Wednesday, June 4, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Mangrove planters take fight to Naypyidaw

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:47 AM PDT

Twenty-three farmers from Dedaye, Irrawaddy Division have travelled to the capital Naypyidaw, with the hopes of meeting President Thein Sein.

The farmers object to their regional government's plan to destroy a mangrove forest near Kyondat village, which they have painstakingly replanted.

Extensions to farmland have led to the destruction of hundreds of hectares of mangrove forest in the region. In response, the farmers successfully restored a 700-acre tract of forest, which is again under threat.

Tun Tun Oo of the Irrawaddy Division Human Rights Monitoring Network said the decision by the divisional government to uproot the mangrove forest is out of keeping with the Union government's conservation agenda.

"The township administration, citing orders from the Irrawaddy Regional Government, has been pressuring us to destroy the mangrove forest we replanted and to stop planting more," Tun Tun Oo said. "They warned us that they would take action otherwise."

"But the Union Government has instituted a programme to restore the mangroves in Irrawaddy Division."

Tun Tun Oo also pointed out that the lack of mangrove coverage makes the community vulnerable to extreme weather events.

"This was one of the worst hit areas during Cyclone Nargis in 2008, due to mangrove deforestation," he said. "The loss of life and destruction was devastating."

The delegation of farmers met with three officials on Tuesday, including Sin Sant, former Speaker in the Irrawaddy regional parliament, and Aye Myint, deputy minister for Environmental Conservation and Forestry.

The officials told the environmentalists that it was unlikely that the Union Government would allow them to continue to grow mangroves in the area.

"The deputy Forestry Minister Aye Myint Aung told us that the land is designated as pastureland and technically we aren’t allowed to grow trees there,” Tun Tun Oo said.

"But he said he would help us avoid punishment for growing mangroves on the pastureland, as he is aware the area was hit by a natural disaster."

According to a 2013 report compiled by the Rangoon-based Mangrove and Environmental Rehabilitation Network and the University of Singapore, mangrove coverage along the Irrawaddy Delta has declined by over 50 percent over the last 30 years, from 2,623 square kilometres to around 1,000 square km.

The report added that deforestation for farming expansion was the main cause and confirmed that the lack of mangrove coverage exacerbated the impact of Cyclone Nargis, which killed 140,000 people and made two million homeless.

Close to eight million people currently live on the Irrawaddy delta, with many relying on the natural aquaculture and rich soil for survival. Yet agrarian opportunities for locals are being slashed alongside the mangrove ecosystems, and farmers are increasingly forced into environmentally damaging practices, compounding the problem.

The Dedaye conservationists have been in Naypyidaw for four days and have set up a roadside campaign site. Despite depleting funds for the campaign, they have vowed to wait at their camp until granted a presidential audience.

 

Tavoy farmers charged with ‘disturbing’ authorities over disputed land

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:24 AM PDT

Twenty farmers were charged this week for "disturbing" local authorities in Tenasserim Division's capital of Tavoy [Dawei] after they resisted their attempts to measure out lands that have been at the centre of a longstanding dispute.

Some 300 acres of land in Tavoy's Sanchi ward, owned by 64 local farmers, was allegedly confiscated by the government in 1990. The farmers, who had been paying land taxes for decades, said that they were not aware of this until 2012 when they tried to register for land ownership.

Since then, the community has staged protests demanding return of the land, which currently houses the divisional headquarters of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party on a third of it. More construction is planned for the remainder, and the protesting farmers have faced threats of lawsuits from the private company that has leased the land from the government.

On Sunday, company representatives and government officials – accompanied by 50 police officers – tried to survey the remaining land but were stopped by the farmers, said one farmer named Shwe Zin Yu.

"They were very insistent about doing the surveying but we did not let them," Shwe Zin Yu said.

The Town Administration's director then filed charges against 20 farmers on Sunday and called them in for questioning on Tuesday, said Tavoy police superintendent Myo Myint Oo.

"The Town Administration's director has filed charges against the villagers for disturbing officials on duty on Sunday," said Myo Myint Oo. "At the moment, we are only questioning the villagers but we are not making any arrests."

Than Myam, one of the charged farmers, said they faced questioning for about an hour before they were released on bail.

This long-running case has prompted the villagers to petition the parliament's Land Grab Investigation Commission for help. Local authorities have previously offered a settlement to the farmers, but were rejected as they felt the offer was unfair.

Peace in Burma: Closer than ever but still beyond reach

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 11:37 PM PDT

Burma's ethnic armed groups and government negotiators now have less than two months to meet an August deadline for signing a nationwide ceasefire agreement, which would mark the beginning of the end to six decades of conflict. While that deadline will almost certainly prove flexible, those involved in the process agree that Burma is closer than ever to achieving peace.

"As an historian, I would like to say that this is the best chance to make peace in Burma. The government is willing. The people are willing… we should take that opportunity and try to take it in the direction we want," said Harn Yawnghwe, executive director of the Euro-Burma Office (EBO), speaking at a conference in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Friday.

For Burma, however, whose central government has a history of using divide and conquer tactics against its many ethnic insurgencies, "closer than ever" could be a considerable distance. Ethnic armies still at war with the government might need some convincing that the "direction we want" actually exists, and that the EBO has any authority to broadcast it.

Hosted by the newly-formed Pyidaungsu Institute, a five-member panel of optimistic experts convened at Chiang Mai University to try to demystify Burma's tangled path to peace. The Pyidaungsu Institute (PI), an ethnic research centre founded as an answer to the government-influenced Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC) and funded in part by the EBO, is meant to provide resources and space for community involvement in the peace process, which to date has been dominated by government forces and has appeared impenetrable and opaque to concerned communities.

The conference was initially conceived as an ambitious debut for the institute, but was markedly downscaled because of administrative pressure from the university in light of newly-instituted martial law in Thailand. Several distinguished players in the peace process showed up nonetheless, including PI founders Khunsai Jaiyen and Lian Sakhong, EBO's Yawnghwe, MPC Associate Director Nyo Ohn Myint and seasoned peace advisor Hannes Siebert.

“The government is willing. The people are willing… we should take that opportunity and try to take it in the direction we want" – Harn Yawnghwe, executive director of Euro-Burma Office

Discussion centred on the scope and trajectory of the peace process, which after much back-and-forth between the two sides at the negotiating table — the government's Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) and the ethnic armed groups' National Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) — has prioritised the signing of a single-text nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) as its cornerstone. This document, now headed towards a third draft, synthesises proposals drafted independently by each side and will subsume state-level ceasefires.

Yawnghwe emphasised to DVB on Tuesday that, "At the moment everyone is focusing on the draft of the NCA," which, while it seems like a given now, was not the case only a few months ago.

Signing the accord is prerequisite to launching political dialogue and pursuing constitutional reform, as reiterated by Burmese President Thein Sein in his monthly radio address on Sunday. Ensuing dialogue, which many ethnic stakeholders have long demanded as a precondition for ceasefire, will be geared towards changing Burma's military-drafted 2008 Constitution to allow for federalism and political autonomy for ethnic states and regions. Hence, the postponement of the dialogue is already viewed as a major compromise on behalf of the NCCT.

It appears to many observers that the NCCT has absorbed most of the compromise, while the UPWC hasn't had to do much bargaining. It was the commander-in-chief of the Burmese armed forces who established the deadline for ceasefire, and the latest draft of the agreement, penned in late May, is "not much different" from the original document pushed forward by the UPWC in November 2013, according to a legal advisory group.

The Legal Aid Network (LAN), a non-governmental assistance programme based in Kachin State with an international oversight board, recently published a chapter-by-chapter analysis of the November draft on the premise that the newer versions are almost identical in substance to the UPWC's original, which was based on state-level pacts. Yawnghwe agreed with this assessment, adding that the NCA "is based on the individual ceasefire agreements. The difference is not in the substance but to cover those [ethnic armed groups] who have not yet signed or cannot for political reasons sign ceasefire agreements."

The LAN takes issue with several parts of the text, namely: vague and deceptive language; existing law clauses that could override parts of the agreement; and the document's apparent acceptance of the 2008 Constitution as a legitimate legal charter. Yawnghwe responded that the newest draft of the NCA leaves out existing law clauses, but there is not yet a clear plan to reconcile the agreement with the most relevant preexisting law: the Unlawful Associations Act, which criminalises all of Burma's ethnic armed groups.

“An underlying question, is how the existence and operation of the EAOs [ethnic armed organisations] can be legalized," reads LAN's report, citing the United Wa State Party (UWSP) as a cautionary symbol for other armed groups. The UWSA is Burma's most powerful ethnic army, and has been tolerated by the Burmese government since an informal, oral ceasefire agreement was reached in 1989. The LAN argues that though the government recognised them as a lawful organisation, the agreement should have made the Wa army a part of the national Armed Forces. The fact that it didn't demonstrates arbitrary and selective application of law, and could cause problems as the peace process enters a more mature phase, which will require the government to at least appear to be consistent.

Yawnghwe assured DVB that the current negotiations "call for the EAOs to be de-listed from the illegal organizations list when the NCA is signed", but no one seems to yet have an answer as to how that will be either implemented or honoured. Speaking to DVB on Tuesday, Lian Sakhong, co-founder of PI and a high-level member of the Chin National Front, remarked only that "all who sign the national ceasefire, their names should be removed from the illegal organisations list, and they should not be punished under that law… Until it is signed, there is no way we can do that."

This is an important point, considering that the Burmese military still operates with impunity in ethnic territories. The most recent example is the raid of a rebel liaison office in Kengtung, Shan State, just last month. An agreement to operate rebel army liaison offices is written into state-level ceasefire agreements. The most basic purpose of these offices is to bring insurgents out of the jungle and into the towns, where they can directly communicate with local Burmese authorities. The demonstrated consequence is that the offices turn some select rebels into sitting ducks.

It's hardly irrelevant that the EBO, which partially funds the PI, also funds the establishment of liaison offices and pays staff salaries. Both institutions have a clear stake in the success of and public support for the offices. The Kachin Independence Organisation, which does not have a state-level ceasefire and is still in active conflict with the central government, does not accept EBO assistance for their offices. The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), which has been under ceasefire since 2011, has been among the most reluctant participants in NCCT negotiations with the government. It's no coincidence, say some observers, that their offices have been subject to abuse by Burmese authorities. More curious is the fact that just one day prior to the raid, a senior Shan politician was arrested at his home without warrant and charged with unlawful association for communicating with members of the RCSS, which is still considered illegal.

Lian Sakhong maintains that "until and unless we sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement, we do not have collective action, collective responsibility." Because there is no nationwide agreement yet, he said, violation of an agreement between the RCSS and the Burmese authorities isn't really any of the NCCT's business. It seems an odd position to take, sending a message that those ethnic armed groups still resisting the agreement for the same reasons they did last year must either get on board or be left out to dry.

Arakan towns to join national grid

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:15 PM PDT

Towns in southern Arakan State are scheduled to connect to Burma's national grid as early as next week, according to energy officials.

The towns of Taungup and Sandoway [officially known as Thandwe] were previously scheduled to light up in May under the government scheme but work-related delays pushed the project back a month. Zaw Myint, an officer at Sandoway's Electricity Engineering Office, told DVB that installing transmission towers and other infrastructure took longer than expected.

"The construction of electrical pylons to Taungup and Thandwe has been completed, we just need to finish a little work at the relay stations," he said. "We expect to bring electricity to the towns by the second week of June."

He said his office is now accepting applications from locals who wish to receive power from the national grid and install electricity metre boxes in their homes. So far, about 1,000 applications have been submitted, he said.

Until now, residents in Taunggup and Sandoway have had to buy electricity from a private company, but at a much higher cost than in other areas in Burma that are connected to the grid. The fixed nationalised price in Burma is 35 kyat (US$0.04) per unit (for usage exceeding 100 units per month), but in off-grid Arakan, households were asked to pay around 450 kyat per unit.

Aung Gyi, an internet café owner in Sandoway, said that, although costly, the private electricity is reliable, and he expressed his concern at whether the government would be able to provide service at the same level.

Sandoway is the nearest town to Ngapali, Burma's most popular beach resort and the venue for many foreign tourists staying at high-end hotels, almost all of which have their own generators.

"When the power goes out, the private company immediately sends technicians to fix it," said the internet café owner. "But we are concerned that the technicians from the governmental department won't be so efficient.

"As always, when it comes to the national grid, it may take hours for the power to come back on."

The majority funding for this power project in Arakan was provided from the Union Government's budget, but the state government contributed and India also loaned funds, said State Minister of Electric Power Aung Than Tin.

He said officials expect northern Arakan State towns such as Ann, Ponnakyun, Sittwe, Mrauk-U and Kyaukphyu to be connected to the national grid by August.

Thousands of residents of the port city of Kyaukphyu are already enjoying the benefits of 24-hour electricity since being hooked up to turbines after the internationally backed Shwe Gas project began pumping natural gas to China from the port in September last year.

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Activists Face Violent Threats After Opposing Interfaith Marriage Bill

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 05:44 AM PDT

An activist's phone shows messages from an anonymous sender asking where the activist lives. (Photo courtesy of Khon Ja)

RANGOON — Burmese activists who publicly opposed a controversial interfaith marriage bill say they are receiving violent threats from anonymous callers.

At least four activists have been targeted by threats after listing their contact information in early May on a public statement backed by nearly 100 civil society groups that objected to the bill.

Since then, they have received anonymous phone calls and online messages threatening violence. One activist was forced to change her phone number after her original digits were posted on a Facebook page advertising prostitutes.

Another activist, Aung Myo Min, says he has been urged to stop fighting the interfaith marriage bill, which places restrictions on marriages between Buddhist women and men of any other faith.

"Some messages were like, 'You will regret it. Stop working for this issue. If you continue, don't blame others for the consequences,'" the director of Equality Myanmar told The Irrawaddy.

Khon Ja, a well-known women's rights activist from the Kachin Peace Network, said some anonymous callers have even used phone numbers from Thailand and Malaysia.

"They called saying, "If you dare come to Mandalay, you will be dead when we see you," she said, adding that she wondered if the Association to Protect Race and Religion, a radical monk-led group promoting the bill, knew about the threats.

Zin Mar Aung, founder of the Rainfall Gender Study Group,says she has received obscene messages on Viber, a phone application. She said one Viber group has been created with the name, "We will kill those who destroy the race."

May Sabe Phyu, senior coordinator of the Gender Equality Network, says she is reluctant to connect to the Internet on her phone due to negative messages. "Once I connect, lots of Viber messages come up instantly, with some asking to call so we can talk," she says.

Burmese civil society groups have grown increasingly concerned about the interfaith marriage bill, which is part of a package of four bills to protect race and religion. The other three bills would ban polygamy, enact population control measures and restrict religious conversion.

The interfaith marriage bill calls for Buddhist women to receive permission from parents and authorities before marrying a man of another faith, who would be forced to convert to Buddhism.

Opponents have criticized the bill as undemocratic and discriminatory. Some say it prevents women from making their own choices, while others believe it is intended specifically to prevent conversions to Islam.

Aung Myo Min of Equality Myanmar said he is taking precautions with his safety following the threats.

"If they are courageous, they need to tell us who they are and why they are doing this," he said of the callers. "It's like they are threatening us from the dark.

"Our aim is not to destroy or disrespect race and religion. We also want to protect these. But there are some aims and concepts [in the bill] that we can't accept."

The post Activists Face Violent Threats After Opposing Interfaith Marriage Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Nationalist Campaign to Call for Anti-Ooredoo Boycott

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 05:03 AM PDT

Ooredoo

The logo of telecommunications firm Ooredoo is seen at the company's head office in Doha, Qatar. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — A Burmese nationalist movement led by Buddhist monks is set to begin a campaign in calling for people to boycott Qatari mobile phone operator Ooredoo.

An abbot who supports the movement, U Parmaukha, told The Irrawaddy that a publicity campaign would begin in Rangoon on Saturday discouraging people from buying Ooredoo SIM cards, or even answering calls from phones using an Ooredoo SIM, because the company hails from a Muslim country.

U Parmaukha, from Magwe Kyaung Tike monastery in Rangoon, said a group called the Burmese Nationalist Youth will distribute pamphlets and CDs in the former capital with information about the boycott.

"The campaign is to protect the integrity of the Burmese nation and the religion because we doubt that we will have freedom when talking over their mobile network because the company is from an Islamic country," said U Parmaukha.

In support of the campaign, the abbot will open up his monastery for a press conference to launch it on Saturday. He added that similar campaigns against Ooredoo would soon be underway across the country.

Ooredoo—which is owned by the natural gas-rich Qatari government—is one of two foreign firms awarded the right to operate mobile phone services in Burma. The company said last month that it would make mobile phone and internet services available to 30 percent of the country sometime between the start of July and the end of September.

U Parmaukha said he was aware that the boycott would raise concerns about the environment for overseas businesses in Burma, which is currently seeing a massive influx of foreign investment, much of it in the nascent telecommunications sector.

"We are also concerned that the foreign investment would draw back, but we are worried that this Islamic company would threaten the integrity of the Burmese nation and the religion," said U Parmaukha.

"The government needs to think before giving permission to Islamic-related companies to run their business in the country, looking at it from A nationalistic point of view. For us, we prefer to give permission only to other companies, rather than Islamic ones."

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Craftsmen and Toymakers Struggle to Survive in Sagaing

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:29 AM PDT

crafts

A child looks at the papier marche toys for sale at the Kaung Mu Daw Pagoda stairway. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

SAGAING, Mandalay Division — Sagaing, known as the cultural sister city of Mandalay, is a popular tourist destination in central Burma, where visitors can climb the famous Sagaing Hill and see traditional arts such pottery and papier mâché toys.

The top of Sagaing Hill offers scenic views of pagodas and monasteries, while those who prefer to wander the shady streets of the city below can observe the workings of earthen pot studios, silversmith workshops and other craft centers.

The city appears peaceful, thanks to the Buddhist religious buildings surrounding it, but the struggles of local residents, especially the craftsmen, remain largely hidden from tourists.

The main road to Kaung Mu Daw Pagoda is lined with earthen pots, ranging from containers for drinking water to flower pots. A rhythmic rolling sound from pottery wheels can be heard from one hut along the road, a manufacturing center famous for its "Sagaing Pot," which is said to have a cooling effect on water. Tourist cars are parked outside.

Inside, potters begin to make the earthen pots by stepping over a mud mixture to create smooth dough. Nearby, women are busy molding a semi-dried pot into proper shape, lining the inside with wet sand and creating patterns on the exterior. Once fully shaped, the pots will dry under the shade and will later be transferred to the oven for baking.

Despite the pots' renowned natural cooling power, these potters in Sagaing say they struggle to sell their wares at markets in big cities because shoppers are increasingly opting for refrigerators or electric water coolers. Some potters have given up their craft to make more money by opening grocery stores or looking for jobs as migrant workers abroad.

"We still receive orders from remote areas and small villages," says potter Khine Yin Mon. "But even so, we only earn between 800 kyats and 6,000 kyats ($0.80 to $6) during tourist season," says potter Khine Yin Mon. "Sometimes we depend on tips from tourists. There are no more than a dozen potters left in the city because so many have left the business."

Not far from the pottery hut, a small silversmith workshop sits behind a showroom. Inside, about 10 young men use small hammers to carve Buddhist mythical images onto a silver bowl. In another corner, two men sweat heavily as they mold raw silver near a fireplace.

"It will take about seven months because we need to create the details, and it will cost about 20 million kyats," said the chief silversmith, Min Naing, of the silver bowl.

With no modern machinery, the silversmiths in Sagaing create intricate jewelery, souvenirs and even decorative table lamps. The creations are labor intensive, but wealthy Burmese buyers are willing to pay a high cost for ornate silverware that can be showcased at special religious ceremonies and weddings.

The silverware shops are always busy with local and foreign tourists. But a shortage of skilled laborers is a challenge for the future of business.

"A skilled labourer earns 5,000 kyats per day at minimum, but it's really hard to find them these days because youngsters are less interested in this industry and more interested in working at a company or going abroad," Min Naing says.

"We don't know how long we will last. We have fewer local buyers because of the high cost and we are becoming more dependent on foreign buyers. We believe we can manage if we stick to traditional methods, but we don't know what will happen if eventually we can't find more skilled laborers. We hope that day never comes."

Meanwhile, papier mâché toymakers in town are facing too much foreign competition.

A traditional Burmese toy known as the Tumbling Kelly as well as animal figures are mainly produced in Sagaing, but the toy market has become increasingly dominated by imported plastic toys and stuffed animals.

"Children nowadays prefer foreign toys and rarely play with these paper toys. Only few parents, who refer to them as 'ancient Burmese toys,' buy them for their children," says Tin Myint Yee as she makes a Tumbling Kelly.

There are only about five or six papier mâché toymakers left in Sagaing, and many worry they will not be able to sustain their business throughout the year, as most orders are placed once annually for pagoda festivals at the end of Buddhist lent.

"Many traditional craftsmen have changed their profession. We were also hit by the poor market, but we've managed to stand up again, like the Tumbling Kelly," Tin Myint Yee says, referring to the rounded-toy with a woman's face painted on the front, with a flattened bottom to keep it standing.

"We also need to run a grocery store to survive, but we will continue this business, which we still love, even if there is no-one to buy our creations."

The post Craftsmen and Toymakers Struggle to Survive in Sagaing appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Switch to Telenor by Ex-Ambassador to Burma Provokes Criticism in Norway

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:45 AM PDT

A view of the office building of Norwegian firm Telenor in central Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The recent appointment of Katja Nordgaard, Norway's former ambassador to Burma, to Executive Vice President at the Oslo-based telecommunications firm Telenor Group has come under scrutiny in the Norwegian media, with critics questioning whether she is using her public position to gain advantages for the private sector.

As ambassador to Burma, Thailand and Cambodia from 2010 to 2013, Nordgaard oversaw the normalization of relations with Burma's reformist government and helped secure deals between the government and Norwegian firms, including for the multinational company that that she will be joining in August.

Telenor won a hotly contested bid last year for a US$500 million license that will allow it to develop telecommunications infrastructure and operate mobile phone services in Burma for 15 years.

Telenor and Norway's Minister of Foreign Affairs have said that the move by Nordgaard, who is currently Norway's ambassador to Thailand and Cambodia, does not violate any ethics policy.

However, Norway's major newspapers, Dagens Naeringsliv and Aftenposten, ran critical articles last week about her switch from diplomat to Telenor executive, saying that it blurred the line between Norway's public and private sector interests in Burma.

Audun Aagre, director of the Norwegian Burma Committee, told Dagens Naeringsliv, "Nordgaard has maintained good and close relations with Burmese authorities and has been one of their strongest defenders internationally.

"There can be little doubt that this is one of the reasons why Telenor is hiring her."

Halvor Leira, chair of the research group on foreign policy and diplomacy at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs, told the paper, "I find this [move] a bit peculiar."

"When you are an ambassador, you represent Norway abroad. When you go from representing Norway's interests abroad to representing Telenor's interests abroad, you use the contacts that you have built up as a public person for private gain," Leira said.

Critics said Nordgaard's position as a supporter of President Thein Sein's government, and her subsequent move to a company that was granted Burmese government licenses, could damage Norway's reputation with the democratic opposition, ethnic groups and human rights activists.

Aagre said, "Our experience is that an increasing number of Burmese organizations are questioning Norway's strategy in Burma. It is important that Norwegian authorities distinguish clearly between the political goals of democracy and human rights, and the goals of Norwegian business.

"It would be sad if a mixing of roles were to undermine the trust that Norway has built up over 20 years" when it supported the democratic opposition, Aagre said.

"MFA [Ministry of Foreign Affairs] can say whatever they want, but this is about reputation, about how this will be perceived in Myanmar—this is something that MFA cannot control," Leira said.

"Norway is a country which in recent years has gone from having a close relationship with the democracy movement to a close relationship with the authorities," said Camilla Buzzi, Norwegian Church Aid's country program manager in Burma. "Katja Nordgaard has had a key role in the normalization of the relationship between Norway and Myanmar and has opened doors for Norwegian businesses wanting to enter the country.

"This creates uncertainty about Norway's motivations in Myanmar," she said.

Norway has long supported Burma's democratic opposition and the ethnic minority refugees stranded on the Thai-Burma border. When it launched the $2 million Myanmar Peace Support Initiative in 2012, however, the project drew the ire of border-based civil society groups, who said it had failed to properly consult them and was closely aligned to the Burmese government's peace process objectives.

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Film Set for Premier on 60th Anniversary of Burma’s First Hijacking

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:38 AM PDT

Culture, arts, history, Yangon,

Maj. Saw Kyaw Aye, who led the 1954 plane hijacking on which the new film "With the Dawn: The First Hijack in Burma" is based. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A new film based on Burma's first airplane hijacking will premier in Rangoon later this month, with the inaugural screening timed to coincide with the 60th anniversary of the real-life event.

The film, "With the Dawn: The First Hijack in Burma," tells the story of the June 25, 1954, hijack of a Rangoon-Sittwe flight by a team led by the Karen National Defense Organization's Maj. Saw Kyaw Aye.

The movie's director, Anthony, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that it will be screened for special guests and the press at the Thamada cinema in the former capital on the same date this month.

The film will then be screened elsewhere in Southeast Asia, but the Burmese public will have to wait until October for the film to go on general release in the country, he said.

"I plan to show this film in Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, other Asean countries, before showing it in Burma," he said, explaining that Rangoon's cinema's already had a backlog of movies waiting to be shown on the limited number of screens.

Anthony said the film has a running time of about two-and-a-half hours. It includes animated scenes and is produced to international standards, he said, adding that production costs ran to nearly 300 million kyat, or about US$300,000.

"I tried my best shooting this film," he said.

Anthony said the film, which is in the Burmese-language, will include English subtitles for international theaters, and he expects it to find an audience, especially among migrant Burmese communities in the region.

"I'm going to contact with the international film market soon after the press showing on June 25," he said.

The hijacking that gives the film its subject—involving a Dakota airline with 14 passengers and four airline staff on board—ended when the plane landed in Arakan State's Gwa Township. The plane did not have enough fuel on board to make it to the Karen mountains, where the three hijackers had planned to use it to access a storied weapons cache left behind by the Japanese after World War II.

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Karen Rebel Leaders Meeting Burmese President, Army Chief in Naypyidaw

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 11:52 PM PDT

Karen

The Burmese government's chief peace negotiator Aung Min (left) chats with KNU chairman Gen. Mutu Say Poe in Hpa-an in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU) and its armed wing are this week meeting with Burmese President Thein Sein and the army's commander in chief in Naypyidaw, according to the ethnic group.

KNU Secretary Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win told The Irrawaddy that a delegation led by chairman Mutu Say Poe arrived in the capital Monday.

"The talks will include the current efforts around the nationwide ceasefire process, and how the KNU can contribute support for peace building," Kwe Htoo Win said.

The Karen National Liberation Army's chief, Gen. Johnny, is expected to meet with Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, his counterpart in the Burma Army. Similar meetings have been taking place regularly as the government attempts to cement a ceasefire agreement with all of the country's ethnic armed groups, but the two sides have not met since March 7.

"We have been busy with the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team working on the nationwide ceasefire draft and the regular meeting with the commander in chief was delayed this time," he said, adding that regular meetings were important for the peace process.

"We, both sides, exchange views, and more meetings create a platform for friendly and open discussions between us, who have responsibility for the stability and peace for the country."

The KNU chair is also accompanied by executive committee members such as Padoh Man Nyein Maung, Col. Saw Roger and Col. Htoo Htoo Lay.

The KNU and the government have been on good terms since signing a ceasefire agreement in Jan 2012. Mutu Say Poe and Min Aung Hlaing have met five times since 2013.

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Will Private-Public Partnerships Fly?

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 05:30 PM PDT

airports

An Air KBZ plane refuels at Yangon International Airport. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

YANGON — Myanmar's government is planning to offer up contracts to expand and operate some 39 regional airports in the country later this year, but some doubt whether the private sector will bring the help needed to update the country's crumbling smaller airstrips.

When a major aviation conference was held in Yangon in March, officials from the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA) told interested businesspeople that they have a plan—the details of which were sparse—that will return Myanmar to its once-proud place as a regional aviation hub.

The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) is currently working on a "survey," which will feed into a government transport master plan, but a JICA spokesperson declined to go into detail about the plan. Japan last year initiated a US$12 million project to upgrade safety at the country's six biggest airports with new communications and navigation equipment.

But in terms of tangible policy, it is clear only that Myanmar will continue offering up parts of the sector in competitive tenders. According to the DCA, as the clouds disperse at the end of the current rainy season, the latest tender will go out asking for companies to invest in improving airports and operate them as public-private partnerships.

The airports include those serving growing tourist destinations, like Heho near Inle Lake, Nyaung-U at Bagan, and Thandwe near Ngapali beach, but also planned economic hubs like Kyaukphyu and Dawei.

The aim is to modernize and improve the safety record of the large network of airports as it deals with rising passenger numbers. That should facilitate business and tourist travel across Myanmar's vast distances, which would in theory help spread economic growth around.

Henrich Dahm, a Yangon-based analyst who specializes in the tourism sector, told The Irrawaddy that developing some of the regional airports was needed for the tourism industry to handle the increasing numbers of visitors wanting to see more than just the major cities.

It was only in 2012 that Myanmar surpassed 1 million tourists per year, but President U Thein Sein has predicted that the country could get 5 million foreign visitors next year.

"The development of regional airports is important to ease the overstretched tourism infrastructure and address the lack of airport capacity in Yangon," Mr. Dahm said.

"More tourists need to [be able to] fly directly to Bagan, Inle, Mandalay, Myeik, etc., to promote new destinations in the country."

The tender follows the awarding of deals to operate the Yangon International Airport and Mandalay's airport, given to a subsidiary of Myanmar-owned company Asia World and Japan's Mitsubishi Corporation, respectively.

The model of private operators taking over airports has had success elsewhere, and has been useful for governments short on capital who wish to expand their aviation infrastructure.

However, the private sector is not always willing to stump up all the cash for such projects, as the government has discovered with the tender to build a new airport serving Yangon. A new tender had to be issued for the Hanthawaddy airport project after South Korea's Incheon and the DCA could not agree on how it would be funded. The government eventually agreed to guarantee development loans for half of the project cost—estimated at between $1.4 and $1.5 billion.

In other sectors, the government has had considerable success bringing in private money to pay for upgrades in infrastructure.

Peter Brimble, the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) principal country specialist based in Yangon, said the tender for telecommunications licenses last year was widely seen as competitive and fair and secured promises of large upfront capital investment.

The ADB has just begun a program in the energy sector to help the government develop a robust tendering process to make sure future deals get the best outcome for Myanmar. "It's not just to go through the process of tendering, it's also to think about the national needs—whether that means using a public-private partnership or the government's own money or a partnership [with donors]," said Mr. Brimble.

The government's preferred choice, though, as demonstrated by the stumbling Hanthawaddy project, has been to ask private firms to take the entire hit, in exchange for rewards later as long-term operators.

"There's a tendency to try to raise funds however you can," Mr. Brimble said.

The DCA appears confident that there is enough private-sector interest, and the department's director general U Tin Naing Tun told The Irrawaddy in April that "many" companies had come forward to register their interest.

However, he said that much of that interest was from local firms, and it is unclear whether the investment necessary to revamp the domestic aviation market will be forthcoming.

A 2012 report by Business Monitor International, looking ahead to the development of Myanmar aviation, threw cold water on the idea that the sector offered attractive investment opportunities.

"We do not see a lot of financially viable opportunities in the construction and management of airports in Myanmar over the next decade," the report said.

Noting that Myanmar already has a large number of airports in operation—69 in total—the report warned that "even though Myanmar is keen on private investment…the rewards from this sector are very uncertain for the next decade and would depend on several long-term factors such as a general rise in incomes within Myanmar and the development of a vibrant tourism sector."

Economist and country specialist Sean Turnell said the airports at tourist destinations had potential, particularly considering the growth of low-cost carriers in the region, which could take advantage of "secondary" airports that are cheaper for airlines to fly into.

"Many others will not be attractive, though—too out of the way, no viable tourist traffic and no reservoir of middle-class travelers or business activity to sustain them," Mr. Turnell said.

"The sort of returns these airports could generate would not be sufficient for the relatively high capital outlays creating a modern airport would require.

"Of course, on top of the possibility of low and variable returns, you have that fundamental problem in Myanmar of the absence of secure property rights. Investing in an airport will be a long-term proposition, with all the insecurities such decision-making may involve," Mr. Turnell added.

Kyaw Hsu Mon contributed reporting. This article first appeared in the June 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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‘The Violin Is More Than Just a Tool. It’s More Like My Voice’

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT

violin

Burmese-born violinist San Win Htike plays during a trip to Rangoon. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burmese-born violinist San Win Htike has just completed his third year at the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music in Singapore. During a visit to his homeland in May this year, he gave a short recital of his adventures in music across China, Thailand and Singapore. In his performance, at the Legacy Music Academy in Rangoon, he showed off his skills, and his own ideas about music.

San Win Htike a.k.a Phong Phong started studying violin at the age of 5 in Ruili, on the Chinese side of the Yunnan-Shan State border. Aged 14, he enrolled in a young artists program at Yong Siew Toh. He has participated in festivals such as SAYOWE in Thailand and the Hong Kong New Music Festival in Hong Kong. He sometimes returns to Burma during the school holidays to raise people's interest in music through teaching and giving recitals in the Rangoon and Mandalay. During his recent visit, he sat down with The Irrawaddy to discuss his music, his inspiration and his instrument.

Question: What made you begin playing the violin?

Answer: I played it by accident. My mother found an advertisement that a teacher in Ruili would open a violin course. My mother went there and made enquiries. When I got home, I found a violin waiting for me! I had no idea about this tool, but I tried it. At first, I was still so young and I didn't know what I was doing. The tips of my fingers felt pain. But I found it fresh and new in the beginning. I was interested in it. With time, I felt unhappy doing it sometimes. But when I played some songs, I found it so interesting again.

Q: After you had succeeded in playing some difficult notes on the violin, did you feel you could apply the same kind of hard work to other problems?

A: Most of my friends would tell me: "It's impossible to play these songs at your level." But, for me, I had been practicing the songs without ever thinking of impossibilities. I simply practiced it. In my mind, if I try, I'll get it. If I repeat something again and again, I know I will master it. I never say to myself it is impossible to get something. If you say to yourself it is impossible, you will not get it.

Q: What is the most difficult part of playing the violin?

A: In my opinion, it's not that difficult to play the instrument. If you practice enough, you can play it. But the difficult part is: Why are you playing? You need to consider it, even though nobody asks you like that. If you play without thinking about what you are playing, it will look like a robot.

Q: At the moment, who is the most influential violinist for you?

A: In recent years, Bela Bartok is the one who influences me. He combined classical music theories and the themes from Hungarian folk songs and created his own music. I like his idea of creating something new, not deleting what's different.

Q: What is your relationship with your instrument?

A: I'd say we are partners. Sometimes, when I practice, when I cannot get something, I talk to the violin: "Why can't I get this?" "Why are you doing this to me?" Afterward, I'm sorry and I keep on practicing. After I get it, I feel sorry for blaming the violin. He's there to create songs for me. And the violin is more than just a tool, I think. It's more like my voice. I can't sing, but with the violin I can make something musical.

Q: In Burma, we have our own well-known violinists like U Tin Yi. How did you feel when you met him?

A: When I met with him about 10 years ago, he could still play and it was really fun playing with him. Everyday I'd go to his house and we'd play something together. And he started teaching me Burmese traditional folk songs and it was really enjoyable. But now…he's still healthy, but he's getting old. He cannot play as much as before.  He's really a good player. I enjoyed playing with him, 10 years ago.

Q: Do you have any intention to present Burmese traditional songs to a Western audience?

A: Yeah, someday when I'm really confident. I'm still learning.

Q: What's the best part about being a musician?

A: The best part is we don't have to wake up at 9 in the morning to go to work.

Q: What is the hardest part about being a musician?

A: Ha. We have no proper job.

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Wary China Keeps Close Watch as Tiananmen Anniversary Arrives

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:51 PM PDT

Tiananmen anniversary

Zhang Xianling, whose son Wang Nan was killed by soldiers at the Tiananmen Square in 1989, holds his picture after journalists were turned away, at the window of her home in Beijing, on April 24, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Twenty-five years ago, Wang Nan took his camera and headed out to Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, where tens of thousands of people had gathered calling for democratic reforms. The 19-year-old told a friend he wanted to record history.

Before he left his home late on June 3, 1989, he asked his mother, "Do you think the troops would open fire?" She said she did not. Around three hours later, he was shot dead by soldiers.

As his 77-year-old mother, Zhang Xianling, prepares to mark the 25th anniversary of her son’s death, she is under around-the-clock surveillance by eight police and security officers.

Zhang said the level of scrutiny this year was unprecedented. As early as April, police officers barred foreign journalists, including Reuters reporters, from visiting her home.

"I find it ridiculous, I’m an old lady," Zhang told Reuters by telephone. "What can I say [to reporters]? I don’t know any state secrets. All I can talk about is the matter concerning my son. What is there to be afraid of?"

The Chinese Communist Party’s harshest crackdown on political dissent in recent years would suggest plenty.

As Wednesday’s big anniversary of the bloody repression of pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square approached, authorities deployed hundreds of police, many armed with rifles, to patrol the area.

Rights group Amnesty International said at least 66 people have been detained in connection with the anniversary, and major Chinese internet sites censor references to the day on which hundreds, possibly thousands of unarmed civilians were killed.

For Zhang, whenever she wants to travel anywhere she is driven in a police car. Two police officers walk with her when she goes to the market.

In previous years, Zhang said she was usually guarded by three to five police officers who would appear outside her home a month before the anniversary.

Xi Takes hard Line

The extraordinary measures are explained by the fact that she is one of the co-founders of a group of families called the Tiananmen Mothers, who have long demanded justice for the victims of the massacre.

Ding Zilin, the other co-founder who was travelling in the eastern city of Wuxi, near Shanghai, was not allowed to return to Beijing, said Zhang and other rights activists.

"There is much empathy for them given they lost children in 1989," said William Nee, Amnesty International’s China researcher. "They are seen as credible and their continued fight for justice, especially given their age, has drawn much sympathy.

"The authorities are acutely aware of this and that is why we believe they are placed under such heavy surveillance this year."

Asked about the restrictions on the Tiananmen Mothers, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei said the legal rights of Chinese citizens are guaranteed, but every Chinese citizen must "consciously respect the country’s rules and laws."

Since Xi Jinping became president in March last year, his administration has taken a hard line on dissent, detaining and jailing activists, clamping down on Internet critics and tightening curbs on journalists in what rights groups call the worst suppression of free expression for several years.

Censors have scrubbed out references on Weibo, China’s version of Twitter, to "May 35th," a substitute for the date of the Tiananmen crackdown.

Tencent Holdings Ltd’s microblog censors the characters for "willow silk," which sound similar to the words "six four," a Chinese way to say June 4.

Qihoo 360 Technology Co censors "VIIIIXVIIV," the Roman numerals for "8 9 6 4" or June 4, 1989.

"The government is concerned about what they call stability maintenance," said Andrew Nathan, a professor of political science who specializes in Chinese politics at Columbia University in New York.

Nathan said Chinese leaders are concerned about the so-called "Arab Spring" uprisings and revolutions in Ukraine, and want to prevent such open acts of rebellion against the state from taking hold in China.

"So their idea of preventing it is not to take the lid off and let people hash things out, but instead try to prevent anybody from raising any of these troubling issues," he said.

'We've Left the Battlefield'

After initially tolerating the student-led demonstrations in the spring of 1989, the Communist Party sent in troops to crush a rare display of public defiance.

The government has never released a death toll from the violence, but estimates from human rights groups and witnesses range from several hundred to several thousand.

Stunned by the government’s harsh response to the Tiananmen movement that officials have termed "counter-revolutionary," and tired of decades of turmoil under Communist rule, many Chinese people now balk at the idea of mass revolution.

Instead, they chase new opportunities offered by the country’s booming economic growth.

And while the authorities have moved swiftly to squash criticism of the one-party system, people are enjoying the kind of individual freedoms never accorded them before.

They can report on corrupt officials, sue the government for pollution and miscarriages of justice, and stage protests for labor and environmental rights.

The Chinese government has also loosened the one-child policy, allowing many urban couples to have two children.

It has been effective, too, in scrubbing out memories of the 1989 protests. Many young people, indoctrinated by years of "patriotic education," have no inkling of the movement.

Beijing has forced many of the student leaders into exile in the United States, Hong Kong and Taiwan, where they are effectively neutralized, being barred from the mainland.

"Once we leave China, we’ve left the battlefield," said Wu’er Kaixi, a leading figure in the pro-democracy movement who now lives in Taiwan. "We are no longer the main actors on the stage."

Wang Dan, who was one of the most visible leaders in the movement and is also in exile in Taiwan, said he was able to hold a "democracy salon"—an open forum for intellectuals to discuss political problems—at Peking University 25 years ago.

"Everyone knows that anyone who dares to do anything like that these days will be detained. This is a clear regression from where we were back then."

Michael Gold in Taipei and Ben Blanchard and Paul Carsten in Beijing contributed reporting.

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4 Hawaii Farms Settle Thai Workers Suit for $2.4 Million

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:44 PM PDT

Thai workers in Hawaii

In this screenshot from a video by the anti-human-trafficking group 808HALT, migrant workers are shown tending crops in Hawaii. (Photo: 808HALT / Youtube)

HONOLULU — Four Hawaii farms are settling a discrimination lawsuit for a total of US$2.4 million over allegations that they exploited hundreds of Thai workers.

The US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission filed a federal lawsuit in 2011 against California-based labor contractor Global Horizons and six Hawaii farms, with allegations including subjecting workers to discrimination, uninhabitable housing, insufficient food, inadequate wages and deportation threats.

Mac Farms of Hawaii will pay $1.6 million, Kelena Farms will pay $275,000, Captain Cook Coffee Co. will pay $100,000, and Kauai Coffee Co. will pay $425,000, according to settlement agreements made public on Tuesday.

A judge recently found Global Horizons liable for the discrimination and abuse of the workers.

Del Monte Fresh Produce Inc. settled for $1.2 million, the EEOC announced last year. Global Horizons and Maui Pineapple Co., the last farm that hasn’t settled, are scheduled to go to trial in November, said Anna Park, EEOC Los Angeles regional attorney, who traveled to Honolulu with other agency staff to announce the settlement details.

All of the $3.6 million in settlement funds will go directly to the workers, Park said, in a distribution process that involves determining who worked on the various farms, for how long and the severity of the abuse workers suffered.

Likhit Yoo-on and Khamjuan Namwichai told reporters through a translator Tuesday about how they were recruited in Thailand to do agricultural work in the United States with promises of earning enough money to support their families.

Their passports were taken away. Yoo-on said he had to sleep on the floor and was forced to harvest bananas even when sick. Manwichai said he lived in a bug-infested house where 26 workers shared one bathroom.

Among the allegations in the lawsuit is that 20 Mac Farms workers were living in a Naalehu house approved for only five people, which was cited because it "lacked a functioning toilet, toilet paper, and hot water and had a buckling kitchen floor."

The lawsuit also alleges Micronesian workers at Maui Pineapple were treated better than Thai workers, whose living conditions included portable toilets and five shower heads for 70 workers. The Thai workers were forbidden from using the Micronesian workers’ bathroom, the lawsuit states.

The contractor sought impoverished Thai nationals, who they stereotyped to be docile and compliant, Park said, and charged them fees ranging from $9,500 to $26,000. The overcrowded housing was often infested with bed bugs and some workers even resorted to making "primitive slingshots to catch chickens so they could eat," Park said.

Mordechai Orian, president and chief strategic officer of now-defunct Global Horizons, said by phone Tuesday that he doesn’t believe any of the allegations.

"We’re filing motions and everything to dismiss the case," he said. "It’s a baseless case."

The Hawaii farms that settled did so out of fear and for business reasons. "It’s a strategy of any businessman: If I’m making money, I’ll pay something and move on," Orian said. "It’s cheaper than paying lawyers."

Attorneys for the farms couldn’t immediately be reached for comment.

The farms also agreed to various anti-discrimination measures, according to the consent decrees on the settlements.

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Malaysian PM Sues Online News Portal Malaysiakini

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:36 PM PDT

Malaysian media

Malaysian leader Najib Razak appears on the homepage of the Malaysiakini online news portal on June 4, 2014. (Photo: Malaysiakini)

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian leader Najib Razak is suing an independent online news portal for allegedly defaming him and his ruling Malay party.

The action against Malaysiakini is believed to be the first by a Malaysian prime minister against a media organization. Rights activists called it a threat to press freedom.

The news portal said on its website that it received legal papers on Tuesday accusing it of publishing readers’ comments that defamed Najib and damaged his image. The comments were critical of Najib and questioned alleged corruption in his party.

Malaysiakini editor Steven Gan said Najib was offered a chance to reply but refused.

"We will fight the suit vigorously," Gan said.

Najib lodged the suit after Malaysiakini, known for its criticism of the government, refused to apologize and retract the comments.

Last week, Najib said his action against the news portal was not part of a media crackdown to silence critics, and stressed "there is a difference between legitimate criticism and defamation." A court hearing has been set for June 18.

Malaysiakini, the country’s first online news portal, was formed in 1999 to offer "alternative news and views of Malaysia" in response to government control of the mass media.

Online media have since expanded and played a key role in helping the opposition make unprecedented gains in the last two general elections. The government earlier pledged not to censor the Internet.

Media rights group Reporters Without Borders earlier criticized Najib’s planned legal action, saying it was a threat to press freedom, and urged him to accept criticism.

Human Rights Watch also slammed Najib’s "heavy-handed efforts," saying they showed "a fundamental disregard for press freedom."

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Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


To Hopeland and back (Part IX)

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:14 AM PDT

Day Two (22 May 2014)

We didn't know it then, but while I was on my way to Taunggyi from Tachilek, opposite Maesai, where I had put up last night, the Royal Thai Army had declared a coup d'état.

I remember chatting with a friendly military officer from the Burma Army who said the one thing that is different between the military takeover in the two countries is that in Thailand, it doesn't affect the day-to-day bureaucratic functions of the government. "The bureaucratic machine in Thailand seems to be better established," he remarked.

He also talked about the dividends of the ongoing peace process. "In the past, we used to have several checkpoints between Taunggyi and Tachilek (574km) and it would take 2-3 days to travel by car," he said. "But now it took only two days from even Rangoon to reach Tachilek."

Nevertheless, he conceded that the transition from absolute dictatorship to a constitutional government was not without problems. "The old system hasn't gone completely and the new system is still groping its way in," he commented, "which results in a sort of limbo. Crimes, especially the drug trade, have become somewhat out of hand."
naw-kham
Naw Kham, suspected of masterminding the murder of 13 Chinese sailors on the Mekong River in 2011, signs on the arrest warrant in Beijing, capital of China, May 10, 2012. (Xinhua/Wan Xiang) 

He pointed out that even the joint 4 country police patrols could not do much to curb the drug activities along the Mekhong. "With Naw Kham gone, the situation has become even worse," he said.

Naw Kham, the Shan "Godfather" of the Mekong, was apprehended in Laos and sentenced to death in China last year, after the Chinese court found him guilty of killing 13 Chinese sailors on 5 October 2011.

Women's Peace Forum had just concluded when I arrived in Taunggyi in the evening.
I was received by youth organizers of the constitutional workshop entitled "Local Government and Decentralization", a joint venture of Euro Burma Office (EBO), Forum of Federations (FOF), Pyidaungsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue (PI) that I have the honor to head and the New Generation Shan State (NGSS).

They informed me that the workshop would be held at the Memorial Hall of St. Joseph's Church near the No.3 High School, formerly St Anne's, until the military government "nationalized" it around 1963-64.

The 3-day planned workshop, 25-27 May, would be followed by a selection of trainees for TOT (Training of Trainers) by the Canada-based FOF. The trained youth would then organize constitutional awareness workshops in their own localities.

It has, at least in the short run, nothing to do with the current calls for constitutional amendments or rewrite, I have informed the organizers.

"The problem with our people is that they don't even know what a constitution is," I recall a young CBO member telling me several years earlier. "It isn't unusual to find farmers asking who's bigger between the President and the Prime Minister."

I finished the day by visiting my brother-in-law. This time he didn't have any drinks to offer me, because his daughters had confiscated all the bottles and put them away, after he suffered a minor hemorrhage. Good for him — and me.

Bouncing Back, Relapse in the Golden Triangle

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:11 AM PDT

Transnational Institute
June 2014
bouncing-back
Cover of Bouncing Back
TNI's indepth examination of the illegal drug market in the Golden Triangle, which has a witnessed a doubling of opium production, growing prison populations and repression of small-scale farmers. This report details the failure of ASEAN's 'drug free' strategy and the need for a new approach.

The illicit drug market in the Golden Triangle – Burma, Thailand and Laos – and in neighbouring India and China has undergone profound changes. This report documents those changes in great detail, based on information gathered on the ground in difficult circumstances by a group of dedicated local researchers. After a decade of decline, opium cultivation has doubled again and there has also been a rise in the production and consumption of ATS – especially methamphetamines.

Drug control agencies are under constant pressure to apply policies based on the unachievable goal to make the region drug free by 2015.

This report argues for drug policy changes towards a focus on health, development, peace building and human rights. Reforms to decriminalise the most vulnerable people involved could make the region's drug policies far more sustainable and cost-effective. Such measures should include abandoning disproportionate criminal sanctions, rescheduling mild substances, prioritising access to essential medicines, shifting resources from law enforcement to social services, alternative development and harm reduction, and providing evidence-based voluntary treatment services for those who need them.

The aspiration of a drug free ASEAN in 2015 is not realistic and the policy goals and resources should be redirected towards a harm reduction strategy for managing – instead of eliminating – the illicit drug market in the least harmful way. In view of all the evidence this report presents about the bouncing back of the opium economy and the expanding ATS market, plus all the negative consequences of the repressive drug control approaches applied so far, making any other choice would be irresponsible.

Bouncing Back, Relapse in the Golden Triangle
Pressrelease

From: drugs@tni.orgThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
TNI, De Wittenstraat 25, Amsterdam
http://www.tni.org

Peace process: Focus on ideology more than terminology

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:08 AM PDT

While most of the differences that have emerged during the negotiations between the armed resistance movements' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) are about the wordings, the concepts behind them are more important, according to Dr Lian Hmung Sakhong, key NCCT member, who was speaking at the forum held at the Chiangmai University on Friday, 30 May.
peaceprocess-forum-cmu
Panelist at the Chiangmai University Peace forum, 30 May 2014: Dr Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, Harn Yawnghwe, Khuensai Jaiyen, Nyo Ohn Myint and Dr Lian H. Sakhong. (Photo: PI)

"Ideology is more important than terminology," he said, pointing out that similar words used by each side do not convey same meanings in some cases. For example, "Pyidaungsu" may mean just "Union" to the government but the armed resistance movements hold to the original meaning "Union of sovereign states", which suggests that all were initially independent from each other.

The military representatives of the UPWC continued to oppose the use of "Federal" in the draft Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), despite the fact that the word has been accepted and used by President Thein Sein and Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann in their speeches. "We finally agree to use 'democracy that guarantees equal rights and (internal) self determination' for the peoples of the Union," he reported.

The two sides had also agreed that the country would be a secular state, which may help to dispel concerns that Naypyitaw would adopt a more rigid pro-Buddhist stance.
The military also agreed, as proposed by the NCCT, to place the Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration (DDR) of all armed movements after the political settlement instead of before it, as insisted by it earlier, according to Dr Lian. (The second combined draft that came out after the latest round of talks between the two sides, 21-23 May, however still contains the original proposition by the government, that is, DDR must come before political settlement.)

"Peace in Burma is important, not only for the people of Burma, but also for the region and the rest of the world," concluded Lian, "because instability in our country has created a lot of problems for you. Peace in Burma is your concern as well. This is our best chance. Please support our efforts to make peace."

Other speakers included Nyo Ohn Myint of Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), Harn Yawnghwe of Euro Burma Office (EBO) and Dr Hannes Siebert of Common Space Initiative (CSI). Some 60 participants attended the forum that was jointly organized by the Chiangmai University's Regional Center for Sustainable Development (RCSD), Burma Studies Center (BSC), Pyidaungsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue (PI) and Thai PBS. They include those from diplomatic and academic circles, UNHCR, INGOs and civil society organizations.

Peace Process: A lot done, more needs to be done

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:07 AM PDT

Summing up the latest round of talks between the ethnic armed movements' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and Naypyitaw's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC), during the last weekend, all sources have urged both sides to put more effort and time to the ongoing Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) negotiations.

suikhar
Dr Sui Khar (Photo: Karennews.org)
"Deep distrust still remains on each side," Nyo Ohn Myint, Associate Director, Peace and Dialogue Program of the Rangoon-based Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) told SHAN, "that needs to be overcome."

Dr Hannes Siebert, who has been involved in several peace processes in Colombia, Yemen, Nepal and Lebanon, among others, cautions that one should not expect too much from each round of talks. "Most single text documents, in my experience, have not been finalized after a few drafts," he said.
The NCCT and the UPWC, since last November, have met 8 times. The first combined draft was drawn up at the 7th meeting, 5-8 April, and the second at the 8th, 25-23 May.

Some of the progresses made include:
  • The agreement to include the establishment of a Union Armed Forces on the agenda at the upcoming political dialogue phase
  • Joint demining
  • Protection of civilians
The government has also agreed not to set acceptance of the military-drawn 2008 constitution as a pre-condition.
hannes-siebert
Dr Hannes Siebert (Photo: PI)
Several disagreements still divide both sides. One ethnic leader told SHAN, "The main obstacle however is still the mindset:
  • Some, forgetting that they are negotiators, come to the talks as if they were entering debates
  • We are also apt to think that our demands are just, while the other side's are insincere. Instead we should judge them as human nature. Everyone wants to get the best of a bargain. Negotiators should therefore not be disturbed by it."
The NCCT is due to meet again with their leaders at what is being dubbed as a Third Summit (First in October and the Second in January) to discuss on how much it should give and take at the next round of talks with the UPWC.

The venue, according to the sources, may possibly be Laiza, the Kachin stronghold on the Sino Burma border, as Thailand, under military rule since 22 May, has banned unusual gatherings of more than 5 people. The tentative date is 10-13 June.