| Jakarta Sees Chilly Ties With Australia Until Oct: Indonesian Govt Document Posted: 17 Feb 2014 04:09 AM PST  Sharmarke Abdullahi, a Somali asylum seeker, holds a map bearing the directions to Indonesia for the asylum seekers on their boat, in Kupang January 28, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS) JAKARTA — Indonesia expects ties with Australia to remain on ice for at least six months given the time it will take to negotiate a code of conduct to govern intelligence gathering in the wake of reports Canberra spied on top Indonesians. Jakarta has been further angered by recent territorial incursions by Australia's navy in forcing boats carrying asylum seekers from the Middle East and South Asia back to Indonesia. A document from a Jan. 13 meeting organized by Indonesia's Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal and Security Affairs noted that Jakarta did not expect full diplomatic links to be restored until October. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono announced in November he was freezing military and intelligence cooperation with Canberra, including over the thorny issue of asylum seekers who use Indonesia as a departure point to try to reach Australia by boat. Yudhoyono demanded a code of conduct be drawn up to cover intelligence matters. Indonesia also recalled its ambassador to Canberra. The ministry document, a summary of the January meeting and seen by Reuters, is the first clear indication of how long it will take to revive ties. That could worry the business community, even though there has been little sign of fallout on trade and investment so far. Two-way trade was worth US$13 billion last year. "It has been two months since our ambassador was withdrawn and still there are no signs [of ties improving]," said ministry spokesman Agus Barnas. The timeframe was an "estimate" based on the current political climate, Barnas said, although October is also when a new Indonesian president will take office following elections Yudhoyono cannot contest because he will have served a maximum two terms. The January meeting was attended by representatives from the Foreign Ministry, the military, the national intelligence service, immigration department, the police and other agencies, according to the document. Yudhoyono has shown rare public anger over media reports Australian intelligence agencies monitored his phone, and those of his wife and inner circle. Those reports quoted documents leaked by former US National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden. Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott has expressed regret for any embarrassment the reports caused Yudhoyono. His government has declined to comment directly on the reports. In response to questions from Reuters, Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop reiterated that Canberra had agreed to work on the code of conduct. "Cooperation is continuing in most areas as we continue to work with the Indonesian government to put the bilateral relationship on an even stronger and more substantial footing for the future," Bishop said in a statement. But possibly complicating ties further, The New York Times said over the weekend that the Australian Signals Directorate spy agency had been monitoring an unnamed US law firm representing Indonesia in trade disputes with Washington. The Times, quoting an additional document from Snowden, said the Australian agency notified the US National Security Agency (NSA) and offered to share information it had obtained. Indonesia's presidential spokesman for international affairs, Teuku Faizasyah, called the report another "perplexing revelation" of spying on Indonesia. "It is the responsibility of countries engaged in this complicity to clean up the mess, to salvage their bilateral relations with Indonesia," he said on Sunday. Asked about the Times report, Abbott told reporters in Australia that Canberra did not use any intelligence it gathered "to the detriment of other countries." The rift is the most serious between the two countries since 1999, when Australia sent troops into East Timor to restore peace and subdue Jakarta-backed militias after Indonesia's military pulled out of the former colony. Business leaders fear a prolonged chill could hit economic ties, especially if government meetings that might open the way for business agreements are derailed, said Kris Sulisto, president of the Indonesia Australia Business Council. "The important thing I hope is that there will not be any restrictions on the business community," he said. Besides the spying reports, Australia's tough new approach in dealing with asylum seeker boats is becoming a major irritant in ties with Jakarta. The Indonesian document listed five days when Jakarta suspects the Australian navy violated its territorial waters when pushing boats back: Dec. 12, 22 and 25, along with Jan. 1 and 6. Australia has apologized for a number of "inadvertent" breaches of Indonesia's 12-nautical mile territorial zone. But it has refused to give further details, citing the "operational security" of its secretive, naval-led effort to turn back would-be refugees. Bishop said the Australian Customs and Border Protection Service and the military were reviewing the circumstances of the incursions to ensure they did not happen again. Abbott came to power last September partly because of his tough stance on asylum seekers, an issue that has polarized Australian politics for more than a decade. A map purportedly made by the Australian navy to help asylum seekers on one boat reach Indonesia shows just how close its naval vessels have been getting to its neighbor's waters, even when not straying into Indonesian territory. Asylum seekers who were on the boat gave Reuters the map, which they say was left behind by navy personnel on Dec. 19 after they had towed the vessel back toward Indonesia. The map shows where the asylum seeker boat was left and gives directions on how to reach the Indonesian island of Rote, approximately 13 nautical miles to the northwest. The time stamp on the map shows it was printed on Dec. 18. Bishop did not comment on the map in her statement, but a former Australian Navy officer with experience in turning back asylum seeker boats told Reuters it was common for the navy to give such maps to the occupants. Additional reporting by Andjarsari Paramaditha and Kanupriya Kapoor in Jakarta and Matt Siegel in Sydney. The post Jakarta Sees Chilly Ties With Australia Until Oct: Indonesian Govt Document appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| NLD, 88 Generation Target Military Veto Over Burma Constitutional Reform Posted: 17 Feb 2014 03:48 AM PST  National League for Democracy chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi meets with 88 Generation leaders in Rangoon on Feb. 4. (Photo: The 88 Generation / Facebook) Burma's opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and the 88 Generation, who recently joined together to push for changes to the 2008 Constitution, say they will target a clause that gives the military a veto over amending the charter. The group that was born out of Burma's 1988 student uprising and the party of Aung San Suu Kyi last week said they would join forces to campaign for key changes to the military-drafted Constitution before elections in 2015. The current Constitution guarantees the military a role in national politics, bars NLD chairperson Suu Kyi from becoming president and is criticized by ethnic groups who demand more autonomy in border areas. On Sunday, following the latest in a series of meetings between leaders from the NLD and the 88 Generation, the groups issued another joint statement declaring that they would prioritize amending Chapter 12's Article 436. The article currently gives the Burmese military an effective veto over Constitutional amendments. Opposition spokesman Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the rules around amending the Constitution would be addressed first by the two groups' joint campaign. Although Parliament—currently dominated by current and former soldiers—has the sole power to make amendments, he said, the NLD is hoping to force change using "people power," and by making it clear there is overwhelming public support. Under Article 436, amending any part of the Constitution requires the support of more than 75 percent of members of the Union Parliament, in which a quarter of seats are reserved for unelected serving military officials. More contentious parts of the Constitution additionally require a majority of voters to back the change in a national referendum. These parts include the article guaranteeing the military its parliamentary seats and its role in politics; Article 59(f), which blocks people with foreign family members, like Suu Kyi, from becoming president; and the rules around declaring a state of emergency. 88 Generation leader Pyone Cho said amending Article 436 would pave the way for the Constitution—which was nominally approved by the public in a referendum that observers said was deeply flawed—to reflect the people's wishes. "It is the main obstacle for constitutional reform, so we agreed that we first must amend every provision under Article 436 of Chapter 12, so that the Constitution can be in accordance with democratic principles," he said. Parliament has formed an implementation committee following a report from the Joint Constitutional Review Committee (JCRC) in January. The JCRC reported that—barring a single petition against Constitutional reform signed by more than 100,000 people, reportedly members of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party—most of the 28,000 letters in response to a consultation were in favor of amending the charter. Khin Maung Swe, the chairman of another political party, the National Democratic Force, said his party was in support of charter reform and was pushing for amendments in Parliament. However, he said, "Amendments prior to the 2015 election are unsure of success as there remain issues of the peace building with the ethnic groups, which is directly related [to constitutional reform]." The post NLD, 88 Generation Target Military Veto Over Burma Constitutional Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| ‘What’s Most Important Sustainable Growth’ Posted: 17 Feb 2014 03:38 AM PST  Kazuhiko Koguchi, second left, an executive board member of the Asian Development Bank, speaks at a press conference on Friday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Last week, the Asia Development Bank announced that Japan would provide US$22 million in grants to finance ADB programs aimed at rural poverty reduction and improving HIV/AIDS care in Burma, the latest monetary injection that has come from renewed interest in Burma and its economy. Aside from Tokyo's assistance, Japanese private enterprise has also been eyeing Burma in recent years as the country has opened its doors to investment from abroad. The Myanmar Investment Commission says Japan could top the foreign direct investment table next year. Following the ADB announcement on Friday, The Irrawaddy sat down with Kazuhiko Koguchi, the regional lender's executive director for Japan, to talk about Burma's growth prospects, Japan's investments in the Southeast Asian nation, and changes to its business environment that still need to be implemented. Question: With Burma's economic growth at more than 7 percent this year and predicted by President Thein Sein to reach 9 percent next year, what is the ADB's view on the economy? Answer: Yes, Myanmar has growth potential, because Myanmar has a lot of natural resources—it can export natural gas as well as precious metals. And also, Myanmar is quite rich in terms of agriculture and has a population of 60 million, and young people. So given all these conditions, we're quite optimist about the medium-term growth of Myanmar. At the same time, there are many constraints here, like the lack of infrastructure. If we remove these bottlenecks, I think that Myanmar's growth can be sustained. What is most important though is sustainable growth. Not just one or two years of high growth but five, 10 years [of growth]. As long as Myanmar can work to remove the bottlenecks, we're quite confident about future economic growth prospects in Myanmar. Q: What about those who say that foreign investors are still, for the most part, waiting to put their money into Burma? A: The business environment is not optimal. There are still many restrictions, and the issue of finance—how to get the money within Myanmar and also getting finance from abroad. The Myanmar government has to address these issues very seriously. But once these issues have been addressed, I am quite confident—because I am Japanese—I know that many Japanese companies want to invest in Myanmar. But once again, they have to address the bottlenecks, over-regulation and the lack transparency. Q: TheMyanmar Investment Commission has tipped Japan to be among the top investors in the country next year. Do you see this as likely? A: I cannot predict whether it will be first place or second place, but I can tell you that at the moment, many Japanese companies are interested in coming to Myanmar, believing in future prospects. They are interested in the natural resources, some companies want to do business in agriculture, some want to do business in tourism. Q: Do you think it is true that Burma's economy is dependent on the country's political trajectory and stability? Some business observers say major FDI is waiting on the results of the 2015 elections. A: I cannot predict about the election, but we are reasonably optimistic that whatever the state of the government may be, the government is going to continue reforming its political and economic structures. And as long as the government is committed to maintaining this reform momentum, I am quite confident that foreign companies will trust and believe in the future prospects of Myanmar. Q: What laws are foreign investors looking for Parliament to pass this year? A: I think there are many, many areas, but as far as what I've heard from the private sector, I think the banking system and the payments system is the area that the government needs to look at very seriously. Because even if you set up a company, if the company cannot transfer money within the country or across the border, the company cannot survive. The post 'What's Most Important Sustainable Growth' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| On Mon National Day, Cautious Support for Peace Process Posted: 17 Feb 2014 02:57 AM PST  Performers hold Mon flags as they march in Kamarwet village, Mudon Township, on Mon National Day. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) MUDON TOWNSHIP, Mon State — Thousands of people celebrated their ethnic Mon heritage in southeastern Burma's Mon State on Saturday, with ethnic leaders reiterating support for peace talks between rebels and the central government, while also remaining apprehensive. On the 67th Mon National Day, a leader of the New Mon State Party (NMSP) said his group's ceasefire with the government in 2012 had been a step forward, but that it was still too early for his troops to give up their arms because demands for a federal system had not yet been met. "We will keep our armed struggle while also trying to have political talks," Nai Htaw Mon, chairman of the NMSP, told a crowd of thousands in Kamarwet village, Mudon Township. He said it was important to begin political dialogue soon.
"The UNFC is preparing for peace talks with the government," he said, referring to the United Nationalities Federal Council, an alliance of ethnic armed groups. "We will try to have the talks as soon as we can." The Mon are one of Burma's major ethnic groups, constituting about 3 million of the country's 60 million or so population. For decades after Burma achieved independence, the Mon and other ethnic minority groups fought insurgencies against the central government in pursuit of greater political autonomy and more control over natural resources in their states and divisions. President Thein Sein's administration has signed ceasefires with most of the major ethnic armed groups, and is now pushing to consolidate those deals into a nationwide ceasefire.
Mon State Chief Minister Ohn Myint sent a message to the Mon National Day celebration, urging support for the peace process. "This is a special day for the Mon people. The Mon lived with their kingdom in the past and played an important part in the country's history," he wrote in a letter to the public, read to the crowd by Col. Htay Myint Aung, the state minister for security and border affairs. "We all have bitter experiences from the past. It's best to learn from it. This is the time to join hands and work together to achieve peace with the current government." Like many ethnic minorities in Burma, the Mon are pushing for constitutional amendments to allow for political autonomy within a federal structure. But Min Kyi Win, a leader of the Mon Democracy Party (MDP), which plans to participate in the 2015 general elections, said he was not optimistic about the odds for amendments. Any changes to the military-drafted charter must be approved by more than three-fourths of the legislature, while a quarter of seats in Parliament are reserved for military representatives. "We know they will not approve the amendments that the people have requested," he said. Mon National Day commemorates the establishment of the first Mon kingdom, Hongsawadee, in 573 AD. The ethnic group has kept the holiday alive for more than 60 years, despite efforts by the former military regime to discourage overt displays of ethnic nationalism. The current government has relaxed restrictions, and the Mon now openly celebrate their national day across the state, both in government and Mon rebel-controlled areas. At the festivities on Saturday in Mudon Township, performers marched with ethnic Mon flags, wearing traditional white tops and red sarongs as they sang and danced to the beat of drums.
Still, some restrictions remain. The Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), the armed wing of the new NMSP, was not allowed to participate in a march in Ye Township. Three Mon kingdoms ruled much of Lower Burma from the 9th century to the middle of the 18th century, until the Burmese King Alaungpaya captured the former Mon royal capital of Pegu. The region gradually came under full Burmese control and the Mon lost much of their political influence. The post On Mon National Day, Cautious Support for Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| After Attacks, Kachin Rebels Must Rethink Peace Process: Gun Maw Posted: 17 Feb 2014 02:32 AM PST  Kachin Independence Army Deputy Chief of Staff Gen Gun Maw speaks to the press during a visit to Rangoon in November. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The Kachin Independence Army Deputy Chief of Staff Gen Gun Maw tells The Irrawaddy about the causes and consequences of recent attacks by the Burma Army. In a recent interview with The Irrawaddy, Gen Gun Maw, deputy chief of staff of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the military wing of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), talked about recent clashes between the KIA and the Burma Army, illegal logging in northern Burma and the nationwide peace process. Question: We heard that a KIA camp was captured by the Burma Army on Feb. 12. What happened? Answer: Yes. A KIA outpost was seized. The Burma Army is attacking our frontline bases under the pretext of a crackdown on illegal log traders. Q: The state-owned newspapers last week reported that government troops were engaged in a clash with an armed group while they were on a raid on illegal loggers. The newspapers only used the word "armed group" and not "KIA." What do you want to say about that? A: KIA is the only army there, so, even though the government only used the word "armed group" and did not name any organization in particular, its troops were fighting with us. There are illegal loggers in that area but most of the logging takes place in Sagaing Division, where people cut valuable trees inside forest reserves. So, instead of cracking down on those people at the border, the [illegal logging] problem could be solved if it [the government] stops them from logging in those reserves. These [military] engagements occurred as the government troops were trying to catch loggers along the way. Q: The reporting in state-run papers implies that the KIA has been giving protection to illegal loggers. Any comment on that? A: The logging issue is complicated, starting with where people got permission from. There are many illegal loggers who rely on official permits from the government. Also, there are people who cut trees with or without permits. So, the issue of who provides protection or permits to those who are involved in logging is controversial. There are people who benefit from this trade on both sides, in KIA and the government, they are taking bribes. Instead of blaming each other, we mainly have to find a way to solve the issue of illegal logging. Q: The timing of the KIA camp seizure was not long before the next meeting [scheduled in March] between the government's peace negotiation team and the ethnic armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT). Do you think the government is insincere about nationwide ceasefire because of such an attack on the KIA? A: The NCCT will have to continue its meetings with the government. But, as for the KIO, it now needs to reconsider how much it will be involved in the peace process. I can say that this attack by the government troops is insincere because, no matter what reason they use, to purposely attack the KIA camps, while peace negotiation is underway, does not look good. Q: Can you please confirm the news about the death of KIA officers in recent clashes? What is your estimate on the causalities of KIA troops? We have also learned that the KIA had to withdraw from one of its camps on Union Day. Is that quite close to your Laiza headquarters? A: Yes. We lost our soldiers but not officers. Two to three soldiers died in the recent battle and I don't know the exact number of causalities yet. The camp we had to withdraw was an outpost of a platoon, located about an hour's drive from Laiza. Q: Why do you think such fighting took place on a day of significance like Union Day? A: It was just because the government troops were not well controlled. Our outposts and theirs are quite close to each other and their frontline troops have been moving around so, fighting can occur anytime. Q: The next ceasefire talks between ethnic armed groups and the government in Hpa-an have been repeatedly postponed. When approximately do you think the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) can be signed by all concerned parties? And do you think political talks, scheduled to be held in 2014, are still possible? A: We can't set up an exact timeframe for the signing of NCA. It depends on negotiations between us and the government. There will be no political talks until after we have signed the NCA. Likewise, there will be a series of talks after the NCA. Q: To what extent has the Burma Army participated in peace talks. A: The army only joins meetings. That's why we have said that the Myanmar Peace Center is the sole body that actually works for peace and has been meeting with ethnic groups, even though there are committees at different levels for peace making in Burma. We do not like this kind of situation and always say that the peace process will not be successful if the army only comes for meetings and does not pay special attention to it at other times. I think the army's participation in the current peace process is weak. The post After Attacks, Kachin Rebels Must Rethink Peace Process: Gun Maw appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| We Are Still in the Battlefield: Karen Military Chief Posted: 17 Feb 2014 02:19 AM PST  Gen Saw Johnny at his home at KNLA Brigade 7 headquarters, Lay Wah, Karen State. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) LAY WAH, Karen State — Sitting at his wooden home at a military base just on the bank of Moei River opposite Thailand's Tak Province, Gen Saw Johnny, commander in chief of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), is angry, tired and full of thoughts about disunity among Burma's ethnic armed groups and the lack of trust in the peace process. Despite these stresses, the onetime rising-star Karen warrior said that there is no way but to negotiate through ongoing talks. It is time, he said, to sideline military means in order to secure peace after decades of fighting with the government. "We can't kill all of the Burmese army to defeat them. And the Burmese army also can't eliminate the ethnic groups. So, there is only one option that we have to solve the problem: at the table, by political means. That's why we team up again and try to reach common agreements," said the 66-year-old in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy. He said that there has been almost no fighting in Karen State since a ceasefire which was signed between the KNLA's political wing, the Karen National Union (KNU), and the government in January 2012. But government troops are still deployed in the region, and despite ongoing talks between ethnic political representatives and a government negotiating team—the next round of which is expected to take place in the Karen State capital Hpa-an next month—the ethnic armies are still at war. "We don't hear gunfire much in our areas since we signed ceasefire agreement. But, war has not come to an end in other ethnic areas. We are still in the battlefield. But we have to engage with the government as they are opening space for us. There is no other way but to negotiate," he said. Saw Johnny believes that the government will begin troop withdrawal in some ethnic territories after an under-negotiation nationwide ceasefire agreement is signed, and when trust between the Burma Army and rebels is stronger. The KNLA commander also urged that despite lacking trust in one another, Burma's ethnic groups should work together in demanding rights to autonomy, self-determination and equality. The ethnic minorities should not repeat the mistakes, and disunity, of the past, he added. In 1976, ethnic groups founded National Democratic Front (NDF), a bloc of ethnic armed groups, vowing to cooperate in pursuit of common goals. But in the 1990s, two NDF members—the Kachin Independence Organization and the New Mon State Party—signed individual ceasefire deals with the military government. They were criticized for prioritizing their own interests above the common goals of the alliance, and for leaving other members behind. Most of the ethnic armed groups, including the KNU, have signed ceasefire agreements with the government individually since late 2011. Bu despite the January 2012 ceasefire, the government has been accused by the KNLA military leaders of failing to consolidate the ceasefire as agreed. Lt-Gen Baw Kyaw Heh, vice commander-in-chief of the KNLA said, "We came up with a code of conduct that both government and the KNLA armies have to obey in order to consolidate the ceasefire. We proposed it to the Burmese government and its army. They are supposed to review and amend it if needed. Then, we will cooperate to finalize it and obey it." "We suggested the government to show us some evidence to be able to gain trust from each other and consolidate the ceasefire. For example, the government should withdraw or reduce some of its troops from their frontline bases that are close to villages in our territory for the safety for civilians," said Baw Kyaw Heh. However, none of these initiatives had been implemented so far. Instead, he said, the government has jumped into economic and development projects in ethnic areas that are strengthening government control and influence in these areas. The post We Are Still in the Battlefield: Karen Military Chief appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Conservation of Historical Teak Monastery Underway in Mandalay Posted: 17 Feb 2014 02:05 AM PST  US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell, center, cuts a ribbon to mark the start of conservation works on the Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery in Mandalay on Friday. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Conservation works for the Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery, one of Mandalay's most iconic historical structures, officially began with a ribbon-cutting ceremony at the site in Burma's cultural capital late last week. Funds for the conservation project will come from the US Ambassadors Fund for Cultural Preservation, in coordination with Burma's Ministry of Culture and with expertise provided by the World Monuments Fund. Jeffrey Allen, program director for the World Monuments Fund, told media on hand Friday that initial conservation efforts would include reconstructing and improving the building's drainage system before the onset of the rainy season, and preliminary studies on the monastery's structure. "To improve the drainage system is a very basic, important fact, which has to be done before the rains come. Now we are starting digging and connecting the pipelines. And there are some other areas, such as some parts of the roof, to be fixed before the rain. I think this process will take until September," said Allen. According to officials, the full US$500,000 project will take about two years to complete. Allen explained that experts from both Burma and foreign countries would use traditional and modern technologies in the preservation effort. "We will use traditional methods and will use a laser scanning machine in April, to produce a three-dimensional digital model of the monastery. This model will help us with the architectural structure, which will make us understand how to preserve this monument for many years," he said. "With what we have been provided, we could do it in 10 months. But we want the [Burmese] archaeologists to work together with us to understand the process, to leave behind the necessary skills to take care of this site in the future, and replicate the same process to conserve other teak monasteries and buildings," he added. US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell and Deputy Minister of Culture Than Swe, who were present at Friday's ceremony, said the project would strengthen cultural ties between the United States and Burma, and would serve as a model for future conservation efforts on other monuments such as Mandalay's Shwe In Bin Kyaung teak monastery and U Bein bridge. The Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery, a teak wood structure dating back to the 19th century, was originally covered with gold leaf and glass mosaics and was known for elaborate wood carvings that covered the building. The monastery, also known as Shwe Kyaung or Golden Palace Monastery, was originally built as part of King Mindon's royal chambers, and was sited within Mandalay's old palace complex. With Mindon's passing, his son King Thibaw moved the entire structure to its current location, where it was repurposed as a monastery. During World War II, aerial bombing campaigns destroyed most of the historical buildings located within the Mandalay palace walls. The reconstructed Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery is the only building from the 19th century royal palace compound that survives today. The post Conservation of Historical Teak Monastery Underway in Mandalay appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| MSF, Human Rights Commission at Odds Over Maungdaw Violence Posted: 17 Feb 2014 12:39 AM PST  The headquarters of the former Nasaka border guard security force is seen in Maungdaw Township, Arakan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the medical aid organization Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) are at odds over the latter's statement that it treated 22 people injured during clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in Arakan State's Maungdaw Township, near the Burma-Bangladesh border. MSF, sometimes called Doctors Without Borders, said in January that it "treated at least 22 patients, including several wounded, that are believed to be victims of the violence that erupted in Du Char Yar Tan village, in southern Maungdaw Township." But in its newly published account of a recent investigation into the alleged Jan. 9-13 killings of 48 Muslim Rohingya, as well as a policeman said to have been killed by Rohingya, the NHRC said "it was learned from 2 doctors of the MSF that their clinics did not treat any such patients." MSF Burma Head of Mission Peter-Paul de Groote, however, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that "MSF is not in a position to comment on the findings of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, however we can confirm that our staff treated 22 patients in the area near Du Char Yar Tan village from a variety of violence-related injuries in the days after January 14." The United Nations has said it gathered "credible evidence" that between 40 and 50 Rohingya were killed either side of the disappearance of the policeman on Jan. 13. The Burma government has repeatedly denied that any massacre took place, scolding news organizations for reporting claims of a massacre, while Burma's Ministry of Foreign Affairs suggested that Islamic militants were involved in the disappearance of the policeman. An NHRC delegation visited the site of the alleged murders between Jan. 30 and Feb. 3, where the commission said that it met with local police, state officials, UN representatives, as well as Arakanese and Rohingya living in and around Du Char Yar Tan, saying the various statements it obtained "contained no information that substantiate the alleged news of killings," and later noted what it termed "discrepancies" with regard to "the news of the alleged killings of Bengalis." Burmese government bodies use the term "Bengali" to refer to Rohingya, who are regarded by many Burmese as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh—though people will be allowed register as "Rohingya" in Burma's census, which is scheduled for the end of March. The NHRC said it "urged Bengali religious leaders and women to frankly come forth with their views," but said no proof was forthcoming to back up the allegations of a massacre. The NHRC was set up in September 2011 and is headed by Win Mra, an Arakanese former diplomat. It is due to be replaced by a new Parliament-approved human rights commission that proponents say will be more in step with international standards for national human rights commissions, known as "The Paris Principles." The NHRC report comes as a separate government investigation into the Maungdaw violence gets underway in the affected region. Arriving on Feb. 15 for a six-day visit and headed by Dr. Tha Hla Shwe, chairman of the Myanmar Red Cross Society, the delegation "will tour Bengali villages, Rakhine [Arakanese] national villages and the suspected places reported by some international news agencies and organizations, and meet with responsible persons of UN agencies and those of foreign and local social organizations." The commission, said to be accompanied by "a team of legal and forensic experts," is focusing on the disappearance of a policeman on Jan. 9 and makes no mention of investigating the alleged Rohingya deaths. The Burma government set up the commission after dismissing calls for an independent international inquest into the alleged massacre, though it did permit a delegation of European ambassadors to visit Maungdaw. Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN "special rapporteur" on human rights issues in Burma, was followed by Arakanese protestors after arriving in the regional capital Sittwe late last week, where he later met with local politicians and people affected by sectarian violence that has plagued Arakan State since mid-2012. Arakanese regard Quintana—who is making his final visit to Burma as UN rapporteur—as biased toward Muslims, a view that also seems to color local perceptions of foreign aid organizations such as MSF. Around 3,000 Arakanese protested in Sittwe on Feb. 3, calling for MSF and other aid groups to cease operations in the region. MSF's De Groote countered that his organization gives assistance based on medical needs. "Our clinics and services are open to anyone to that needs them, regardless of ethnicity or religion," he said. Arakan State has seen several bouts of violence between Muslims and Buddhists since June 2012, mostly pitting Arakanese against Rohingya, though other Muslim groups have been attacked. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) says that 138,800 people are in camps in Arakan State, according to figures provided to The Irrawaddy. Of that total, around 5,000 are Arakanese, the rest Rohingya. The post MSF, Human Rights Commission at Odds Over Maungdaw Violence appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Journalists on Trial for Reporting Alleged Chemical Weapons Factory Posted: 16 Feb 2014 10:35 PM PST  A boy folds newspapers before selling them in Rangoon on Jan. 14, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Burma police have charged five journalists with "disclosing state secrets" after their newspaper carried a story about an alleged chemical weapons factory, state media reported Sunday. The trial of four reporters and the head of Unity Journal began on Feb. 14 in Pakokku, a town in the country's central region where the military facility is located, the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper said. The New Light of Myanmar said charges under the Official Secrets Act also included "trespassing on the restricted area of the factory," but the newspaper did not disclose the nature of the facility. Government spokesman Ye Htut told local media last week that the factory did not produce chemical weapons. He could not be reached for comment on Sunday. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on Feb. 3 called for the suspects' release, saying "journalists should not be threatened or arrested for reporting on topics of national and international importance." The Unity Journal story claimed the secret facility built in 2009 consisted of tunnels burrowed under 3,000 acres (1,200 ha) of land and quoted workers as saying the factory produced chemical weapons, according to the CPJ, which noted reports that authorities confiscated copies of the publication. Myanmar's former junta, which handed power to a quasi-civilian government in 2011, has repeatedly denied accusations that it used chemical weapons against ethnic insurgent groups. In 2005, British-based rights group Christian Solidarity Worldwide said it interviewed five ethnic Karen rebels who suffered symptoms consistent with a chemical weapons attack, as well as two government soldiers who defected after the alleged attack took place. The soldiers told the rights group the use of chemical weapons was widespread, and one said he was ordered to carry boxes of chemical weapons to the front line. Ahmet Uzumcu, head of the Nobel Peace Prize-winning Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, said in December that Burma was preparing to join the convention banning chemical weapons. The post Burma Journalists on Trial for Reporting Alleged Chemical Weapons Factory appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| John Kerry Mocks Those Who Deny Climate Change Posted: 16 Feb 2014 10:13 PM PST  U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry gestures during a speech on climate change in Jakarta, Feb. 16, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) JAKARTA — US Secretary of State John Kerry on Sunday called climate change perhaps the world's "most fearsome" destructive weapon and mocked those who deny its existence or question its causes, comparing them to people who insist the Earth is flat. In a speech to Indonesian students, civic leaders and government officials, Kerry tore into climate change skeptics. He accused them of using shoddy science and scientists to delay steps needed to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases at the risk of imperiling the planet. A day earlier, the US and China announced an agreement to cooperate more closely on combating climate change. American officials hope that will help encourage others, including developing countries like Indonesia and India, to follow suit. China and the United States are the biggest sources of emissions of carbon dioxide and other gases that cause the atmosphere to trap solar heat and alter the climate. Scientists say such changes are leading to drought, wildfires, rising sea levels, melting polar ice, plant and animal extinctions and other extreme conditions. Also in the Jakarta speech, Kerry said everyone and every country must take responsibility for the problem and act immediately. "We simply don't have time to let a few loud interest groups hijack the climate conversation," he said, referring to what he called "big companies" that "don't want to change and spend a lot of money" to act to reduce the risks. Kerry later singled out major oil and coal concerns as the primary offenders. "We should not allow a tiny minority of shoddy scientists and science and extreme ideologues to compete with scientific facts," Kerry told the audience at a US Embassy-run American Center in a shopping mall. "Nor should we allow any room for those who think that the costs associated with doing the right thing outweigh the benefits." "The science is unequivocal, and those who refuse to believe it are simply burying their heads in the sand," Kerry said. "We don't have time for a meeting anywhere of the Flat Earth Society," Kerry said the cost of inaction will far outweigh the significant expense of reducing greenhouse gas emissions that trap solar heat in the atmosphere and contribute to the Earth's rising temperatures. He outlined a litany of recent weather disasters, particularly flooding and typhoons in Asia, and their impact on commerce, agriculture, fishing and daily living conditions for billions of people. "This city, this country, this region, is really on the front lines of climate change," Kerry said. "It's not an exaggeration to say that your entire way of life here is at risk." He added: "In a sense, climate change can now be considered the world's largest weapon of mass destruction, perhaps even, the world's most fearsome weapon of mass destruction." The solution, Kerry said, is a new global energy policy that shifts reliance from fossil fuels to cleaner technologies. He noted that US President Barack Obama is championing such a shift and encouraged others to appeal to their leaders to join. The US-China statement issued just after Kerry left Beijing on Saturday said the two countries agreed on steps to carry out commitments to curb greenhouse gases, including reducing vehicle emissions, improving energy efficiency of buildings and other measures. Beijing and Washington launched a climate change discussion last year, promising progress in five areas: reducing vehicle emissions; advanced electric power grids; capturing and storing carbon emissions; gathering greenhouse gas data; and building efficiency. Kerry was in Indonesia on the last leg of a three-nation tour of Asia that started in South Korea. After leaving Indonesia on Monday, he planned to visit Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates. Before the climate change speech, Kerry toured Jakarta's Istiqlal Mosque, one of the largest in the world, to pay his respects to Indonesia's Muslim majority population. The post John Kerry Mocks Those Who Deny Climate Change appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Migrants Say Firms Force Workers Out of Singapore Posted: 16 Feb 2014 10:06 PM PST  Migrant workers chat while taking a break on a grass field near a public housing construction site in Singapore Jan. 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — Bapari Jakir's employers wanted to see him off the job, but the welder was heavily in debt and didn't want to go back to Bangladesh. So, he says, they encouraged him to leave—by hiring a company whose thugs held him captive in a room, holding a knife to his throat. Singapore needs foreign workers, but it doesn't want them to overstay their welcome, and firms get fined when they do. That has created a market for "repatriation companies," which deny allegations from activists and the United States that they use illegal tactics to expel foreign workers. The country's wealth and continued growth rely in large part on foreign workers like Jakir, who build its skyline and maintain its top-notch infrastructure. Yet as the numbers of migrant workers soar, tales of abuse and exploitation are threatening to take some of the shine off the city-state's international reputation. In December, migrant workers from South Asia rioted in the country's first social unrest for more than 40 years. Some activists claim that anger over working conditions might have been a factor in the riots, which shocked a nation long seen as an island of stability in an unruly region. The activities of "repatriation companies" are a major source of concern for activists on the tightly controlled island. Firms hiring foreign labor must lodge 5,000 Singapore dollars (US$3,900) bond with the government for each worker that is returnable only when they leave. Some firms employ companies to hunt down fired or laid-off workers, or those whose contracts have expired, and put them on a plane. After more than year in the job, Jakir said he was taken to a repatriation company's office in August 2012 because his employer wanted him out of the country before his contract expired. He wasn't given a reason, but suspects it was because they thought he was disruptive on account of his assertiveness in pressing for more working hours. Once inside the office, he was asked to sign a document by three "big gangsters" stating that his employers didn't owe him any salary arrears. He refused because he figured doing so would make it easier for them to repatriate him. He then alleges he was punched and had "a knife put to his neck." Jakir was able to call a friend, who in turn contacted migrant rights activist Jolovan Wham. Jakir was allowed to leave the offices of the repatriation company after Wham signed a form stating that he would be responsible for paying the bond should he run away or disappear. Jakir is now living at a friend's house, while his case is appealed. He wants to keep on working in the country to pay back the S$9,000 ($7,100) debt he took out to pay agents who got him the job in Singapore. "My father is sick now and he can't work anymore. My two younger brothers have stopped school because I can't send money home anymore. I also cannot call them often so I worry how they are doing," he said. Jakir's case was handled by UTR Services, the largest repatriation company in Singapore. In an email, the head of the company denied the allegations, which he said were fabricated. "We build good relationships with workers we are sending back. In fact some workers visit us when they return back to Singapore," said J. Ravi. "If a worker refuses to go back, we will first find the reason for his refusal and if there is a valid reason, we may than refer him to the relevant authorities to legalize his stay pending outcome of his case." In its 2013 report on human trafficking, the United States said the some repatriation companies in Singapore had "seized and confined" workers and used "assaults, threats and coercion to get them to the airport." The report added that the high costs of coming to Singapore to work via agent fees "makes migrants very vulnerable to forced labor, including debt bondage." Singapore's manpower ministry said Jakir's case was "with the police." In a statement, it said companies were obliged to follow the law when sending migrant workers home, and were not allowed to confine them. It said last year the ministry investigated four allegations of abuse by repatriation companies, but they were found to be unsubstantiated. The manpower ministry said it was aware of cases where foreign workers paid high fees to employment agents in their home countries before coming to Singapore, but it said the Singapore government was unable to regulate this. One of the wealthiest countries in the world, Singapore has about 1.1 million foreign workers out of a population of 5.3 million. The vast majority of them are low wage workers from developing countries—mainly from India, China and Bangladesh. Complaints about overcrowding and the difficulties some Singaporeans face in finding well-paid work are leading to discontent and anti-foreigner sentiment, a worry for the government given the key role imported labor plays in the country's economic life. Compared to other places that rely on migrant workers like Dubai, conditions in Singapore are seen as relatively good. Most workers leave after a few years with the kind of savings they would have little chance of building if they had stayed at home. Yet, activists like Wham say many employers use repatriation companies to help them manage workers whom they perceive to be giving them problems or to get rid of those who are injured. Some say employers use the threat of repatriation to keep workers from arguing over pay disputes. Ravi from UTR Services said he repatriated around 1,200 workers last year. He said companies pay him S$250-S$350 ($199-$278) per worker, depending on the complexity of the job and time. On average, he said it takes his company between six and eight hours to get the job done. The post Migrants Say Firms Force Workers Out of Singapore appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
