Saturday, February 20, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Ye Htut’s Take on 59(f) Criticized as Conjecture over Presidency Rolls On

Posted: 20 Feb 2016 01:22 AM PST

 Ye Htut, Burma's outgoing minister of information, gives a speech during a World Press Freedom Day ceremony in Rangoon, May 3, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Ye Htut, Burma's outgoing minister of information, gives a speech during a World Press Freedom Day ceremony in Rangoon, May 3, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Until March 17, when the Union Parliament is finally scheduled to consider nominations for Burma's next president, speculation will continue as to possible contenders and, more specifically, whether Aung San Suu Kyi will be among them.

With the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman constitutionally barred from the role, supporters continue to hold out hope, however faint, that the offending clause, Article 59(f), may somehow be sidestepped.

The article in part bars anyone with a foreign spouse or children from assuming the presidency, disqualifying Suu Kyi as her two children are British nationals, as was her late husband.

As negotiations between the NLD and the military continue behind closed doors, one notion first floated late last year centers on the possible suspension of the clause. Opinions are divided on whether this has currency, with several military representatives expressing their opposition to such a move.

Burma's outgoing information minister Ye Htut had a different take on the much-debated issue when speaking to Voice of America this week.

"In my point of view, if her two sons and their spouses seek Burmese citizenship, everything will be alright. If her children want her to become the president, all they have to do is apply for citizenship according to the 1982 Citizenship Law," Ye Htut told VOA on Tuesday.

Asked if it was fair to suggest that Suu Kyi's children renounce their British citizenship, Ye Htut replied: "If they don't want to live in a country their mum governs or seek citizenship [of that country], it's their family matter, not a constitutional problem."

In fact Ye Htut's suggestion—the sincerity of which may be questionable—has been referred to by Suu Kyi herself in the past, including during a rally for constitutional change in mid-2014.

"Some suggested that I could be president if my two sons seek Burmese citizenship," Suu Kyi said at the rally in Pakokku, Magwe Division. "Let me say this: it doesn't matter whether I become president or not. We want to change it as it is not fair from a legal point of view."

Suu Kyi explained that her two sons were registered as Burmese citizens when they were born, a classification revoked by the military regime following the nationwide pro-democracy uprising in 1988.

"What I don't like about the clause is that it is trying to bar someone if their children or relatives are foreigners. I don't care about being the president or not," the pro-democracy leader told supporters.

The NLD's Tun Tun Hein was quick to criticize Ye Htut's comments on the matter this week, labeling them "flippant" in an interview with the Myanmar Times.

"If we carefully read the constitution's section 59(f), its limitation includes even the spouses of the daughters and sons of the president. And the citizenship application is not an easy process in such a situation," the NLD central committee member, told the Myanmar Times on Friday.

Khin Zaw Win of the Tampadipa Institute think-tank said the NLD should be wary of suspending the clause, given the military's apparent reticence.

"They should explore legally liable alternatives, including something like reinstating her children's citizenship, rather than rushing ahead—that could lead to a constitutional crisis as the 25 percent of military representatives in the Parliament will have final say on the issue," he said.

For newly minted NLD lawmaker Nay Phone Latt, whether Suu Kyi formally leads the country is immaterial.

"She has already said she will be 'above the president,'" he said. "Amending or suspending the clause is something that is uncertain. But what is sure is that she will lead the government."

The post Ye Htut's Take on 59(f) Criticized as Conjecture over Presidency Rolls On appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rapid Migration and Lack of Cheap Housing Fuels Yangon Slum Growth

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 10:13 PM PST

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERA

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERA

YANGON — Ei Cho Khine once had dreams of becoming a tour guide. As a student back in her village in Magwe Region in central Myanmar, she would often encounter groups of foreigners being led by tour guides while helping her parents at their Bein moke snack stall.

"My dream was to be a tour guide so I wanted to study English and computers, which is why I moved to Yangon," she said, recalling how in 2000, at the age of 19, she headed for the country's then-capital.

Since then, however, her hopes have floundered. She arrived in Yangon empty-handed and had to find cheap housing and take any available work to make ends meet. For the past 16 years she has toiled in one of the many garment factories in Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone on Yangon's northwestern outskirts.

"When I moved here I had ambitions. I had no intention of working in a garment factory but I couldn't afford to keep studying English. Now it's only about the money," she said wearily.

Ei Cho Khine's story is typical of the tens of thousands of people who move to the country's commercial capital every year to escape rural poverty. Many of them of end up in Hlaing Tharyar's slums, which are home to some 700,000 people.

The process of rural to urban migration is likely to accelerate as Myanmar's economy grows following democratic and economic reforms, while the new National League for Democracy (NLD) government is likely to attract more foreign investment and the prospect of city jobs.

Urban planning experts warn that Yangon is ill-prepared for the rapid influx of poor internal migrants and the unruly urbanization this will bring.

They urge the government to come up with policies and measures to provide cheap housing and economic opportunities for the new arrivals.

"If you don't have a proper response to urbanization then you run a very big risk of widespread slums forming, of rising social inequality, an increase in gated communities, negative environmental consequences and urban poverty," said Jack Finegan, urban program specialist at UN-Habitat.

He said authorities should take measures now if Yangon's housing and infrastructure expansion is to keep up with population growth.

Bright Lights, Big City

Most of those moving from rural areas to Yangon are young people of working age who are abandoning the agriculture sector, where work is seasonal and underpaid, said Michael Slingsby, former UN-Habitat representative for Afghanistan, now an urban development and poverty advisor.

"In the city, there are opportunities to do something. Families have multiple sources of income and you have the possibility to work most of the year," he told Myanmar Now.

With increased connectivity between cities and villages brought on by mobile phones and the internet, young people in rural areas learn about modern city life from relatives living there, prompting many to move. For some, the bright lights of the city promise freedom from the constraints of Myanmar's conservative rural society.

"Now, I'm learning a lot and I've got freedom to do what I want. My parents aren't here to control me," said Khin Myat Noe Swe, 20, a garment factory worker in Hlaing Tharyar, who moved 5 years ago after hearing about the garment jobs in Yangon from her cousin.

When she first left Myothit, a town in Magwe Region, for Hlaing Tharyar, she lived in a 10-by-10 foot hostel room that she shared with three other workers. They ate, slept and washed in the hostel, which provided cheap accommodation to newly arrived migrants; its 14 rooms housed 56 people who shared three toilets.

Her living situation has markedly improved since then. She now lives in accommodation provided by Thone Pan Hla, a not-for-profit organization which focuses on the welfare of women garment workers where she lives with other, single women of her own age.

While some are drawn to the city by its opportunities, others are pushed there by the difficult circumstances in their villages: a failed harvest or indebtedness that may lead to loss of land, or the destruction wrought by natural disaster.

Kyi Soe has lived in a bamboo hut in Nyaung Yar, a slum area in Hlaing Tharyar, for 19 years. He has seen many migrants arrive over the years, but said the slums here swelled overnight after Cyclone Nargis devastated Ayeyarwady Delta in 2008. Myanmar's worst-ever disaster killed an estimated 138,000 people and destroyed the livelihoods and assets of many more farmers.

"We live from hand to mouth and the cost of living goes up day by day. All of my wage is spent on just surviving," he said, adding that in recent months, rumors have been circulating that the Nyaung Yar's several thousand residents will be forcibly evicted by the government.

"Now, I am really anxious, I worry that when I'm at work my house will be destroyed by the government; the same thing they've done to other squatters in Yangon," he said.

Reforms Speed Up Urban Growth

As in many developing countries, urbanization in Myanmar is seen as a logical and important step for its economic and social development. Urban incomes are higher and health care and education are more easily accessible to city dwellers. Industries and business can develop in thriving cities, which are also home to a rising middle class.

Due to its isolation under the former military regime, urbanization in Myanmar has lagged behind; 70 percent of the nation still lives in rural areas, making it the third-least urbanized country in Southeast Asia. Following democratic reforms and drastic steps to modernize and open up the economy in recent years, GDP growth is taking off, reaching 8.4 percent in 2015.

According to UN-Habitat in Myanmar, Yangon's population is set to grow at 4 percent annually and could expand from around 5.7 million residents now to more than 11 million in 2040. Much of this growth will come from rural migrants finding their way to the city, experts said.

"With Myanmar opening up, there will be more non-agricultural jobs, so people will be heading from rural to urban areas. This is just an irreversible trend and there's nothing anybody can do about it," said Mitchiko Ito, program manager of International Organisation for Migration.

"It's a global trend, but what's special about Myanmar's case is that it in the past this hasn't happened at the rate of other countries, so it will now happen quickly."

Learning from Neighbors

After five decades of army rule, which saw the regime move the government capital to Naypyitaw, Yangon's infrastructure and housing sectors are poorly developed, its crumbling colonial-era downtown is neglected, and its transport system dysfunctional.

Yet, Yangon is a clean slate for urban planners when compared to mega cities in the region, such as Bangkok, Manila and Jakarta, where authorities have tried to manage rapid urban growth and modern city development decades earlier.

Several experts who spoke to Myanmar Now said Yangon's authorities now have a brief window to learn from the successes and mistakes of these cities in order to achieve sustainable urban growth that also provides adequate living conditions for migrants.

Effective, cheap housing solutions for the new city dwellers should be the first priority for Yangon authorities, they said.

"Urban poverty is difficult to address so prevention is easier than curing. There is a very good opportunity for Yangon to take stock of what hasn't worked [elsewhere] and how it can plan for a better integration of new migrants into the city in the future," said Finegan, of UN-Habitat.

Yangon has experienced a real estate boom since President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government took office in 2011, this has driven up property and rent prices across the city, including in slum areas.

Yangon Region authorities said they are taking measures to provide affordable housing for the poor. In the 2015/16 budget year, authorities commissioned the construction of 10,160 "low cost" apartments, but officials acknowledge that with each apartment costing around US$9,000, they would offer little opportunity to those living in slums.

"We've tried to sell them to low income earners but they couldn't afford them, they were too expensive for the poorest," said Min Aung Aye, deputy director of the Housing Development Division of the Department of Urban and Housing Development.

Subsequently, the government decided some of the new housing would be made available as rental apartments for the lowest income groups; officials are now drafting eligibility criteria and pricing models according to income.

Affordable Housing, Not Evictions

Despite Yangon authorities' public commitment to developing affordable housing, some activists and politicians question the government's approach, saying its housing policies are ineffective, while slum dwellers usually face evictions rather than support.

Yangon authorities are accused of routinely cracking down on what are deemed "illegal squatter" areas. Often, security forces are ordered to forcibly evict slums, an approach that activists say violates the poor's land and tenure rights.

Activists say the practice worsened under the Thein Sein government and in January authorities twice sent in police and bulldozers to clear squatter communities on the outskirts of Yangon, destroying hundreds of homes and condemning families to the streets.

There is hope that the incoming NLD government, which won a huge mandate in the November election, will end the forced eviction of squatters and controversial land grabs.

Although NLD officials have said little about specifics, the party's 2015 election manifesto outlines such reforms.

"We will establish, as quickly as possible, a program for the rehousing of homeless migrants, who have moved to the cities as a result of natural disasters, economic opportunities, and land confiscation," the manifesto says.

Win Maung, a Yangon Region lawmaker from Hlaing Tharyar representing the NLD told Myanmar Now: "Using armed force to destroy people's homes simply because they have no legal rights is not a realistic solution to this [housing] problem."

Van Liza, director of Yangon-based non-profit organization Women for the World, said government policies on land tenure and low-cost housing had failed to help the poor. "Who are these projects really for? Those with money," she said of the affordable housing developments.

Women for the World, which Van Liza co-founded, ran a pilot scheme in a Yangon slum that established a collectivized loan scheme. The community used it to fund small infrastructure projects in the area and the scheme provides low interest rate loans for individual households who use the money to upgrade their homes.

"Community-based saving is a key tool that empowers people. Poor people don't want a free house, they just want to be able to own some land," she said.

A successful model used in other developing countries gives slum dwellers de-facto tenure or actual legal tenure, after which the government provides infrastructure to the area. This allows people to invest in upgrading their houses and improve the neighborhood, said Finegan, of UN-Habitat.

"The key issue is tenure. People need certainty that they will be able to stay in place. Slum upgrading has proved effective when we allow people to do it themselves," he said.

 

 

CAPTION:

 

CATEGORIES:      Development, Drugs & Crime, Politics, Economy, Labor Issues

 

FOCUS KEYWORD:

 

META KEYWORDS:        Slums, poverty, housing

 

 

The post Rapid Migration and Lack of Cheap Housing Fuels Yangon Slum Growth appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 20, 2015)

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 04:25 PM PST

People are pictured through electric cables and wires at a street inside Bogyoke Aung San market in Rangoon. (Photo: Minzayar / Reuters)

People are pictured through electric cables and wires at a street inside Bogyoke Aung San market in Rangoon. (Photo: Minzayar / Reuters)

Power Development Could Fall Short, Say Analysts

Delays and suspensions to hydropower dams and coal power developments mean that Burma will not realize its energy-producing potential in the next decade, according to analysis by BMI Research that will raise concerns about continued power shortages.

With state media this week predicting serious droughts as the effects of the El Niño cyclical weather events hit the country in coming months, some fear that annual power shortages could worsen. Hydropower dams, which are relied upon to provide energy to the major cities, cannot run at full capacity toward the end of Burma's long dry season.

BMI Research, in an industry trend analysis sent out this week, predicts that electricity consumption in Burma will grow by an average of 8.5 percent a year until 2025. But while this creates a big opportunity for companies to come in and offer power supply options to the state-run power supply company, the analysts noted that many projects are currently being delayed by suspensions or even canceled.

Numerous hydropower projects have been announced on rivers around the country, with many not progressing past the planning stage. The Chinese-backed Myitsone dam in Kachin State, which was suspended in a highly political move by President Thein Sein in 2011, remains in limbo.

Local conglomerate Asia World recently said it was divesting entirely from a project to build a coal-fired power plant at Kyun Gyan Gon in Rangoon Division.

BMI Research said that power projects with an electricity-producing potential of 18.56 gigawatts were technically in the pipeline. However, it said, "there are still a number of barriers to project realisation, and if projects that are currently suspended or cancelled are not accounted for, the project pipeline shrinks to 6.4GW.

"This aligns with our view that the potential in Myanmar's power sector will not be fully realised, based on regulatory hurdles, limited financing availability, local opposition to projects and grid infrastructure inefficiencies."

The outlook was better for gas-powered power generation, it said, adding that a slowdown was expected in new investment in coal and hydropower.

"Myanmar is significantly ramping up its domestic gas usage," the analysis said. "[A]lthough we believe natural gas reserves will decline strongly over the next decade, as low oil prices slow investment in upstream activities—we expect gas to gradually gain share in Myanmar's power mix, rising to a 36% contribution in 2025, from a current level of just below 30%."

Nissan to Assemble the 'Sunny' Sedan at New Pegu Plant

Japanese auto company Nissan Motor Co Ltd announced this week that it will soon be assembling as many as 10,000 'Sunny' compact sedans at a new factory in Pegu Division.

The move was announced in a company statement issued after a ceremony with local government officials and Nissan's Malaysian partner Tan Chong Motor Group.

"Nissan will initially use an existing Tan Chong facility to assemble the Sunny compact sedan, before transferring production to the new plant with a work force of approximately 300 and a production capacity of 10,000 units at full production," the statement said.

Nissan was already training 200 employees at a Tan Chong factory in Malaysia, it said.

"Nissan's expansion in Myanmar forms part of the company's wider growth in emerging markets, which includes production in countries including India, Brazil, Russia and Nigeria," the statement said. "Demand in Myanmar is expected to grow rapidly following economic and political reforms in the country."

Food Imports From Thailand Up By Almost a Quarter

Burma's imports of foodstuffs from Thailand increased by 24 percent last year, according to figures quoted in a report in The Nation newspaper, which said Thai companies were being encouraged to target Burma as a growth market.

The statistic came from Thailand's National Food Institute, a quasi-autonomous body under the country's Ministry of Industry. The report said the increase makes Burma the fourth largest importer of Thai food products, after Japan, the United States and China.

In August, the Federation of Thai Industry's club of food processors cut its growth target for 2015 by almost 2 percentage points to 6.9 percent, citing ongoing drought, currency volatility and the poor global economic outlook, according to the Bangkok Post.

The Thai food industry has also been hit by a series of scandals of late about the abuse of labor in supply chains, particularly in the fishing industry.

An investigation by the Associated Press last year revealed that migrant workers from Burma and Cambodia were regularly employed in slave-like conditions on Thai fishing boats. Other labor abuses have also been alleged in other parts of the food-production industry that also rely on migrant workers.

Regardless of these concerns, Burma is importing more and more Thai-made foodstuffs. The Thai institute predicted that the imports would continue to grow as Burma's economy grows.

Thai small- and medium-sized enterprises producing food should look to the Burmese market for more growth, The Nation quoted National Food Institute President Yongvut Saovapruk as saying, citing data purportedly from London-based market research firm Euromonitor International.

"Euromonitor predicted that the average growth of the market for processing foods in Myanmar between 2014 and 2018 will be about 15 per cent per annum," Yongvut told The Nation.

"However, the market growth of non-alcohol beverages in Myanmar is as high as 23 per cent per year over the period."

Woodside and Daewoo Strike Gas off Arakan Coast

Australian and South Korean partners Woodside and Daewoo have discovered gas in one of Burma's offshore exploration blocks, according to a statement.

An announcement to the Australian Stock Exchange from Woodside Petroleum this week said that a gas column approximately 64 meters long had been found in Block AD-7, off the coast of Arakan State.

The discovery came in an area where the sea is some 836 meters deep, the statement said. The firms had drilled to a total depth of more than 3 kilometers, it said, where the presence of natural gas was confirmed by "pressure measurements and gas sampling."

Woodside is a minority partner in the project, holding 40 percent to Daewoo International Corporation's 60 percent interest.

Woodside announced a separate discovery just last month in a different exploration block, A-6, in which it is working with local firm MPRL E&P and France's Total.

Woodside CEO Peter Coleman said in the announcement that the two finds were "very encouraging" for the company's chances of finding significant amounts of gas in Burmese waters.

"These discoveries provide evidence of the high quality of offshore Myanmar as an exploration focus area," he was quoted saying.

Siam Cement Group Investing in Burma Concrete Business

Thai cement giant the Siam Cement Group is reportedly setting up a concrete production business in Rangoon, putting some $5.8 million into the project.

Citing the Burmese government's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, the website Deal Street Asia reports that SCG Myanmar Concrete and Aggregate Co Ltd, a local subsidiary of the large Thai conglomerate, could begin production by the end of the year.

"The investment is in the production and marketing of concrete including readily mixed concrete, precast, reinforced and pre-stressed concrete as well as post-tensioned products of SCG brand," a government spokesperson told Deal Street Asia.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 20, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘It’s Unacceptable That the Ministry Competes with Private Newspapers Using the State Budget’

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 04:10 PM PST

This week, the panel discusses the role of the media in a new political order, with the National League for Democracy set to govern from April 1.

This week, the panel discusses the role of the media in a new political order, with the National League for Democracy set to govern from April 1.

Thalun Zaung Htet: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. This week, we'll discuss the role of the media and the challenges facing it as the National League for Democracy (NLD) prepares to come to power. Ko Zaw Thet Htwe from the Myanmar Journalist Union and Ko Thiha Thway from NHK will join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy Burmese editor Thalun Zaung Htet.

Before talking about the role of the media in a new political order, I want to note one point—the media has been restricted in covering the new Parliament session that convened on Feb 1. I myself was there to cover the session and found too many "no media access" areas and "no interview" areas across the Parliament building, which were nonexistent in the first Parliament. The NLD government has not yet come to power, but we have started to see signs of restrictions on media. Ko Thiha Thway, you also covered the Parliament session. What do you think of it?

Thiha Thway: The problem can be divided into two parts—one is the problem between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the media, and the other, between the Parliament and the media. These two problems are intertwined. But in fact, they should be handled separately. The problem between the Parliament and the media has existed since the time of the first Parliament when Global Post Journal presented a photo in which a military representative was casting a proxy vote. Then, reporters were no longer allowed to enter the "interpreter booth" from which they monitored and covered the Parliament session over the past three, four years.

TZH: The restriction was in response to the article "Multi-Handed Persons…" [featured in Global Post]…

TT: Since then, we haven't been able to monitor the inside of the Parliament chamber. We haven't been allowed to use the interpreter booth and have had to cover the session through TV. Still, we can freely interview [ministers] outside the chamber. Usually, it is difficult for journalists to meet ministers. But ministers have to come to the Parliament when asked to do so. So the Parliament is a very important place for us since we can meet, interview and take photos of ministers there.

Regarding the problem between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the media, during the election period, reporters crammed into the polling station where Daw Aung San Suu Kyi cast her vote and that was a mess. I've noticed that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has tended to avoid the media since then. She can't stand the light from flashguns and seems to be worried that she might be harmed in the crowd. And she tries to regulate the media for fear that exaggerated speculation [on the post for president] by journalists may harm the political path she is taking.

Since the new Parliament convened, journalists have tried to interview and take photos of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi because of their interest [in what shape her government might take]. But she does not want to reveal any information to the media for the time being, and the new military representatives are not yet ready to talk to the media. Because of these factors, the Parliament has imposed restrictions. A space is designated for media personnel to interview [lawmakers and ministers]. However, it is difficult to get someone you want to interview to that box. It is even more difficult to get ministers to that box. They wouldn't be happy to be there. So we've lost a chance to carry out some reporting. We don't know how to solve this.

TZH: Designation of such areas has largely affected reporting. The NLD said that there are also restricted areas in other international parliaments. But the media have complained that hundreds of journalists now have to cover Parliament through a TV, thereby restricting their ability to interview freely. Is this because the NLD does not understand the nature of media very well, or because it does not know how to handle the media?

Zaw Thet Htwe: It seems that the NLD does not even have a strategic plan for media flow. The Parliament is an integral part of the country. There should at least be a media center in the Parliament. In international parliaments, there is a well-equipped media center with Internet access and a power supply. Generally speaking, the NLD needs something like this to facilitate the flow of information. The fact that it has restricted the news is a negative political sign. In [Burma], there has hardly been an institutionalized system, and usually, the lower-level workers take actions that hinge on the feelings of the top leader.

For instance, in the time of the late General Ne Win, his subordinates would issue instructions and regulations based on his feelings. This also happened in the time of General Than Shwe and President U Thein Sein. The democratic government is said to have emerged now. But then, instructions and regulations emerge depending on the feelings of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It is natural that she might be annoyed being followed by so many journalists. However, a responsible NLD would understand that the media can't be restricted. Once they adopt rules and regulations for the flow of information and the managing of the media, this problem will be solved. If no action is taken, because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi refuses to say something, this would likely breed problems. I think the NLD should handle this and also set up a media center in the Parliament.

TZH: The NLD government has not yet officially taken power, but the media has started to lose their rights after an NLD-dominated Parliament convened. At present, NLD lawmakers do not answer questions posed by the media. They evade it. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has released a statement that no one other than her is allowed to talk about the transfer of power. So lawmakers dare not answer these sorts of questions. It has therefore been very difficult for the media to get news.

Yet the media represent the people, and they ask questions on behalf of the people on issues that people want to know about. So the problems we have mentioned during this conversation will continue if the NLD does not understand that journalists are working on behalf of people.

Let's talk about the role of the Ministry of Information in the new government. To start, there have been suggestions that ministry should be abolished. What do you think about this, Ko Thiha Thway, about whether the Ministry of Information should be abolished?

TT: In fact, every government should keep a propaganda department. When industries were nationalized during the time of the Socialist Program Party, newspapers were also nationalized, so all the newspapers became government-run newspapers. Since then the government has used newspapers for propaganda. Consequently, the Ministry of Information has gradually grown up. I think those newspaper houses should be privatized. If no private businessman is willing to take them, those propaganda newspapers should be downgraded—the budget and workforce of those newspaper houses should be reconsidered. The [new] government can reduce unnecessary things, just keep the required workforce and change the ministry into an information department, because those newspapers spend a huge amount of budgets. At a time when free media is about to be established, it's unacceptable that the ministry competes with private newspapers using the state budget, rather than encouraging them.

Private media outlets are having a hard time. They are also facing other challenges. At a time when print media is declining and online media has become more popular, it is hard for print media to compete with government-run newspapers, which are invulnerable to financial loss. When the NLD government comes to power, I think it will reduce all the unnecessary things and just keep an appropriate workforce for an information department.

TZH: So, shouldn't the Information Ministry be abolished?

ZTH: I have found two facts regarding the question of if Ministry of Information should be abolished. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said that there should not be government-run newspapers in a democratic country. And Information Minister U Ye Htut said that the Ministry of Information has been in existence since the time of the government Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League. These two views are different. But as Ko Thiha has said, if government-run newspapers would operate with a state budget as a [profit-making] business, it is unacceptable. If they are to run as a business, they should not take money from the state, but operate on their own. If they take money from the state, they should not run as a business, but provide the service of sharing information to the people for free. So the NLD government, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has to choose one of these two options.

Regarding the abolishment of Ministry of Information, a ministry can be abolished in principle, but there are consequences we have to consider. Where will we use the staff and infrastructure of the ministry if it is abolished? There are branches of newspaper houses in divisions and states. If the Ministry of Information is abolished, capital investment in those facilities would be wasted. If the next government abolishes the things done by the previous government, and this pattern will repeat ad nauseam, our country would end in grinding poverty. I like what the senior members of the NLD have suggested. They've suggested combining three or two ministries into one. It is realistic. For example, it is realistic to combine the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development and Ministry of Commerce like the combination of Ministry of Health with Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement. It is doable that the Ministry of Information can be changed into a department.

TZH: There is no Ministry of Information in democracies. But surely they have an information department from the government. Let's discuss the role of private media. The role private media is playing is very limited in our country. There is no purely private broadcast media and they have to work in partnership with the government. There is no private independent broadcast media. The role of the media to criticize the government is therefore restricted. State-run media like Myanma Alinn, Kyemon and Myanma Radio and Television [MRTV] are commercially sustainable as they get advertisement orders. But private media is facing a hard time as they do not get advertisement orders. What is your view on this, Ko Thiha Thway?

TT: As government-run newspapers have stood as the official papers for a long time, people think that by only putting ads in them, [their ads] will reach the entire country or that [putting notifications in them] will legitimate them. We need to get rid of such thought. So as I have said before, the government-run newspapers should provide information to people for near free without accepting commercials. If that happens, private media will be able to sustain itself with commercials.

TZH: What do you think, Ko Zaw Thet Htwe?

ZTH: It seems that obituaries, weddings and notifications about land [ownership] can be legitimate only when they are put in government-run newspapers. So people do not put ads in private newspapers. The government-run newspapers therefore earn up to millions in advertisement revenues a day. If they no longer accept ads and those wishing to put ads switch to private media, it will create a breathing space for private media. And they [government-run newspapers] will become as good as their words to transform themselves into public service media.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'It's Unacceptable That the Ministry Competes with Private Newspapers Using the State Budget' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hpakant Protests on Hold after Agreement Signed: Officials

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 04:01 PM PST

Trucks are seen at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin State, November 25, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Trucks are seen at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin State, November 25, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

MANDALAY — Protests in Kachin State's Hpakant Township over the dumping of mining waste in the area have ended after authorities and villagers negotiated an agreement, according to township officials. However, some locals said they were not aware of the apparent settlement.

Officials said that local authorities, representatives from mining companies and concerned villagers signed an agreement on Friday stipulating that the mining companies would halt the dumping of waste soil from jade mines in areas near local villages.

"The companies … will go to the valley far away from the [village] areas to dump their mining waste. And the companies and authorities will begin reservation work on the Waikhar river," said Tin Swe Myint, an official of the Hpakant township administration office.

According to locals, the mining companies also agreed that dump trucks would only pass through the villages only at night in order to prevent accidents.

"The locals are satisfied with the results [of the negotiations] and assured [officials] that they would cease protesting. In turn, we assured them that we will work to restore the creeks and rivers in the area as soon as possible," Tin Swe Myint added.

Yet in the Lone Khin jade mining area, local protesters said that the agreement was inked without some locals' knowledge.

"We heard that the agreement was signed between authorities and mining companies without informing us. We're now asking for another appointment with both parties so that they can explain the situation to us," said Naung Latt, one of the Lone Khin protesters.

All locals knew, they said, was that the negotiations had stalled because the mining companies in the area did not agree with some of the locals' requests.

"They said that they won't dump waste in our area, but they couldn't come to an agreement on the time constraints for when trucks could pass through the villages," Naung Latt said.

Protesters said that their next appointment with local authorities and the mining companies will be in a few days, at which point they will decide if they will continue to protest.

"If they trick us, we will resume our protests," Naung Latt added.

Protests were staged last week in three areas: Sabaw, Seikmu and Seng Taung. Protests were halted a few days later, however, when local authorities allegedly brought protesters and mining company representatives together at the negotiation table.

The post Hpakant Protests on Hold after Agreement Signed: Officials appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Govt Looks to Shed Burden of US Sanctions

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 03:55 PM PST

US President Barack Obama holds a press conference following the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Rancho Mirage, California, February 16, 2016. (Photo: Mike Blake / Reuters)

US President Barack Obama holds a press conference following the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Rancho Mirage, California, February 16, 2016. (Photo: Mike Blake / Reuters)

RANGOON — The US should further ease sanctions on Burma, Vice President Nyan Tun told US President Barack Obama at a US-ASEAN summit this week, according to Burma's information minister.

At the Feb. 15-16 meeting of Southeast Asian leaders in California, Nyan Tun claimed that although the US has been giving economic support to ASEAN countries, Burma has received relatively little developmental assistance because of US sanctions, according to Ye Htut, as quoted in state-run media on Friday.

According to Ye Htut, Nyan Tun informed participants that "Burmese businesspeople still can't compete with other businesspeople [in the ASEAN region] because of sanctions."

"[Nyan Tun] said that [Burma] is improving politically and that sanctions should be lifted. The US said that this will depend on how the country moves forward," Ye Htut added.

The United States restored diplomatic ties with Burma in 2012, after Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government came to power the previous year.

While economic sanctions were eased for some sectors and individuals, many businesspeople remain on the Treasury Department's Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list.

US investment in Burma remains relatively low, as many potential investors are opting for a judicious approach to entering the frontier market. Still, some major American brands such as Coca-Cola, Gap and KFC have already broken ground in the country.

Ye Htut made clear to the media neither which sanctions should be lifted first nor which individuals should be removed from the SDN list.

Meanwhile, the American Chamber of Commerce's Myanmar chapter hosted a meeting in Rangoon on Feb. 17 with leaders from the health care, manufacturing and retail sectors. Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), told The Irrawaddy that meeting delegates talked about the limits placed on money transfers between the US and Burma due to sanctions.

"There are some people still on the SDN list, and most US banks don't want to take risks or waste their time, which is why transferring money is difficult. The Burma government as well as various sectors want the US to totally lift sanctions," Maung Maung Lay said.

"US involvement [in Burma] can bring many benefits to our country. If it lifts sanctions, other countries will feel confident about investing here."

Since last year, the Chamber has been pushing for the lifting of trade sanctions on Burma, urging the US government to re-examine the sanctions list and remove some companies and individuals. This, the body argues, would create a level playing field in Burma for US companies with otherwise limited business power and that incur steep costs as a result of undergoing lengthy compliance reviews.

Hope, however, may be faint in the near-term.

"President Obama will be busy this year. I don't see much potential for sanctions to be lifted soon," Maung Maung Lay said.

President Obama's recently confirmed nominee for ambassador to Burma, Scot Marciel, said in December that he does not anticipate major changes in US sanctions in the wake of the country's historic general election in November.

"I would not anticipate, nor recommend, any dramatic change," Scot Marciel said at his confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Marciel added that the sanctions system is "somewhat dynamic" and does allow for the measures to be eased if countries are deemed to have made progress.

The post Burma Govt Looks to Shed Burden of US Sanctions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mon State Cement Plant Nearing Completion amid Ongoing Opposition

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 03:46 PM PST

A sign for Mawlamyine Cement Limited at the entrance to the cement factory in Kyaikmayaw Township. (Photo: Nai Ko Thu / Facebook)

A sign for Mawlamyine Cement Limited at the entrance to the cement factory in Kyaikmayaw Township. (Photo: Nai Ko Thu / Facebook)

RANGOON — A Thai-backed cement factory under construction in Mon State is on track to begin operations in mid-2016, the company said this week, despite ongoing opposition from locals over the presence of a coal-fired power plant on the site.

The factory in Kyaikmayaw Township, situated near the Zami River—an important water source for at least five villages in the area—is owned by Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL), a subsidiary of Siam Cement Group (SCG).

"Once operations begin, it is expected to produce 1.8 million tons of cement per year and the plant will create more than 300 direct jobs," MCL said in a statement dated Feb. 17.

The cement factory is 65 percent complete, the company said, explaining that US$400 million had been invested in the undertaking that was approved by the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) in 2013.

Locals from nearby villages, however, contend they were not consulted before a coal-fired power plant was built on the site to power the cement plant. MCL said in a separate statement released earlier this month that an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) was conducted in 2013 and submitted to the MIC.

The Kyaikmayaw CSO's network said it had handed a letter to MCL representatives during a meeting arranged by the firm on Feb. 10, requesting to see the EIA report.

"The whole country does not accept coal," said Aye Thein, the coordinator of Kyaikmayaw CSO's network. "We don't need to reject [the project] if they run it with other [energy sources], but not coal."

In a statement on Feb. 5, MCL set out details of the project, including the coal-fired plant.

"Outlined in the EIA, our facility includes an integrated cement plant consisting of a small self-use electricity utility that generates 40-megawatt energy power from coal and biomass and a 9-megawatt Waste Heat Generator (WHG) to assist in producing power," the company said. "The WHG system helps lessen the dependency on electricity as well as reduces greenhouse gas emissions."

However, Aye Thein said the company had not properly explained the impact of a coal-power plant, instead only emphasizing the positives of the project.

He said the company informed stakeholders about some measures, including that smoke from the coal plant would be absorbed, but locals remained unconvinced.

"We use premium quality coal with low sulfur, standardize all processes and strictly abide by the law. In the manufacturing process, MCL utilizes technology to ensure very low emissions, meeting the highest international standards," said MCL managing director Wijit Terasarun in the Feb. 5 statement.

"During storage, the coal is protected from exposure to water, accounting for flood conditions. We also provide indoor storage and closed-system water management. Coal is considered an essential energy source in the industry and is well accepted as the global standard, utilized in markets across the globe."

MCL said unofficial visits were made to the plant by Mon State ministers, Kyaikmayaw Township administrators and other government officials, as well as village heads, last year. The firm also said they hosted four "open houses" for community members to learn about the facility during 2015—meetings that Aye Thein said were not widely publicized.

The company invited a group of monks to Thailand for a study tour to explain the project this month.

"In February 2016, MCL invited 14 monks from the local community to visit The Group's cement plant in Lampang, Thailand, with similar technology and environmental preservation as the MCL plant in Myanmar," the company said.

Sandar Non, a central committee member of the Mon National Party, said local villagers only found out about the coal plant when local monks were invited to preach at the site.

"The villagers told us [the company] never explained [about the coal plant]. They don't want this coal-power plant in their region. The company can use… gas to run their plant. They will not agree to the coal-power plant," she said.

A local committee from pya-taung, or Bee Mountain, region, comprised of village representatives, including local monks, has been formed to oppose the plant.

"The villagers are now trying to get consensus from all villages to oppose the plant," Sandar Non told The Irrawaddy.

Kyi Maung Win, the general manager of MCL in Kyaikmayaw Township, would not speak over the phone when contacted by The Irrawaddy this week.

Htun Naing, director general of the Mon State general administration office, said all approvals for the project had come from the national government and state authorities had no role.

The post Mon State Cement Plant Nearing Completion amid Ongoing Opposition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Will Suu Kyi Give Up 59(F)?

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 03:38 PM PST

Tin Oo, a patron of the National League for Democracy (NLD) celebrates the 25th anniversary of the founding of the NLD in Rangoon on September 27, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Tin Oo, a patron of the National League for Democracy (NLD) celebrates the 25th anniversary of the founding of the NLD in Rangoon on September 27, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Aung San Suu Kyi is the rightful leader of Burma and should be president of the country.

The charismatic National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman would raise the nation's profile and navigate a dignified entry into the international community. The armed forces' leaders, including Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, whom Suu Kyi has met three times in recent months, have no doubt reached a similar realization, but that doesn't mean she will be the country's next president. Time is running out: if the 2008 Constitution cannot be amended now, then the Lady will have to formulate a back-up plan.

It is generally accepted that the military leadership is reluctant to negotiate a waiver of the constitution's controversial Article 59(f). The clause prohibits any Burmese citizen with a foreign spouse or children from assuming the presidency, thereby excluding Aung San Suu Kyi from the position, since her two sons hold British citizenship, as did her late husband.

Yet Snr-Gen Than Shwe, former regime leader and an architect of the military-drafted constitution, reportedly backed Suu Kyi's political ambitions after meeting her on December 5 last year.

"It is the truth that she will become the future leader of the country. I will support her with all of my efforts," Than Shwe was widely quoted as saying at the meeting with Suu Kyi. There is no doubt that the former general has remained influential in shaping Burmese politics and the military. Yet the official line from both the armed forces and government is that Than Shwe no longer exercises his power in these circles.

It is an interesting time indeed: top army leaders remain tight-lipped on the controversial issue of a Suu Kyi presidency. Some recent reports suggest that military leaders have expressed strong resistance to amending the constitution. But this also could be interpreted to mean that a crack has appeared in the ranks.

This week, Suu Kyi held a third round of talks with army commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, but no details of the meeting were provided. It is confirmed that he has maintained a good relationship with Suu Kyi, but he also needs to watch his back: he knows there is military objection to her leadership.

However, at their second meeting, the two sides discussed the rule of law and the ongoing process of creating lasting peace in the country. It is quite curious that both have stayed mum on the status of 59(f), but former and active army leaders have privately said that waiving or suspending the ban is unlikely.

Min Aung Hlaing is rumored to be extending his tenure in the army for the next five years. Alone, he can't order constitutional change, but it should be noted that he also has 166 military MPs sitting in both houses of Parliament, known to vote as a bloc based on orders from above.

First, the issue of a potential amendment would have to be discussed in Parliament. But a big hurdle remains: to amend any clause requires the support of at least 75 percent of its members. The continued quota of 25 percent military in the legislative body maintains the army's powerful political role in Burma. They are careful to preserve this privilege; in June 2015, army MPs shot down a proposal aimed to reduce the share of house votes needed to amend the Constitution to 70 percent.

Time is running out as Suu Kyi and her party need to nominate candidates for a president who can take power in April. In any case, she has said that she will be "above the president": her pick for the leading role will most likely be a trustworthy follower. She will have to select someone she can work with for now—some optimists say that even if she cannot assume the role immediately, the Lady will become president sometime later this year.

Local and international news has speculated about several potential presidential nominees, including Tin Oo, the former army chief; Dr Tin Myo Win, Suu Kyi's personal physician; Dr. Myo Aung and Win Htein, key members of the NLD's central executive committee and Htin Kyaw, a senior party member.

Suu Kyi has kept everyone guessing. Some insiders in the NLD have said that the two most likely candidates are Tin Oo and Dr. Myo Aung. A concern about Tin Oo, 89, is his advanced age, despite appearing to be in good health. If he becomes head of state in Burma's young and fragile democracy, even temporarily, he will be one of the oldest serving presidents in the world.

A former military commander in chief loyal to the late Gen Aung San and strongman Gen Ne Win, Tin Oo joined the army in 1946, two years before Burma's independence. He was forced to retire in 1974 and served seven years in prison after being accused of treason by Ne Win. Released in 1980, he returned to university to study law, preparing him to later co-found the NLD. He was active in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and remained loyal to Suu Kyi in the years that followed. Recently, he told reporters that he believed Suu Kyi should be Burma's president.

Tin Oo appeared with Suu Kyi at the last campaign rally before November's general election. Was it a signal? Again, the respected former army chief was seen giving a speech on February 12, which is celebrated as Union Day. Now is the time to watch, rather than speculate—those with definitive analyses or answers can easily be fooled. With the exception of Suu Kyi and the NLD's inner circle, who knows if Tin Oo will become president instead of the Lady?

At the end of the day, many say that the outcome is simply a matter of the country's fate.

The post Will Suu Kyi Give Up 59(F)? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:
Subscribe to: Posts (Atom)