easily won over by the other side.

·        According to the UNICEF report, Shan State is the lowest in literacy

·        Fighting on the battlefield is difficult. But fighting in the political arena is even more difficult.

·        We cannot depend on amending the constitution within the Parliament alone. That's why there is the extra parliamentary (that is NCA) procedure. But the two processes must go hand in hand

ESSDDP Vice Chairman Sai 
Hsarm Tip Hso. (Photo: CSSU)
·        The government approved the RCSS application for its mining operations in Mongton. But it was rejected by the Tatmadaw.

·        Daw Suu's power is extremely limited, as all key ministries are under the Tatmadaw.

·        The KIO (Kachin Independence Organization) has pulled out from the UNFC (United Nationalities Federal Council). The alliance's future thus hangs in the balance.

Sai Nyi Moe, leading member of NGSS
(Photo: CSSU)
·        The essence of the NCA is joint mechanism. It was quite strong during U Thein Sein's tenure. Now it has been moving toward a one-sided ownership. The example is the holding of the local level National Dialogue (ND) in Taunggyi, 23-25 April, without waiting for the meeting of, and subsequent approval by, the UPDJC (Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee).

·        The economy has also slowed down. This has the potential of adversely affecting the peace process.

RCSS Chairman Sao Yaw Serk.
(Photo: CSSU)
·        We should attend the UPC 21 CP, and present a united voice. But we will first need to negotiate for a venue to make preparations.

·        If we don't attend it, we lose. If we can't present a united voice, it will carry no weight

Here is some of the resolutions:

·        The President for the period 5 May 2017 to 31 January 2018 is Sao Yaw Serk.
SNDP chairman Sai Ai Pao.
(Photo:CSSU)
·        On 31 January 2018, the presidentship will be transferred to SNDP chair
·        Charter amendment propositions can be submitted to the Secretariat by 20 July at the latest.

No decision however is made whether or not the non-signatory SSPP to sign the NCA, although a discussion is held on the topic which goes like this:

A.    We would like the SSPP/SSA should sign the NCA, as we have witnessed a peaceful and prosperous PaO area, due to ceasefire and peace.

B.     According to our understanding of the Tatmadaw''s position which was presented at the UPC 21 CP last August, signatories of the NCA must surrender within 3 years. We cannot accept that.

C.     We see there are those who interpret the NCA differently. Nevertheless, we share the same aim. It will therefore be for the good of our country, if we continue working together.

The meeting ends with a closing speech by Gen Yawd Serk:

·        Everything I do, I will first ask for a collective voice.
·        A revolution is waged not to take revenge. On the contrary, it is waged for the purpose of removing injustices.

A dinner party follows to mark the successful conclusion of the meeting.
What's next? I ask one of the RCSS members. Without hesitation, he replies, "The hard part."