The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag
- ILO: Current Govt ‘Reluctant Partners’ in Fight Against Forced Labor
- Burma’s Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products ‘Unfit for Use’
- Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations
- In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi’s Military Challenge
- Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman
- Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options
- Burma’s Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week
- Burma’s Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start
| Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag Posted: 12 Feb 2016 05:29 AM PST  National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi sits in meeting room after the opening of the new Upper House of Parliament in Naypyidaw, February 3, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) The mood of goodwill evident in early talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's military over the country's transition to democratic government has soured, as tensions rise over how to divide up power and deal with the legacy of junta rule. The apparent stalemate has forced Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) to push back the election by Parliament of a new president to March 17, cutting close to the April 1 deadline when the new government is supposed to start its term. While negotiations have been conducted amid tight secrecy, lawmakers say divisions emerged after the military put forward its list of demands to the incoming government last month. The appointment of ex-general Shwe Mann, now a key Suu Kyi ally, to a powerful advisory panel has also stoked mistrust, some say, because his insider knowledge could enable Burma's new rulers to delve into the actions of the outgoing government. "It seems like all of the members of the previous government are now panicking, so they try to use the military's weight to protect themselves," said a former senior lawmaker from the army-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Suu Kyi's NLD won a landslide in Burma's first democratic election in a quarter of a century in November, kicking off a lengthy transition from the semi-civilian government that in 2011 replaced a junta that had run the country for 49 years. That transition began with mutual handshakes and speeches about "national reconciliation," but as the talks drag on the tone of public debate—and that of legislators speaking privately—has changed. In recent days, the NLD and the military have bickered via the media over whether Burma's junta-drafted constitution, which bars Suu Kyi from becoming president, should be amended to let her take the highest office. Ye Htut, the outgoing Minister of Information and presidential spokesman, said Suu Kyi should respect the military as, essentially, the country's second biggest party, and urged her administration not to dwell on the issue of the presidency, instead focusing on economic reform. Looking Forward, or Back? Last week the NLD appointed Shwe Mann, a former speaker of the lower house who was purged from the USDP last year, as the head of the Legal Affairs and Examination of Special Matters Commission, a powerful panel that advises on legislation. This choice, some MPs say, could be problematic for former members of outgoing President Thein Sein's government if the NLD decided to use the commission's expertise to try to amend laws or revisit contracts approved by his administration. The issue of not raking over the past has been crucial in efforts to establish a working relationship between Suu Kyi and her former foes in the military, which under the Constitution retains a bloc of seats in Parliament and control of key parts of the state apparatus. When Suu Kyi met former junta leader Than Shwe in December she gave him assurances that the NLD would not focus on the past. In return, Than Shwe endorsed her as the future "leader" of the country. Days before disbanding at the end of January, the Parliament dominated by Thein Sein's USDP passed a bill granting life-long immunity from prosecution to the president for actions taken in office, sparking protests from human rights organizations. "That law only protects the president, but not his ministers," said the former USDP lawmaker, who is also a member of Shwe Mann's panel. He said the commission would look into recent budgets. Military Demands The military is demanding the positions of chief minister in Arakan, Shan and Kachin states and, crucially, Rangoon, where the bulk of foreign investment is likely to concentrate as Burma's economy grows at a rapid pace, two people briefed on the details of the talks said. Both Shan and Kachin states are home to powerful ethnic armed groups involved in illicit activities ranging from drug production and smuggling to illegal jade mining. Control over these states, which also include Special Regions—semi-autonomous fiefdoms with their own administrations and armies—is key for Suu Kyi, who has made a ceasefire with ethnic armed groups her top priority. China, which has important economic and strategic interests in Burma, is also anxious to protect its influence, Win Htein, one of the top NLD leaders involved in transition talks said. "Chinese government representatives and business associations are coming to us all the damn time to talk about the president and business deals," said Win Htein. The post Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ILO: Current Govt ‘Reluctant Partners’ in Fight Against Forced Labor Posted: 12 Feb 2016 04:08 AM PST  A victim of forced labor displays the scars on his shoulder in Arakan State on June 10, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Forced labor has continued across Burma at the hands of the military, despite the signing of an agreement with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to eliminate the practice by 2015, according to the ILO's in-country liaison officer. The outgoing government, led by President Thein Sein, signed a memorandum of understanding with the UN agency in 2012, promising to ultimately end all forms of forced labor over the next three years. According to the ILO liaison officer in Burma, Piyamal Pichaiwongse, forced labor practices vary by region. In central Burma's dry zone, the incidents are mostly related to the harvesting of crops. Pichaiwongse explained that cases of this type often occur in Magwe, Mandalay and Sagaing divisions, as well as in Arakan, Chin and Shan states. "That adds more difficulty to the farmers' already hard lives," she told The Irrawaddy this week, adding that if the farmers do not grow the crops that the military and the authorities demand, they are often evicted from their land as punishment. In many cases, farmers return to their fields, but they are not allowed to register the land as theirs at the local administration departments without the military's approval. "The major stakeholder in forced labor is the military, because they are the main perpetrators," said Pichaiwongse, a Thai national and former lawyer who has worked in Burma for decades. Another responsible party, she explained, is the General Administration Department (GAD), which operates local governments in every state, division and township. "The government agreed to stop forced labor when we shared reports of cases that reached our complaints mechanism… but when farmers return to their farmland, the military says 'no, you cannot return, it is our land [now],'" she said. In northern and eastern Burma, forced labor is frequently documented as portering for military camps. In western Burma, it commonly involves forced army recruitment and the construction of border fences. Since the establishment of the ILO's Supplementary Understanding Complaints Mechanism in 2007, the organization has been receiving reports from people who are being subjected to forced labor across the country, but few of the cases are able to receive appropriate legal redress. After forming a Ministry of Labor-backed working group on the issue, the ILO has collaborated with government institutions to take action to end forced labor. The group is comprised of representatives from the military, the GAD, the foreign affairs department, the attorney general's office, the Supreme Court and the Ministry of Agriculture. But the working group lacks a willingness to resolve the problem, Pichaiwongse explained, as the current government is backed by the military. "They are our partners, but they are reluctant," she said. The ILO is hopeful that under a National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government, it will be possible to finally eliminate forced labor, as local NLD members have been working closely with the organization for years on land issues and ways of combating the practice. "What I would expect to happen is that the new minister and deputy minister within the Ministry of Labor will lead the fight in a much more positive fashion, because [the NLD] understands the problem," Pichaiwongse said. Burma initially ratified the ILO's forced labor convention in 1955, pledging to abolish the practice, but the number of cases escalated under Burma's 50-year military regime. The post ILO: Current Govt 'Reluctant Partners' in Fight Against Forced Labor appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma’s Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products ‘Unfit for Use’ Posted: 12 Feb 2016 03:33 AM PST  Two products of popular Thai brand 'Forever Young' were found to contain a potentially harmful topical steroid, Burma's health ministry announced Wednesday. (Photo: Myanmar Food and Drugs Administration Department / Facebook) RANGOON — Products of a popular Thai cosmetics brand were found to be "unfit for use," according to an official announcement by Burma's Ministry of Health on Wednesday. "Two products of 'Forever Young' cosmetics were found to contain prohibited chemical ingredients that can harm people's health and [we] announce that these two products are unfit for use," the statement read. The two products in question are the "Facial cell boosting mask" and the "White active radiance" day cream, according to the statement, which were found to contain Clobetasol propionate, a topical steroid used to treat various skin disorders. Clobetasol propionate, which can be found in some skin whitening products, is banned in several countries as an ingredient in cosmetics due to potentially harmful side effects. 'Forever Young' cosmetics are produced in Thailand and its local distributor took to Facebook on Wednesday to affirm that the two products hold an official certificate issued by Thailand's Food and Drug Administration, dated October 5 last year. "An announcement that has been spread online which stated that two products of Forever Young cosmetics were found unfit for use, has no official endorsement or signature by respective authorized officials," the post reads. However, the deputy director of Burma's Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Dr. Tun Lin Aung, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the statement was "official" and that the health ministry would soon run the announcement in state-run media. The local distributor denied the products contained Clobetasol propionate in the Facebook post this week, and claimed the brand had a presence inside the country for three years. Tun Lin Aung said his department had received many complaints from Forever Young's consumers and that no certificate or distribution license had been issued to the company. In Wednesday's announcement, the health ministry ordered retailers to stop selling the products and cited Burma's 1972 Public Health Law that authorizes authorities to destroy harmful goods. The post Burma's Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products 'Unfit for Use' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations Posted: 12 Feb 2016 01:09 AM PST  Ethnic Karen communities in Rangoon welcomed the Karen New year on January 12, 2013, as hundreds of revelers, many of them in Karen dress, celebrated the event with traditional ceremonies. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Rangoon Division authorities have prohibited events marking the respective national days of ethnic Karen and Chin, according to leaders from both communities. In a statement issued on February 3, divisional authorities claimed that the organizations who had applied for permission to host the national day events—ethnic literature and culture associations—were illegal. The letter was signed on behalf of the chief minister of Rangoon Division and sent to township authorities, as well as Karen and Chin literature and culture committees. The Karen typically celebrate their national day annually on February 11, and the Chin on February 20. "Today is our Karen national day, but we could not celebrate it," said Saw Kyaw Zwa, a leader of the Karen Literature and Culture Committee, on Thursday. The ban came as a shock, particularly since members of the Karen National Union (KNU), one of eight ethnic armed groups to sign a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the government last year, had participated in the Karen National Day working committee in Rangoon. After decades of armed struggle, the signing of the NCA removed the KNU from Burma's list of unlawful organizations in October. "If one Karen minister had gone to apply for permission, we may have gotten it. But we did not do it properly, and I think that's why [the government] did not give us permission," he said. "There were politics behind their reason for not giving permission," the leader added. Chin community leaders said they would still mark their 68th national day in Rangoon next week even though the Rangoon Division government had denied approval for their proposed events. "It is hard to understand why they did not give permission. This was meaningless. We celebrate our national day every year," said Salai Isaac Khen, who has acted as moderator for the Chin political parties and as an advisor to the Chin Literature and Culture Committee. "Whatever they do, we will celebrate it," he said. Ethnic groups in Burma typically commemorate their national days by hosting traditional dance and music performances, presenting talks by political leaders, and reserving a venue in which people can meet and share in a celebration of their culture and history. The post Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi’s Military Challenge Posted: 12 Feb 2016 12:03 AM PST  A homeless woman lies on her bed insider her temporary shelter beside a street in Rangoon, February 4, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Days before democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi led her lawmakers into Parliament as Burma's government-in-waiting, Ei Than watched bulldozers sent by the military destroy her house in a slum on the outskirts of Rangoon. Ei Than was one of around 2,500 people thrown off military-owned land at Mingaladon in a mass eviction that gives a glimpse into the challenges Suu Kyi faces in sharing power with the armed forces after nearly 50 years of iron-fisted junta rule. The land, on the edge of the commercial capital, is owned by Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a sprawling military-owned conglomerate that entrenches the armed forces' grip over swathes of one of Southeast Asia's fastest-growing economies. Suu Kyi's party won a resounding election victory last November, but must still work with the military because of its continued hold over key cogs of the government machinery. During the 20 years Ei Than had lived on the land, she had no idea it was owned by the military: like many migrants to the country's biggest city, she built her house on vacant land. "It was just scrub and bushes when we moved here," she said, breastfeeding an infant in a flimsy shelter covered in plastic sheeting that was erected nearby after the eviction. Colonel Tin Aung Tun, minister of security and border affairs for the Rangoon Division government, said he did not know what the land, surrounded by an industrial park housing many military-owned manufacturing plants, would be used for. "These lands belong to the government," said the colonel, who, as the senior military official responsible for the area, oversaw the evictions. "I had to carry out my duty." He said those evicted had been offered food, water and temporary shelter at a nearby paint plant. Some had only moved to the site recently in the hope of compensation, he added. Business Empires The eviction at Mingaladon took place on Jan. 26, less than a week before winning election candidates from Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) were sworn in as lawmakers. When a lengthy transition is completed by the end of March, they will form the party's first majority government. Land disputes are a difficult legacy of military rule. Rights activists have accused the military and army-linked enterprises of numerous land grabs in recent years. The NLD has for years worked to support those who have faced forcible evictions, and is compiling a list of land disputes. It is unclear how the party plans to resolve such disputes, given the likely military opposition. Local NLD members believe the military timed the Mingaladon eviction to avoid any potential opposition from the new government. "I think they wanted to get this done before the transition," said Nyunt May Tha, chairperson of the NLD in Mingaladon Township, whose son now sits in parliament. MEHL is one of two powerful military business empires that account for a large chunk of the economy and are involved in everything from growing tea, manufacturing cigarettes and brewing beer to jade mining and banking. They help fund the military and the pensions and welfare provided to former soldiers, but they do not make their accounts public and their revenues are not shared with the government. Major Win Myint, manager at the nearby MEHL-owned Myanandar water purification plant, told Reuters the firm owned the land but said he did not know what plans the military company had to develop it. A local government official declined to comment beyond confirming that the land belonged to MEHL. MEHL did not respond to Reuters' requests for comment on the eviction and what it planned to do with the land. Landless Burma's junta-drafted 2008 Constitution reserves a quarter of seats in parliament for the armed forces, along with control of home affairs, defense and border affairs ministries, whose ministers are chosen by the army chief, not the president. The Mingaladon evictions were carried out by the General Administration Department (GAD), which runs unelected local governments and reports to the home affairs ministry, according to a copy of the order seen by Reuters. The day after the order to vacate expired, bulldozers arrived. With them were about 200 policemen and around four times as many other men, some carrying sticks, according to a Reuters witness. "Nothing can be done while the military is still in charge of the General Administration Department," said Nyunt May Tha. "We'll only be able to get over this if Daw Suu Kyi can talk to the military and fix it." Government officials told the newly homeless people they would receive compensation and be re-housed. But two weeks after the eviction, those Reuters spoke to said they had received no help. Hundreds of rickety shelters line a track running through a nearby industrial park. Inside, people cook on portable stoves and eat and talk by candlelight. Some say they moved to Rangoon after Cyclone Nargis devastated the central delta in 2008. The few possessions Ei Than owns are scattered on the floor, where a dozen dusty children crowd around a portable DVD player. "We are sad, we have nothing," she said. "We don't know if we will get any help or not." The post In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi's Military Challenge appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman Posted: 11 Feb 2016 11:52 PM PST  Villagers protest after their land was seized to allow for the expansion of a copper mine in Sagaing Division, on March 13, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Twelve farmers from Pegu Division's Taungoo Township publicly demanded on Thursday that charges against them be dropped and thousands of acres of land allegedly confiscated by a major Burmese company be returned. Since 2009, locals claim that about 5,000 acres in Ngaga Mouk village tract have been seized by the Kaung Myanmar Aung (KMA) group of companies. The conglomerate includes mining, construction, forestry and hospitality enterprises, and is owned by prominent businessman Khin Maung Aye, the chairman of Burma's Co-operative Bank. The farmers held a press conference led by prominent labor activists Myint Soe and Saw Do Htoo at the Myanmar Journalist Network on Thursday morning. Saw Do Htoo said that the farmers have faced criminal charges of trespassing, defamation and peaceful protest in the Taungoo courts over the last seven years as they try to regain ownership of the land. He explained that Burma's former military government had granted KMA a license to open a 2,400-acre teak plantation located between four villages in the tract—Htone Bo, Ngaga Mouk, Yay Ohe Zin and Kyatchae Chaung. Farmers and the local land registration department were surprised when the company then reportedly confiscated more than 5,000 acres of land. "I don't even want to hear the name of Kaung Myanmar Aung," said Daw Nyunt, a 60-year-old villager from Ngaga Mauk. She described the company as "very cunning" and said that they had tried to offer an "unfair" amount of compensation for the villagers' land—fields which they say they have farmed for more than three generations. Not all of the farmers possess ownership documents for the land, prompting businessmen from KMA to reportedly purchase the "vacant" area from the government. Earlier this year, farmers from four villages say that a verbal consensus was reached with the company's deputy general manager, Saw Maung. Seven key demands were allegedly presented and the meeting concluded when the company promised to "release" the land, according to one local, Saw Kha Hpaw. However, since the agreement was not in writing, villagers' are concerned about its validity. "We don't believe them," said Saw Kha Hpaw. "We requested that they deliver an official statement with the signature of Khin Maung Win, because his name was on the teak plantation license." Deputy general manager Saw Maung acknowledged that KMA had met with the farmers in January. He confirmed that the villagers had made clear their demands, including the dismissal of charges against them, compensation for farmland, and a promise to return the land, signed by Khin Maung Aye. Of these, Saw Maung agreed that the company would give back the land and drop the charges, but said land compensation should be left up to the owner. ''I told them to meet with the landowner to discuss the compensation but they said they didn't trust me," he said. Saw Maung estimates that his company has compensated the villagers with more than two billion kyats (US$1.6 million) from 2009 until the present. He said that the license for the teak project was obtained officially and that no additional land was confiscated, as the farmers allege; he suggested that their demand for further funds was motivated by greed. The deputy general manager also claimed that the establishment of a teak plantation in the area was aimed at preventing climate change. The post Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options Posted: 11 Feb 2016 09:59 PM PST  A news vendor displays local newspapers on a street in Rangoon, November 9, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — The outlook for print media in Burma remains grim in the near-term, industry experts contend, with private outlets still grappling with how to make their ventures financially secure in a market where online platforms have gained prominence. Publishing costs have risen while sales are down, according to Aung Paw Tun, former managing editor of the Messenger Daily which was freely distributed to readers before closing in December. The Messenger continues to run a weekly journal. "If copies sell for under 5,000 kyat per day and there are not enough advertisements, [dailies] won't survive in the market," Aung Paw Tun said. "There are only four or five daily newspapers with better circulation which can [compete] right now, but most can't compete against government-run newspapers." There are currently less than 10 private dailies in circulation, including 7Day Day; Daily Eleven; The Voice; The Standard Times; Democracy Today; Pyi Myanmar; Mandalay Ahlin; and the Myanmar Times. They compete against three amply resourced state-run daily newspapers, The Global New Light of Myanmar, Myanma Alinn and The Mirror. Under the administration of President Thein Sein, pre-publication censorship was abolished in August 2012 and the lifting of a ban on private dailies came into effect in April 2013. By the end of that year, 26 private dailies were on the market—a number that has since dramatically fallen. The state-run dailies often distribute more than 200,000 copies per day, while private dailies maximum circulation only infrequently reaches 100,000 copies. Min Zaw, former deputy managing editor of The Trade Times Journal, which ceased publication last year, explained the paper's demise. "Here the newspaper market is very small, we can't compete with online media. Social media is used more by people now; they don't want a paper, they just want to read quick news via social media," he said. Internet connectivity and mobile phone use has soared in Burma under the administration of President Thein Sein, with many nationals now turning to online sources of news. According to Myanmar Now, citing Facebook figures, from March 2014 to March 2015, the number of Facebook users in Burma grew by over 200 percent to 6-7 million monthly users. Prominent officials such as army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and former Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann now have widely-followed Facebook accounts. Min Zaw also identified a lack of human resources as contributing to local print media's woes, while stressing the importance of enabling an independent press. "The media should not be used as a tool by anyone or any organizations," he said. Kyaw Min Swe, chief editor of The Voice, said he had considered pulling the plug several times since launching the daily newspaper in 2013. "I can say our newspaper is still losing money," he said. "Currently, due to the high expense of printing, newspapers and journals have increased their sales price, but are still losing money." Private daily newspapers are typically priced at around 200-300 kyat, while the state-run dailies are priced at around 100 kyat. "When I worked for the former Interim Press Council, I urged the government to help private newspapers if they were going to [enable a] democratic country. But they just tried to monopolize the market," Kyaw Min Swe said. Since late 2012, the information ministry has championed a plan to transform state-owned newspapers into "public service media," a proposal criticized by many industry experts who contend state-backed print media is unnecessary, with few comparable initiatives around the world. However, with the National League for Democracy (NLD) preparing to form government from April, the state-owned dailies, which are run by the Ministry of Information, face an uncertain future. "I hope a democratic government can create a better media industry," said Aung Paw Tun of the political changes ahead. Despite the challenges, more new media outlets may be around the corner. On Wednesday, the Ministry of Information approved 28 new publishing licenses, including for newspapers, magazines and journals. The post Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma’s Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week Posted: 11 Feb 2016 07:49 PM PST  President Thein Sein waves his hand as he arrives to give a speech at Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Burma's outgoing President Thein Sein has at the last minute canceled plans to attend the US-ASEAN summit in California next week, his office said late on Thursday, giving no reasons for the decision. While no official delegation from the Burmese side had been announced before, experts expected the trip to be Thein Sein's last chance to highlight his reformist legacy in front of President Barack Obama and Southeast Asian leaders. Thein Sein's Union Solidarity and Development Party was crushed by Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in a November election, kicking off a lengthy transition process that will end on April 1 when the new government's term begins. "Vice president Nyan Htun will visit the United States on behalf of president Thein Sein," an announcement by the President's Office read. "President Thein Sein is not visiting the US because he has other business to attend to, that's all we can say," said Zaw Htay, a senior official at the President's Office contacted by phone. Burma's military, which is guaranteed 25 percent of seats in parliament and three security ministries under the Constitution, is negotiating the terms of the transition with Suu Kyi. Details of those talks remain murky. Thein Sein's decision will likely intensify already frantic speculation over the state of behind-the-scenes negotiations in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw. The parliament decided on Monday to begin its election process for the new president on March 17, pushing back the NLD's original plans by about three weeks and suggesting talks between the party and the military have hit a snag. In 2011, Thein Sein's semi-civilian government replaced a military regime that had ruled Burma for 49 years, ushering in political and economic reforms. International observers lauded Thein Sein for organizing credible elections. Leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will meet Obama at a summit in the Californian resort of Sunnylands on Feb. 15-16. The post Burma's Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma’s Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start Posted: 11 Feb 2016 04:25 PM PST  Government officials, members of ethnic armed groups and international witnesses pose for a picture after the signing ceremony of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in Naypyidaw on October 15, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) On Union Day, 69 years since the signing of the Panglong Agreement, it is time for a reappraisal and a new start to what has ultimately been an unsuccessful peace process. Key elements toward achieving a successful peace agreement have been missing throughout the past five years: inclusivity, trust, the meaningful and full participation of women, and—perhaps key to the whole process—political will from the Burma Army. It is the latter that will be the biggest challenge facing the incoming NLD government as it contemplates how to address both the faltering peace efforts and the civil war that has plagued Burma's ethnic communities since independence. The much-touted Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signed in October 2015 and the subsequent Union Peace Conference (UPC) in January 2016 were boycotted by many powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), while the UPC was condemned by civil society in a damning statement. The term 'nationwide,' used with a complete lack of irony by the Burma government, excluded EAOs in many parts of the country, including the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA), and the ethnic Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). Civil society cited ongoing military offensives in Kachin State and northern Shan State as a key factor in their decision to call for the postponement of the UPC. It is these ongoing offensives—in some of the most ferocious military operations since World War II—that perpetuate ethnic communities' and EAOs' lack of trust in the Burma Army and the Burma government. Furthermore, human rights violations including sexual violence, torture, arbitrary arrest and extrajudicial killings have continued as perpetrators from the Burma Army act with complete impunity. The government's peace negotiators have talked a good game, sugar-coating their words throughout Thein Sein's administration, but if the military continues as it always has—unreformed, abusive, unremorseful—such words are empty and efforts will have been ineffective. Throughout the whole peace process, as is often the case, women's voices have been limited to mere token inclusion. The meaningful and full participation of women is vital, as their experiences of armed conflict are often very different to those of men. The burdens, responsibilities, coping mechanisms and perspectives they could bring to the negotiating table would broaden and deepen the peace process, and it is well established that women's participation in peace processes ensures a more sustainable long-term peace. Yet despite a strong presence in civil society leadership, women have continued to be marginalized in the peace process. Underlying many factors contributing to the failed peace process in Burma is the lack of political will by the Thein Sein government and the Burma Army to truly address the aspirations of ethnic people: self-determination, ethnic equality, and a federal system of governance. The military is still the most powerful institution in the country and any moves toward reforming their dominance are flatly refused by the military itself through its constitutional veto powers. This will be the biggest challenge for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD government: persuading the military to reach a middle ground, to compromise, and to participate on equal terms with EAOs based on the Panglong spirit of equality and self-determination. Yet there are some positives on her side—she is trusted by the ethnic communities and EAOs much more than the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This was demonstrated by the NLD's overwhelming electoral victory in November's national polls—not just in central Burma, but in ethnic regions, too. The NLD's stated position towards ethnic equality and power sharing, while yet to be demonstrated in action, is much more amenable to ethnic aspirations than any other time in the past fifty years. Furthermore, the election victory gives the NLD a moral authority and popular legitimacy that no other ruling body in Burma has had since the time of independence. The new government, while institutionally restricted by the Burma Army's veto powers and continued control over many national affairs, thus has some space to maneuver. This is an opportunity to demonstrate the political will needed to confront issues currently lacking in the peace process, such as an end to the marginalization of women and the demand that anything with 'nationwide' in the title actually be as such. While the NLD will not be able to stop the Burma Army from launching devastating military offensives in ethnic areas and abusing local populations, it can use its popular legitimacy both at home and abroad to pressure the Burma Army in a way that the USDP never did or could. Finally the international community, and especially the peace donors that have poured millions into this unsuccessful process, must also undergo a reappraisal of their priorities. EAOs and ethnic rights-based civil society must benefit from this financial and technical assistance in equal measure to the Burma government. This may involve a certain swallowing of pride. But, after all, it is the ethnic communities they represent that have led a generations-long struggle for real peace and equality, in spite of bearing the burden of social, economic and political injustices enabled by a centralized Burman monopoly on power and resources. These ethnic communities must now be recognized as the primary stakeholders in any future peace process; it is to them that the international community and the peace donors must be held accountable. Khin Ohmar is the Coordinator of Burma Partnership, a network of regional and Burma civil society organizations supporting the collective efforts of all peoples working towards democracy, peace, justice and human rights in Burma. Alex Moodie is the Advocacy and Research Officer at Burma Partnership. The post Burma's Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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